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Iranian Missiles | News and Discussions

925boy said:
I am still yet to get a logically conclusive argument on PDF as to how NK can be ahead of Iran in hypersonics - China and Russia gave NK all the new tech they have, people are so naive!!

How can so many advanced countries NOT have HGVs but N. Korea does????? make it make sense! Russia or/and China gave it to N. Korea, simple!
Click to expand...
North Korea is quite advanced when it comes to missile tech. I would not be surprised if they delevoped ICBM/HGV without foreign help. North Korea has been producing ballistic missiles for 30+ years now.

Not related to the topic but the Pakistani nuclear scientists that visited NK in the early 2000s said that North Korean nuclear scientist were highly capable.
 
yugocrosrb95 said:
I am sketchy? You're one here claiming that China or Russia must have assisted North Korea without any evidence.
Click to expand...
the evidence that is that a country WITH NORTH KOREA"s stats and life, CANNOT MAKE HGV on their own! c'mon bro, common sense tells me this, but obv it goes over your head as fast as HGV, LETS GET INTO IT:

You say N Korea has 40 + years of experience? well there are many countries with 40+ years of military experience with missiles that dont have HGV, a few are Israel, UK, Germany, etc, and they have generally more advanced military science and industry than North Korea does domestically, so NOrth Korea ON ITS OWN, cannot make HGVs, or even S300s, i am sure of that, because domestically, tehy are hermit kingdom and they are middle income country at best, they are welfare state maintained by China and Russia, AS DETETRRENCE, against western capitalism, if North Korea gets too weak, US and SK forces might be tempted to invade...N Koea without Chinese help, would probably have been run over, how old are you? South Korea doesnt even have HGVs and its the SAME PEOPLE, SAME INTELLIGENCE, AND WEALTHIER, and has more western/US militarty tech access, so explain how N Korea that is worse off in most ways than S Korea GOT SUCH AN ADVANCED technology that ONLY Russia and China have???????? OMG, you came on this forum talking all smart and spicy but then you slipped and then got all hyper irritated, show some respect bro, where did u come from?? explain this shit to us, but actually, you'll explain it to youirself, because you dont want to see the real truth- North Korea's military is mostly surviving and living because of China, N Korea cant make S300, and China or Russia helped them make their nuclear ICBM that works...either chinese blueprints, or TOT or something...all the new N Korean military hardware we see, is mostly possible because of China and Russia, END OF STORY.
Abid123 said:
I would not be surprised if they delevoped ICBM/HGV without foreign help.
Click to expand...
You know, i'm beginning to strongly suspect that people on PDF who say this, are very likely to also say Hamas's rockets and weapons dont come mostly from Iran, especially the larger and more deadly ones. Just wondering...
 
925boy is in full meltdown mode...

North Korea can't do it because he says so, he asks about evidence while providing nothing for own assertion that China and or Russia helped North Korea.

925boy should not assume that HGV that North Korea has shown as being as advanced as Chinese or Russian also Iran basically has HGV with those finned warheads.

Iranians only need to program it to do a pull up maneuver to extend the range a bit or do change ballistic trajectory to be straight up top attack.

North Korea blasted their reentry vehicle heat shield with 40 ton force rocket engine and it survived, rocket engines have exhaust temperature of 3200 celsius.

That is twice the melting point of titanium or reentry speed of ICBM warhead and for that reason they have material to build airframe of their HGV.

France with population comparable to Iran is preparing to conduct first test of their HGV and they launched that program 3 years ago.

Russian Avangard is an ICBM HGV while China had their DF-17 MRMB/IRBM enter service, North Korea is just now doing first steps for MRBM/IRBM HGV.
 
Bot Russia and China have signed treaty with N.Korea in 1960...and the clause on automatic military assistance in case of attack was one of paragraphs in treaty with Russia..and I think also with China but I am nit sure...I know in treaty signed with China,there is clausule about military assistance..but not sure is it speified in case of war as with Russia. In 2000 Russia negotiated new treaty and signed..China still has this from 1960..there was lot of assistance from both countries,in missile tech,and many other fields...but thing is...it was all long time ago, North Korea along the way developed its own capacity and they are now,I belive as Iran,independent when it comes to missile tech,they dont need foreign assistance for quite some time. But even they are now advanced and independent in missile tech...you just need to take look engine design,nozzle tech...and even on their latest ICBMs you can see Russian traces....and those are not developed from Scuds...but Russian ICBM like engines....They have Russian built MIG-29 assembly factory in Pjong Yang ,not sure is it working anything now,but North Korean migs are not delivered assembled,they did assembly in country,they also built maintaice facilit...their submarines are Russian onverted subs(those with SLBM)...everywhere ou look you can see trace...their latest tactical BM is Iskander copy paste(even they could be just influenced with Iskander,for more close look is needed) but on ICBM engines it is clear design is from Russian ICBMs,they have even have same nozzle tech,chemical compounds with new upgrades but on Russian basis....There is plenty evidence,read UN reports...there are dates and places ,intercepted deliveries...But as I said all of this belongs to past,they are now capable of doing things on its own. On the question "How under developed country became more advanced in Hyper sonic glide vehicle than rich country....It became more advanced by pushing it in the corner..they dont have money or because of sanctions cant access market to buy bombers,fighters...etc and only thing that left is..build detterance on its own..
 
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skyshadow said:
I have counted up to 12 warheads hitting the site at 2 deferent launch angles.


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I thought about this for a bit, and wondered how a few of the warheads came in from strange angles. Based on the videos, they should all be coming in from the same direction, or vertically, so how some are coming from the left side is curious.

Is it possible that the glider RVs are able to actually fly past the proposed target, and use their high reserve energy to dive down and turn slightly back?
We know for a fact the Dezful missile strikes the target vertically, despite being launched horizontally.
Just some thoughts. Or maybe they just launched from a second location as well. I dunno.

Excuse the shitty crude drawing:
1640578096379.png


Also, the Dezful warhead is so much stronger than the Zolfiqar that struck the dome. Thermobaric warheads!

Also another thing, did you guys notice how despite the different type of missiles, both angle and vertical launched including different models (ranges/speeds/motors). The missiles arrived nearly simultaneously? A horizontal launched Dezful and vertical launched Emad reached within seconds of each other....very interesting. I wonder how they managed to do that. If the missiles trickled in slowly with minutes apart, it would make it easier to defend but they all arrived almost at the same time.

I could be mistaken, and the Emad Qiam vertical launched missiles were never fired to that target, and instead went somewhere else. @skyshadow counted 12 warheads, while only 8 of them were angle launched based on the IMA media video. Which means the other 4 warheads, must've come from the Emad/Qiam(?)

https://twitter.com/x/status/1474705865009680385
 
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Some interesting comments regarding Iran's missile program in this New Yorker magazine article of today.

The Looming Threat of a Nuclear Crisis with Iran

The first salvo struck around 1 a.m. Master Sergeant Janet Liliu recounted to investigators, “What happened in the bunkers, well, no words can describe the atmosphere. I wasn’t ready to die, but I tried to prepare myself with every announcement of an incoming missile.” The bombardment dragged on for hours; it was the largest ballistic-missile attack ever by any nation on American troops. No Americans died, but a hundred and ten suffered traumatic brain injuries. Trump dismissed the suffering at Al Asad. “I heard they had headaches,” he told reporters. Two years later, many of those at Al Asad are still experiencing profound memory, vision, and hearing losses. One died by suicide in October. Eighty have been awarded Purple Hearts.

The lesson of Al Asad, McKenzie told me, is that Iran’s missiles have become a more immediate threat than its nuclear program. For decades, Iran’s rockets and missiles were wildly inaccurate. At Al Asad, “they hit pretty much where they wanted to hit,” McKenzie said. Now they “can strike effectively across the breadth and depth of the Middle East. They could strike with accuracy, and they could strike with volume.”

Iran’s advances have impressed both allies and enemies. After the 1979 revolution, the young theocracy purged the Shah’s military and rebuilt it almost from scratch, despite waves of economic sanctions. Iran fought a ruinous eight-year war with Iraq in the nineteen-eighties that further depleted its armory. Its Air Force is still weak, its ships and tanks are mediocre, and its military is not capable of invading another country and holding territory.

Instead, the regime has concentrated on developing missiles with longer reach, precision accuracy, and greater destructive power. Iran is now one of the world’s top missile producers. Its arsenal is the largest and most diverse in the Middle East, the Defense Intelligence Agency reported. “Iran has proven that it is using its ballistic-missile program as a means to coerce or intimidate its neighbors,” Malley told me. Iran can fire more missiles than its adversaries—including the United States and Israel—can shoot down or destroy. Tehran has achieved what McKenzie calls “overmatch”—a level of capability in which a country has weaponry that makes it extremely difficult to check or defeat. “Iran’s strategic capacity is now enormous,” McKenzie said. “They’ve got overmatch in the theatre—the ability to overwhelm.”

Amir Ali Hajizadeh, a brigadier general and a former sniper who heads Iran’s Aerospace Force, is known for incendiary bravado. In 2019, he boasted, “Everybody should know that all American bases and their vessels in a distance of up to two thousand kilometres are within the range of our missiles. We have constantly prepared ourselves for a full-fledged war.” Hajizadeh succeeded General Hassan Moghaddam, who founded Iran’s missile and drone programs, and who died in 2011, with sixteen others, in a mysterious explosion. They had been working on a missile capable of hitting Israel.

Israelis call Hajizadeh the new Suleimani. McKenzie called him reckless. In 2019, Hajizadeh’s forces downed a U.S. reconnaissance drone over the Persian Gulf. He also orchestrated the missile strikes on Al Asad. Hours after that attack, his forces shot down a Ukrainian Boeing 737 passenger plane, with a hundred and seventy-six people on board, as it took off from Tehran’s international airport. Everyone perished. For three days, Iran refused to accept blame until, under pressure, Hajizadeh went on television to admit it.


Iran now has the largest known underground complexes in the Middle East housing nuclear and missile programs. Most of the tunnels are in the west, facing Israel, or on the southern coast, across from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf sheikhdoms. This fall, satellite imagery tracked new underground construction near Bakhtaran, the most extensive complex. The tunnels, carved out of rock, descend more than sixteen hundred feet underground. Some complexes reportedly stretch for miles. Iran calls them “missile cities.”

In 2020, the Revolutionary Guard marked the anniversary of the U.S. Embassy takeover by releasing a video of Hajizadeh inspecting a subterranean missile arsenal. As suspenseful music plays in the background, he and two other Revolutionary Guard commanders march through a tunnel lined with rows of missiles stacked on top of one another. A recording of General Suleimani echoes in the background: “You start this war, but we create the end of it.” An underground railroad ferries Emad missiles for rapid successive launches. Emads have a range of a thousand miles and can carry a conventional or a nuclear warhead.

Iran’s missile program “is much more advanced than Pakistan’s,” Uzi Rubin, the first head of Israel’s Missile Defense Organization, told me. Experts compare Iran with North Korea, which helped seed Tehran’s program in the nineteen-eighties. Some of Iran’s missiles are superior to Pyongyang’s, Jeffrey Lewis, of the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, told me. Experts believe that North Korea may now be importing Iranian missile technology.

The Islamic Republic has thousands of ballistic missiles, according to U.S. intelligence assessments. They can reach as far as thirteen hundred miles in any direction—deep into India and China to the east; high into Russia to the north; to Greece and other parts of Europe to the west; and as far south as Ethiopia, in the Horn of Africa. About a hundred missiles could reach Israel.

Iran also has hundreds of cruise missiles that can be fired from land or ships, fly at low altitude, and attack from multiple directions. They are harder for radar or satellites to detect, because, unlike ballistic missiles, their motors do not burn brightly on ignition. Cruise missiles have altered the balance of power across the Persian Gulf. In 2019, Iran unleashed cruise missiles and drones on two oil installations in Saudi Arabia, temporarily cutting off half of the oil production in the world’s largest supplier.

The Biden Administration has hoped to use progress on the nuclear deal to eventually broaden diplomacy and include Iran’s neighbors in talks on reducing regional tensions. “Even if we can revive the J.C.P.O.A., those problems are going to continue to poison the region and risk destabilizing it,” Malley told me. “If they continue, the response will be robust.”

It may be too late. Tehran has shown no willingness to barter over its missiles as it has with its nuclear program. “Once you have spent the money to build the facilities and train people and deliver missiles to the military units that were built around these missiles, you have an enormous constituency that wants to keep them,” Jeffrey Lewis said. “I don’t think there’s any hope of limiting Iran’s missile program.” President Raisi told reporters after his election, “Regional issues or the missile issue are non-negotiable.”

www.newyorker.com

The Looming Threat of a Nuclear Crisis with Iran

The Biden Administration faces a potential confrontation with a longtime rival that is better armed and more hard-line than at any time in its modern history.
www.newyorker.com www.newyorker.com
 
Surenas said:
Some interesting comments regarding Iran's missile program in this New Yorker magazine article of today.

The Looming Threat of a Nuclear Crisis with Iran

The first salvo struck around 1 a.m. Master Sergeant Janet Liliu recounted to investigators, “What happened in the bunkers, well, no words can describe the atmosphere. I wasn’t ready to die, but I tried to prepare myself with every announcement of an incoming missile.” The bombardment dragged on for hours; it was the largest ballistic-missile attack ever by any nation on American troops. No Americans died, but a hundred and ten suffered traumatic brain injuries. Trump dismissed the suffering at Al Asad. “I heard they had headaches,” he told reporters. Two years later, many of those at Al Asad are still experiencing profound memory, vision, and hearing losses. One died by suicide in October. Eighty have been awarded Purple Hearts.

The lesson of Al Asad, McKenzie told me, is that Iran’s missiles have become a more immediate threat than its nuclear program. For decades, Iran’s rockets and missiles were wildly inaccurate. At Al Asad, “they hit pretty much where they wanted to hit,” McKenzie said. Now they “can strike effectively across the breadth and depth of the Middle East. They could strike with accuracy, and they could strike with volume.”

Iran’s advances have impressed both allies and enemies. After the 1979 revolution, the young theocracy purged the Shah’s military and rebuilt it almost from scratch, despite waves of economic sanctions. Iran fought a ruinous eight-year war with Iraq in the nineteen-eighties that further depleted its armory. Its Air Force is still weak, its ships and tanks are mediocre, and its military is not capable of invading another country and holding territory.

Instead, the regime has concentrated on developing missiles with longer reach, precision accuracy, and greater destructive power. Iran is now one of the world’s top missile producers. Its arsenal is the largest and most diverse in the Middle East, the Defense Intelligence Agency reported. “Iran has proven that it is using its ballistic-missile program as a means to coerce or intimidate its neighbors,” Malley told me. Iran can fire more missiles than its adversaries—including the United States and Israel—can shoot down or destroy. Tehran has achieved what McKenzie calls “overmatch”—a level of capability in which a country has weaponry that makes it extremely difficult to check or defeat. “Iran’s strategic capacity is now enormous,” McKenzie said. “They’ve got overmatch in the theatre—the ability to overwhelm.”

Amir Ali Hajizadeh, a brigadier general and a former sniper who heads Iran’s Aerospace Force, is known for incendiary bravado. In 2019, he boasted, “Everybody should know that all American bases and their vessels in a distance of up to two thousand kilometres are within the range of our missiles. We have constantly prepared ourselves for a full-fledged war.” Hajizadeh succeeded General Hassan Moghaddam, who founded Iran’s missile and drone programs, and who died in 2011, with sixteen others, in a mysterious explosion. They had been working on a missile capable of hitting Israel.

Israelis call Hajizadeh the new Suleimani. McKenzie called him reckless. In 2019, Hajizadeh’s forces downed a U.S. reconnaissance drone over the Persian Gulf. He also orchestrated the missile strikes on Al Asad. Hours after that attack, his forces shot down a Ukrainian Boeing 737 passenger plane, with a hundred and seventy-six people on board, as it took off from Tehran’s international airport. Everyone perished. For three days, Iran refused to accept blame until, under pressure, Hajizadeh went on television to admit it.


Iran now has the largest known underground complexes in the Middle East housing nuclear and missile programs. Most of the tunnels are in the west, facing Israel, or on the southern coast, across from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf sheikhdoms. This fall, satellite imagery tracked new underground construction near Bakhtaran, the most extensive complex. The tunnels, carved out of rock, descend more than sixteen hundred feet underground. Some complexes reportedly stretch for miles. Iran calls them “missile cities.”

In 2020, the Revolutionary Guard marked the anniversary of the U.S. Embassy takeover by releasing a video of Hajizadeh inspecting a subterranean missile arsenal. As suspenseful music plays in the background, he and two other Revolutionary Guard commanders march through a tunnel lined with rows of missiles stacked on top of one another. A recording of General Suleimani echoes in the background: “You start this war, but we create the end of it.” An underground railroad ferries Emad missiles for rapid successive launches. Emads have a range of a thousand miles and can carry a conventional or a nuclear warhead.

Iran’s missile program “is much more advanced than Pakistan’s,” Uzi Rubin, the first head of Israel’s Missile Defense Organization, told me. Experts compare Iran with North Korea, which helped seed Tehran’s program in the nineteen-eighties. Some of Iran’s missiles are superior to Pyongyang’s, Jeffrey Lewis, of the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, told me. Experts believe that North Korea may now be importing Iranian missile technology.

The Islamic Republic has thousands of ballistic missiles, according to U.S. intelligence assessments. They can reach as far as thirteen hundred miles in any direction—deep into India and China to the east; high into Russia to the north; to Greece and other parts of Europe to the west; and as far south as Ethiopia, in the Horn of Africa. About a hundred missiles could reach Israel.

Iran also has hundreds of cruise missiles that can be fired from land or ships, fly at low altitude, and attack from multiple directions. They are harder for radar or satellites to detect, because, unlike ballistic missiles, their motors do not burn brightly on ignition. Cruise missiles have altered the balance of power across the Persian Gulf. In 2019, Iran unleashed cruise missiles and drones on two oil installations in Saudi Arabia, temporarily cutting off half of the oil production in the world’s largest supplier.

The Biden Administration has hoped to use progress on the nuclear deal to eventually broaden diplomacy and include Iran’s neighbors in talks on reducing regional tensions. “Even if we can revive the J.C.P.O.A., those problems are going to continue to poison the region and risk destabilizing it,” Malley told me. “If they continue, the response will be robust.”

It may be too late. Tehran has shown no willingness to barter over its missiles as it has with its nuclear program. “Once you have spent the money to build the facilities and train people and deliver missiles to the military units that were built around these missiles, you have an enormous constituency that wants to keep them,” Jeffrey Lewis said. “I don’t think there’s any hope of limiting Iran’s missile program.” President Raisi told reporters after his election, “Regional issues or the missile issue are non-negotiable.”

www.newyorker.com

The Looming Threat of a Nuclear Crisis with Iran

The Biden Administration faces a potential confrontation with a longtime rival that is better armed and more hard-line than at any time in its modern history.
www.newyorker.com www.newyorker.com
Click to expand...

It's really nice to see Western analysts and figure heads (especially pompous American ones) finally preach the honest reality of Iran's domestic missile program to their respective audiences. This is a total far-cry from Brian Hook's "it's a CGI missile" comments that only made America look stupid, especially after Ayn-al Assad.

We've known for quite some time now that Iran's yearly missile production capacity and overall through-put is astronomical compared to its regional contemporaries and possibly even globally (I'd honestly bet money that Iran has to have one of the largest conventional missile stockpiles in the world, not just regionally). Along with that massive fabrication is also a very advanced and healthy R&D component that further adds to the overall lethality/capability of the missiles in question. And this goes for all of Iran's offensive weapons.

Hajizadeh confirmed that Iran's missiles use both endoatmospheric (control surfaces) and exoatmospheric (gas thrusters) anti-ABM maneuvering capabilities on its most advanced warheads. Along side decoys, large volume of fire and dummy missiles (fired to waste enemy ABM stocks). Iran's missile strikes can severely degrade any enemy combatants conventional military within a week or so and wreak absolute havoc to critical national infrastructure.

At one-point Iran produced so many missiles that the issue shifted from "we don't have enough missiles" to " we don't have optimal firing methods due to our immense stockpiles and we need to make more space underground". It's probably the best 'problem' to have lmao.

Regardless, the future of Iran's IRGC-AEROSPACE missile force is unbelievably bright.
 

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