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Separatist Insurgencies in India - News and Discussions.

Rise of armed insurgencies in India

INSURGENCIES do not emerge in a vacuum. Their underlying causes are invariably found in frustrations of the populace, mainly in political, socio-economic or religious domains, their nature and scope depending upon the grievances, motivations and demands of the people.

India has had its share of insurgencies. An estimated 30 armed insurgencies sweep across the country, reflecting an acute sense of alienation of the people involved and sustained mainly by failure to attend to their grievances and human rights violations by the government. Broadly, these can be divided into movements for political rights (Kashmir, Khalistan, Assam), social and economic justice (Maoist/Naxalites, north-eastern states) and religious
autonomy (Laddakh).


Wikipedia lists 68 major organisations as terrorist groups. Of them, nine are in the northeast (Seven Sisters states), four in centre and the east (Maoist/Naxalites),seventeen in the west (Sikh separatist groups), and thirty eight in the northwest (Kashmir).

Historical Perspective: By the very nature of its population mix, one that began evolving thousands of years ago with waves of migrants pouring in from adjoining lands at different periods in history, South Asia has never been a homogenous society. The multiplicity of races, ethnicities, tribes, religions, and languages led to the creation of hundreds of sovereign entities all over the subcontinent ranging from small fiefdoms to large princely states ruled by tribal and religious leaders and conquerors of all sorts. Most of these were large, populous and well defined to qualify for nationhood by modern standards.

In its entire history India was never a single nation, nor one country, until united at gun point by the British. During and after colonial rule, such territorial entities were lumped together to form new administrative and political units or states, without, in many cases, taking into account the preferences and aspirations of the people. For them this administrative and political amalgam amounted to loss of identity and freedom. Post-colonial democracy in several instances brought no political or economic advantage either. Thus the artificial nature of the modern state created by the British colonialists and adopted by post-colonial India also triggered violent reactions in different hotspots.

To complicate matters, hundreds of religious and ethnic groups, fiercely sectarian and independent but disadvantaged, found themselves passionately defending their religions, ethnicities, languages and cultures, clashing with stronger rival groups.

This makes it increasingly clear that, unless handled deftly, keeping a conglomerate of nationalities and sub-nationalities together as one nation would be impossible in the absence of a common thread that weaves them together. Besides, some social distortions have also threatened to undermine Indian unity and its democracy.

Caste System: As the concepts of socialism, human rights, equality and dignity of man gain universal appeal, the culture of hate that India’s diabolical caste system creates has divided people into potential warring groups and pushes the lower caste Hindus towards violence. This system assumes more horrific dimensions when higher caste Hindus call it a divinely sanctioned concept that cannot be abrogated by humans. Even the anti-caste activist, Dr Ambedkar, acknowledges that ‘to destroy caste, all the Hindu shastras would have to be done away with’.

For several thousand years the system has treated the lower castes or dalits (or untouchables) as social outcasts and has demanded their abject subservience to the higher castes. Although dalits form a major chunk of Indian population, they mostly remain deprived of the benefits of India’s current economic boom. Even M.K. Gandhi glorified it by saying that ‘caste is an integral part of Hinduism and cannot be eradicated if Hinduism is to be preserved’.

Hindutva: The so-called nationalist philosophy of Hindutva is yet another social distortion that threatens India’s stability. It is actually a euphemistic effort to conceal communal beliefs and practices. Marxist ideologues describe Hindutva as fascism in classical sense. An article in World Policy Journal, fall 2002, states that India is “not only the [Hindu] fatherland but also …. their punyabhumi, their holy land”. To Hindu extremists all others on this land are “aliens”, who do not belong there.

Hindutva is identified as the guiding ideology of the Sangh Parivar, with which right-wing radical parties like Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bharatiya Janata Party, Bajrang Dal, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Shiv-Sena are closely associated.

The adherents of Hindutva demonise those who do not subscribe to their philosophy, or oppose it, as anti-state elements or terrorists just as Hindu scriptures in earlier times branded such people as rakshasas. These groups have been ‘red in tooth and claw’ in violently resolving all social, religious and political differences and killing,
raping, burning and lynching those who they consider as ‘aliens’. That they engineered frequent massacres of
minorities, particularly Muslims, is no secret.

Citing ‘ekta and akhandata’ (unity and integrity) of India, they refuse to allow self-rule to 86 per cent Sikhs in Punjab, 80 per cent Muslims in Kashmir, 90 per cent Buddhists in Laddakh, Christians in the north-east of India and to the tribal population of central India
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Major Insurgencies: Naxalite/Maoist is India’s most violent insurgency movement after Kashmir. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh acknowledged it as “the most serious internal threat to India’s national security.”

The Naxalbaris in West Bengal have historically been forest dwellers, called ‘adivasis’, who have fiercely protected their forests as their home. According to one legend, the gods had punished ‘adivasis’ for killing a Brahman by expelling them to these forests to live like animals, owning nothing. But when mineral deposits worth billions of dollars were discovered in those forested areas in 1967 and the authorities attempted to relocate them, the adivasis refused. The cycle of resistance and reprisals between them and powerful vested interests led Adivasis to launch their Maoist insurgency.

These Maoists have grown into a very large, violent and dangerous group that control an area known as the ‘Red Corridor’ stretching from West Bengal to Karnataka state (southwest). Active across 220 districts in 20 states (about 40 per cent of India’s geographical area) they also threaten urban centres like New Delhi. They reportedly have 20,000 strong standing force and 50,000 regular reserves, and the numbers keep growing.

The seven states of northeastern India also called the Seven Sisters are significantly different, ethnically and linguistically from the rest of India. These states are rocked by numerous armed and violent insurgencies, seeking separate statehood, autonomy or outright independence, mostly for government neglect. These include Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. The Tamil struggle continues till date and is gaining momentum each passing day.

The Sikhs have been at war with New Delhi for betrayal on the issue of autonomy for Punjab. Their alienation grew significantly after Indira Gandhi’s military crackdown on their holiest shrine in 1981 that killed 3,000 Sikhs and another wave of killings in the wake of her assassination by her Sikh bodyguards three years later. Although somewhat dormant, Sikh demand for Khalistan continues to simmer.

The Kashmir freedom movement has been hanging fire between India and Pakistan for 63 years. Initially a peaceful demand for the right of self-determination, Indian obduracy in denying it has caused it to grow into a full grown struggle for independence.

Rise of insurgencies in India presents a very disturbing scenario, one that prompted Suhas Chakma, Director of Asian Centre for Human Rights, New Delhi, to say that ‘India is at war with itself’. There is a consensus among analysts that this situation seriously threatens India’s stability, and consequently its democracy.

In this backdrop the first secession in South Asia, that of Bangladesh, ironically sponsored by India itself, sends a message to Indian secessionists — with India’s preoccupation with insurgencies, big and small, and with the Kashmir insurgency gaining momentum — that they too stand a chance.

Should then this not be a moment of reflection for the Indian policy makers? With its unification yet to take firm roots and diverse character of its population still not reconciled with its forcible amalgamation, would it not be poor judgment on India’s part to try and trigger fragmentation of its
neighbours? In this lies an imminent danger of the Domino effect taking the whole of South Asia down.

Rise of armed insurgencies in India | Magazines | DAWN.COM
 
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Maoist carrying Rs 10 lakh reward arrested
Bhubaneswar: In a major breakthrough, police on Monday arrested a most wanted Maoist leader along with four other Maoist sympathizers from Semiliguda during a joint operation conducted by greyhound, special intelligence and Orissa police.

The 40-year-old ultra identified as Katru alias Ghasi alias Sanu is a key member of CPI (Maoists) Andhra-Orissa Zonal Committee.

During arrest, a 9mm pistol was recovered from his possession.

Katru, a resident of Meliaput in Visakhapatnam district, carries a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh on his head in Andhra Pradesh. Notably, he is wanted in more than 30 cases in Orissa.
 
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As India rises, northeast state wracked by chaos
By RAVI NESSMAN Associated Press
Posted: 04/02/2011 08:50:00 AM PDT

IMPHAL, India—In his years as a police officer in the badlands of Manipur, Khaidem Muhi had his weapon seized by insurgents so many times that he was banned from the force for 12 years.

Back on the job last month, the 50-year-old was guarding the home of a government official when a homemade grenade, tossed from a speeding motorcycle, killed him.

Muhi's family was devastated. Most others dismissed the attack—in daylight, on a heavily guarded house, just meters (yards) from a major security base—as typical in the toxic web of violence, extortion, government corruption and general lawlessness that plagues this state in India's rebellious northeast.

"In Manipur, being a police officer is too dangerous.
Anything can happen at any time," Muhi's wife, Bimola Khaidem, said as she wiped away tears with her white woolen shawl.

While India tries to assume its place as a rising world power, it is vexed by the conflict in Manipur and the other seemingly endless chain of hidden wars that challenge its ability to fully govern itself.

From Kashmir in the north, where hundreds of thousands of troops face off against Muslim separatists, to the "red belt" sweeping through the east, where Maoist guerrillas are fighting to overthrow the state, wide swaths of India are under only the barest government control.

The South Asia Terrorism Portal, a private intelligence website which tracks insurgencies, lists more than 150 militant groups
in the country, some little more than a few guys with guns, others running their own remote rump states.


Few places are more remote than the seven states of India's northeast, a region that often feels like an afterthought to the great idea of India that seeks to bring 1.2 billion people of different religions, cultures and languages into a cohesive, secular democracy.

The famed Indian railroad, the 108,000 kilometer (67,500 mile) skeleton that binds the nation together, does not reach Manipur. The state is geographically closer to Hong Kong than to Mumbai, and residents fear that their features—more Chinese than north Indian—make their loyalties suspect.


People here have resentments of their own against Indian authority, dating back six decades, to when Manipur was one of hundreds of princely states pressured—Manipuris say forced—to join newly independent India.


Even as Manipuris stewed over the quashing of their aspirations, internal tensions boiled.

Naga tribes in the hills began agitating for their own nation, to be merged with the neighboring state of Nagaland. Another group, the Meitei, launched their own insurgency. Other tribes joined in, and the government gave security forces sweeping freedom to crack down.

After decades of warfare and thuggishness by all sides, conflict has become routine for the state's 2.2 million people.

"People don't know who to be afraid of," said Pradip Phanjoubam, editor of the Imphal Free Press. "The only difference is that the police are visible and the militants are invisible."

The state is regularly paralyzed by bandhs, or protest strikes. Shops in Imphal close at 6 p.m., and streets empty soon after nightfall.

"Because of the fear, we have developed a culture of going to bed early," said doctoral student Mrinalini Nameirakpam, 27.

Manipur University has become a battleground too. The previous head of the school was kidnapped, held for five days and shot in the leg. Two years ago a professor overseeing student elections seen as a competition between militant groups was shot and killed in daylight on campus. The dean of students came under threat for pushing ahead with a youth festival despite student calls for a strike.

The school's top officials now travel in armed convoys and their offices lay behind five layers of security guards. None answers cellphone calls from unfamiliar numbers, lest they be from militants making threats or ransom demands. More than one-third of the school's positions for professors are vacant.

The current head of the school, Nandakumar Sarma, insists that despite it all, his campus is peaceful and his students focused.

"If you go to the library you will see students studying," he said, before stopping himself with a chuckle. "But today is a bandh."

The insurgents, known collectively as the "underground" or "UG," used to be focused on their battles with India, demanding "taxes" from Manipuris to fund the fight. Now, the fundraising has become an end in itself, with militant threats, extortion rackets and kidnappings for ransom routine, according to residents.

In one region under de facto militant control, a construction worker said he tried to cash his paycheck and was turned away by a bank because he didn't have the required letter from the UG confirming he had paid the militants their share.

Another man said he was perplexed by a grenade attack on his house, only to find out later insurgents had been sending extortion demands by text message—a technology he had no clue how to use.

As the kleptocracy grew, so did the array of groups. Phanjoubam estimates there are more than 40, with new ones springing up every few weeks. One, the Kangleipak Communist Party, is estimated to have more than a dozen offshoots, each demanding a cut of government contracts.

It is these contracts where the real money is made, with so many fingers in the government till that the demands often exceed the entire value of the deal.

A construction contractor explained a recent shakedown on condition of anonymity for fear of militants, government officials and security forces.

When he was awarded a 320 million rupee ($7 million) contract, 12 percent was instantly deducted by government officials—7 percent for themselves and 5 percent for the Meitei underground in Imphal.

A powerful Naga militant group sent a delegation to demand its 5 percent cut. Then smaller groups, with names like the Manipur National Revolutionary Front, the Volunteers of Innocent People and the Naga Liberation Army, picked at the remaining scraps, he said.

One demanded 3 million rupees ($67,000); he refused. A grenade was tossed at his house but failed to explode, he said. They called back, claimed the attack and eventually negotiated their cut down to 1 million rupees ($22,000). Another group got 1.5 million rupees ($33,000). Two others got 500,000 ($11,000) each.

"We have no choice. We have to fulfill their demands," the contractor said.

With only a fraction of the money to complete the project, he insists he doesn't cut corners, but pays his workers poor wages and buys the cheapest building materials he can find.

Security forces, in turn, are accused of carrying out their own terror with mass arrests, disappearances and staged killings, including the shooting of a pregnant woman and an unarmed ex-militant in Imphal's busy market in 2009.

They are even implicated in the insurgency itself, with rights activists and police officers accusing paramilitary troops of ferrying militants through checkpoints to carry out attacks.

One government engineer with oversight of contracts, who spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of all sides, said he once paid ransom for a kidnapped worker to a state Cabinet minister's brother in front of police headquarters. Another drop-off was made at the home of a state legislator, he said.

"Government employees and police are also part of the same milieu ... either collaborating or participating (in the insurgency)," acknowledged Manipur's top bureaucrat, Chief Secretary D.S. Poonia.

While there have been few extortion prosecutions because no one will testify, Poonia said the government had been working to weaken the militants.

The National Investigation Agency, formed to fight terror in the wake of the 2008 Mumbai attacks, has threatened charges against anyone aiding the militants. And government paychecks, which had been issued only after militant "taxes" were deducted, are now direct-deposited in full into workers' accounts, Poonia said.

In response, the militants have stepped up kidnappings for ransom to keep the cash flowing, Poonia said, while the government engineer said his employees can't inspect contractors' work sites for fear of being abducted.

In recent months the Indian government has tried pacification. It captured, released and began peace talks with rebel leaders from the state of Assam. It appealed for Indians abroad to fund private investments in the region, and it lifted a requirement that all foreign visitors to the area apply for hard-to-get permits.

Addressing Parliament in January, Home Affairs Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram said security in the northeast showed "remarkable improvement."

Manipur, he said, was an exception.

Nevertheless, President Pratibha Patil traveled to Imphal recently to inaugurate an information technology park the state government heralded as the flowering of a new era. The barricades along her route, erected to hold back welcoming crowds, were empty; the militants had called a protest strike.

At the same moment, a crowd gathered outside a nearby hospital awaiting the release of Irom Sharmila, a 39-year-old woman on a decade-long hunger strike to protest the government's tough counterinsurgency laws.

Sharmila lives in police custody so she can be force fed through a nose tube, but by law must be released every year.

The frail woman, accompanied by dozens of supporters, walked slowly to a shrine in her honor and denounced all sides for Manipur's anarchy, calling politicians "cowards" and the militants "insincere."

Yet, she said, her protest will serve as "the foundation stone for peace and justice," and she insisted Manipur will get better.

"Hope is alive. I can't give up hope," she said.

The next day Sharmila was taken back into custody. Her fast continues.

As India rises, northeast state wracked by chaos - San Jose Mercury News
 
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Suspected rebels kill 3 Indian soldiers

Published April 02, 2011


GAUHATI, India – Indian police say separatist rebels have ambushed paramilitary soldiers on a patrol in the insurgency-wracked northeast and fatally shot three of them.

Superintendent Anurag Agarwal says another two soldiers were wounded in Saturday's attack that came despite tightened security ahead of next week's legislature elections in Assam state.

The attack occurred hours before Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's arrival there to canvass support for his Congress party.

No one claimed responsibility for the attack in Rangsali area, nearly 200 miles (300 kilometers) southeast from the state capital, Gauhati.

It's a stronghold of the Karbi People's Liberation Tigers, one of more than 30 rebel groups in the northeast fighting for independence or wide autonomy.

Suspected rebels kill 3 Indian soldiers - FoxNews.com
 
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Manipuri man held with 200kg of drugs

A 32-year-old man alleged to have links with insurgent groups in northeast India was arrested with 200kg of ephedrine - a banned narcotic substance - from southwest Delhi's Samalakha village, police said on Monday. "The accused has been identified as Napoleon Thockchom, hailing from Manipur. He was apprehended from Samalakha village on April 1," said Arun Kampani, DCP (Special Cell).

"Thockchom's cousin Robindro, is suspected to be a front man of banned terrorist organisation KCP (MC) Lalihba. We received information that the duo had come to Delhi in order to collect a consignment of ephedrine," he added.

"Thockchom was apprehended while he was going to Delhi Airport to book the consignment for Manipur."

According to intelligence inputs, large quantities of ephedrine were being illegally supplied from Delhi to Myanmar and China via Manipur.

Ephedrine is a key precursor to amphetamine-based stimulants such as ecstasy. Police said the contraband - estimated to be worth more than R200 crore in the international market - was to be smuggled to China and Myanmar.

Manipuri man held with 200kg of drugs - Hindustan Times
 
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This article is so pathetically out of date and so full of factual inaccuracies that I cannot help but wonder whatever happened to DAWN , a good newspaper ?? Or this is a rare off-day that everyone of us face ?

Every newspaper is prone to "errors". Kindly point them put.
 
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As India rises, northeast state wracked by chaos
By RAVI NESSMAN Associated Press
Posted: 04/02/2011 08:50:00 AM PDT

Non sense, y'day Assam did 68% polling in state elections.. what Chaos??
 
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Every newspaper is prone to "errors". Kindly point them put.

These are not errors, these are BLUNDERS (in capitals) or gross attempt at brainwashing the common Pakistani who believes in DAWN's credibility. Any editor worth his salt would have known this.

From the start (classifying Ladakh as a insurgency hit region whereas in reality Ladakhis have always urged the Indian parliament to abolish article 370 so that they could integrate better with India) to bringning in Hindutva inside this to the already de-bunked 40% out of control to Tamil Nadu struggling for independence to Sikhs fighting a war with India over Khalistan , everything is this article is pure BS.

There are so many other fictions in this, but these were the ones I could readily see on the first glance.

This article is fit to be published in Rupee news . Not in DAWN !
 
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Non sense, y'day Assam did 68% polling in state elections.. what Chaos??

I guess you are talking about this one

Quiet poll in Assam’s Ulfa zone
OUR BUREAU

April 4: The first phase of polling in Assam went off peacefully today, though some seats are located in areas where the anti-talks faction of Ulfa still has a presence.

Fears of violence had hung over the elections following a threat by loyalists of Ulfa leader Paresh Barua to target Congress leaders. The Congress government, which has initiated talks with a section of Ulfa, has made the peace process one of the key planks of its re-election bid.

An extremist did lob a grenade at the house of a Congress worker in Upper Assam’s Dibrugarh district but it bounced off a tree and fell into a ditch where it exploded.

The 62 of the 126 seats in which elections were held today fall in Upper Assam and south Assam. Dibrugarh and Tinsukia in Upper Assam were the main districts of concern for the security forces because of Ulfa activities there.

On Sunday, the security forces had claimed to have arrested a bomb expert in Tinsukia, who was apparently on a mission to carry out explosions. The government was also fearing attacks by 13 small groups of Ulfa cadres who had reportedly reached Upper Assam from Myanmar.

The huge presence of security personnel and ongoing counter-insurgency operations are being seen as the reasons that deterred the anti-talks faction from launching big strikes today. The India-Bangladesh border was recently sealed to ensure extremists did not cross over.

Security was equally tight in Barak Valley, another region where voting was held today, although the militant threat perception there was not as high as in the other areas. The threat in Barak is mainly of political clashes.

The first day of the two-phase elections did not go off without a display of disenchantment. Voters boycotted polling in 40 centres to protest against the administration’s failure to redress grievances such as bad roads. Some booths did not draw any voters as they protested the rechristening of NC (North Cachar) Hills to Dima Hasao.

In some of the boycotted booths, workers and families of a tea estate have been facing severe crisis for the last few years after the Dibrugarh-based owner abandoned the garden because of financial problems.

Among those who voted today were chief minister Tarun Gogoi and Union minister for Northeast development Bijoy Krishna Handique.

Gogoi sought divine intervention before casting his vote but took care to visit a gurdwara, a church, a mosque and a naamghar (Hindu prayer room).

Gogoi was accompanied by wife Dolly and son Gaurav, who voted for the first time, to the polling booth in Jorhat constituency. The second and final phase of polling is next Monday.

The weather was pleasant in most of 13 voting districts, covering Upper Assam, north bank and the Barak Valley, which have been receiving rain for the past couple of days. As the sun came out, so did the people, leading to a healthy turnout of 66.5 per cent. Officials said final figure would be higher.

At some centres, the EVMs were found to be faulty with low battery power and needed to be replaced.

The first phase covered areas where the Congress holds the most seats but Opposition parties such as the Asom Gana Parishad and the BJP now pose a challenge in many of them.

The Telegraph - Calcutta (Kolkata) | Nation | Quiet poll in Assam’s Ulfa zone
 
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These are not errors, these are BLUNDERS (in capitals) or gross attempt at brainwashing the common Pakistani who believes in DAWN's credibility. Any editor worth his salt would have known this.

From the start (classifying Ladakh as a insurgency hit region whereas in reality Ladakhis have always urged the Indian parliament to abolish article 370 so that they could integrate better with India) to bringning in Hindutva inside this to the already de-bunked 40% out of control to Tamil Nadu struggling for independence to Sikhs fighting a war with India over Khalistan , everything is this article is pure BS.

There are so many other fictions in this, but these were the ones I could readily see on the first glance.

This article is fit to be published in Rupee news . Not in DAWN !

If Ladakhis are demanding integration then why it is done yet?
 
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I guess you are talking about this one

Quiet poll in Assam’s Ulfa zone
OUR BUREAU

April 4: The first phase of polling in Assam went off peacefully today, though some seats are located in areas where the anti-talks faction of Ulfa still has a presence.

Fears of violence had hung over the elections following a threat by loyalists of Ulfa leader Paresh Barua to target Congress leaders. The Congress government, which has initiated talks with a section of Ulfa, has made the peace process one of the key planks of its re-election bid.

An extremist did lob a grenade at the house of a Congress worker in Upper Assam’s Dibrugarh district but it bounced off a tree and fell into a ditch where it exploded.

The 62 of the 126 seats in which elections were held today fall in Upper Assam and south Assam. Dibrugarh and Tinsukia in Upper Assam were the main districts of concern for the security forces because of Ulfa activities there.

On Sunday, the security forces had claimed to have arrested a bomb expert in Tinsukia, who was apparently on a mission to carry out explosions. The government was also fearing attacks by 13 small groups of Ulfa cadres who had reportedly reached Upper Assam from Myanmar.

The huge presence of security personnel and ongoing counter-insurgency operations are being seen as the reasons that deterred the anti-talks faction from launching big strikes today. The India-Bangladesh border was recently sealed to ensure extremists did not cross over.

Security was equally tight in Barak Valley, another region where voting was held today, although the militant threat perception there was not as high as in the other areas. The threat in Barak is mainly of political clashes.

The first day of the two-phase elections did not go off without a display of disenchantment. Voters boycotted polling in 40 centres to protest against the administration’s failure to redress grievances such as bad roads. Some booths did not draw any voters as they protested the rechristening of NC (North Cachar) Hills to Dima Hasao.

In some of the boycotted booths, workers and families of a tea estate have been facing severe crisis for the last few years after the Dibrugarh-based owner abandoned the garden because of financial problems.

Among those who voted today were chief minister Tarun Gogoi and Union minister for Northeast development Bijoy Krishna Handique.

Gogoi sought divine intervention before casting his vote but took care to visit a gurdwara, a church, a mosque and a naamghar (Hindu prayer room).

Gogoi was accompanied by wife Dolly and son Gaurav, who voted for the first time, to the polling booth in Jorhat constituency. The second and final phase of polling is next Monday.

The weather was pleasant in most of 13 voting districts, covering Upper Assam, north bank and the Barak Valley, which have been receiving rain for the past couple of days. As the sun came out, so did the people, leading to a healthy turnout of 66.5 per cent. Officials said final figure would be higher.

At some centres, the EVMs were found to be faulty with low battery power and needed to be replaced.

The first phase covered areas where the Congress holds the most seats but Opposition parties such as the Asom Gana Parishad and the BJP now pose a challenge in many of them.

The Telegraph - Calcutta (Kolkata) | Nation | Quiet poll in Assam’s Ulfa zone

Oh Come on dude! ULFA is now disintegrated. They enjoyed public support long time back. Not anymore. They are now coming forward for negotiations without including sovereignty as the core issue.
You might have heard about Bodos. They are now a part of mainstream India and have their own territorial council called BTC (Bodoland) under the Assam government.
To further clarify your doubts regarding Nagaland, NSCN doesn't want a separated nation, they want a greater Nagaland state called Nagalim, comprising of Nagaland and some parts of Manipur and Assam that they claim.

Tripura, AP and Mizoram are totally peaceful now.

Yeah organizations are still there and major ones include NDFB and the Black Widows of Assam. Manipur still remains the most volatile state!
 
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Oh Come on dude! ULFA is now disintegrated. They enjoyed public support long time back. Not anymore. They are now coming forward for negotiations without including sovereignty as the core issue.
You might have heard about Bodos. They are now a part of mainstream India and have their own territorial council called BTC (Bodoland) under the Assam government.
To further clarify your doubts regarding Nagaland, NSCN doesn't want a separated nation, they want a greater Nagaland state called Nagalim, comprising of Nagaland and some parts of Manipur and Assam that they claim.

Tripura, AP and Mizoram are totally peaceful now.

Yeah organizations are still there and major ones include NDFB and the Black Widows of Assam. Manipur still remains the most volatile state!

Check post number 585. I already posted an article of Hindu regarding this.
 
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Mother of insurgencies or reinvention?

M.S. Prabhakara

Has the Naga insurgency come to terms with its unrealised and, indeed, unrealisable sovereignty aspirations?

In the early 1980s (when this correspondent returned to Guwahati as working journalist after an eight-year absence), insurgency in the northeast was limited to Nagaland, parts of Manipur and what was then the Union Territory of Mizo Hills. In Nagaland, the Naga National Council (NNC), political face of the oldest of the insurgencies in the region, was led by Angami Zapu Phizo, then in exile in Britain. Despite the challenge posed by a faction of the NNC that had recently split after much rancour on both sides and formed itself into the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), the NNC remained the dominant voice of Naga nationalistic assertion. In Manipur, Naga insurgency was active those days in the Naga-inhabited hill districts mainly in Tamenglong, while in the Imphal Valley, several outfits, some of them fighting one another as much as the Indian state, were active: the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), the Peoples' Liberation Army (PLA), the People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP). In the Union Territory of Mizo Hills, the Mizo National Front (MNF) arrived at the Talk-Talk-Fight-Fight stage, and was on the way to give up its secessionist agenda, sign a peace accord and become a legitimate party of the government. Insurgency had not become a generalised fact of life in the region including Assam, though formally the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) had been founded in April 1979.

The objectives of all these organisations, including the nascent ULFA, were broadly the same: independence and sovereignty, the restoration of sovereignty that ‘lapsed' to the people these organisations claimed to represent when the British left India but which India refused to concede.

The undeniable historical fact underlying this idea of ‘restoration of sovereignty' as against the ‘demand for sovereignty' is that beginning with the British annexation of Assam following the defeat of Burma in 1826 in the First Anglo-Burmese War, the colonial government had embarked on consolidating the boundaries of these newly acquired vast territories, progressively annexing more of these borderlands and extending its own boundaries. The annexation process was neither painless nor fair; nor even conclusive, the last most evident in the description of some of the ‘new' territories in the old maps as “excluded,” “partially excluded” and “unadministered” areas. The bland bureaucratic prose of the introductory chapter of the Assam Land Revenue Manual says it all.

However, received wisdom had it even those days that the resolution of Naga insurgency was central to resolving other insurgencies, actual and incipient. Long before such disaffection manifested itself among other people of the region, tribal and non-tribal, Phizo himself had tried on the eve of Independence to enlist the support of the largest and most advanced of the people, the Assamese, as well as other tribal people who, in course of time, were to form the core of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya and Mizoram — the last two then politically and administratively part of Assam — for realising his plan for an Independent Nagaland. He also urged them to seek an independent status outside India.

Being the oldest insurgency in the region, which had also lent some material support to other disaffected elements, this perception was somewhat justified. This has been especially so since the NNC split and the formation of the NSCN in early 1980. Even though the NSCN in due course also split into two factions, and the NNC has refused to fade away, the NSCN (I-M) bearing the initials of chairman Isak Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah remains the dominant voice of the sovereignty aspirations of the Naga people.

However, all these insist that settlement of the “Naga political issue,” that is restoration of Naga sovereignty and independence — the resolution of what has come to be known in the Naga nationalist rhetoric as “the mother of all insurgencies” in the region — is central to resolving the other problems in the region.

This perspective has been expressed several times by Muivah since the NSCN (I-M) began talking directly to the Government of India nearly 15 years ago. During this period, the NSCN (I-M) leaders have met several Prime Ministers in foreign lands and in India, and have had prolonged dialogue with ‘interlocutors,' initially in cities in Europe and South East Asia, and later in Delhi. Peace of a kind has prevailed in Nagaland and in the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur, though the “Naga political issue” remains unresolved. The other side of this peace is the parallel administration of the NSCN (I-M), which is evident to the most casual visitor to Nagaland and the Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur. Perhaps one can see this as the Naga people's unique way of reconciling the irreconcilable, the “resolution of the Naga political issue” without actually getting the lost sovereignty restored. By simply putting these tricky issues on the back burner, the State government and the Government of the People's Republic of Nagalim coexist in Kohima and near Dimapur. Situations where legitimately constituted State governments face challenges far more dire prevail in many parts of eastern and central India.

How has this unique “resolution of the Naga political issue” impinged on the ferment in the rest of the region? Has the “mother of all insurgencies” in the region, whose leaders now travel on Indian passports with all implications of securing such a document, come to terms with its unrealised and indeed unrealisable sovereignty aspirations and injected a dose of realism into the sovereignty aspirations of other groups with far less legitimate claims than the Naga people who, under Phizo, formally declared Independence on August 14, 1947?

One significant development in the insurgency scenario is the “arrest” of senior leaders of ULFA and their resolve to hold talks with the Government of India without any precondition. Another is the “arrest” of UNLF chairman Rajkumar Sanayaima, who maintains that he was abducted by Indian agents in Dhaka and brought to India. Unlike ULFA leaders who are on bail, Sanayaima remains in prison, defiant about not talking to the Government of India except on four preconditions being accepted, the core of which is a plebiscite under U.N. supervision to ascertain if the people of Manipur want to remain part of the country. The differences in the government's approach to the NSCN (I-M), the ULFA and the UNLF are as striking as is the relatively realistic approach of the first two which too were insisting that the core issue in any talks with the government had to be sovereignty. Like the lady in the song, the NSCN (I-M) and ULFA leaders kept saying they would never consent, and yet consented. Will the UNLF follow suit?

There are other interesting developments on the insurgency front. Since the mother of all insurgencies began speaking to the government, other insurgent or terrorist groups have become active; these outfits have survived and even prospered by their capacity to reinvent themselves, though not their stated aims and objectives, and are carrying on. The most curious instance of such reinvention is the path taken by Dima Halong Daoga (DHD), based in the North Cachar hills of Assam, one of the two Autonomous Hills Districts of the State, the other being Karbi Anglong where too the United Peoples Democratic Solidarity (UPDS), like almost every similar outfit, split into pro-talks and anti-talks factions. The DHD's reinvention of itself by using a section of the Indian state, in this case, the administration of the North Cachar Autonomous District Council, a constitutional body, to channel development funds meant for the district to itself, an outlawed outfit, is indeed breathtaking. The charge sheet by the National Investigative Agency available on NIA :: Cases of NIA provides the most salutary education on the reinvention of insurgencies.

The Hindu : Opinion / Leader Page Articles : Mother of insurgencies or reinvention?

With regards to the sovereignty issue, read the lines marked in red! The ULFA is coming out for talks and so is the NSCN and sovereignty isn't the issue anymore! Still, there are some groups that wants sovereignty. The question is, how can one group or one leader of a particular group decide the fate of the people. I being born and brought up at in Meghalaya and Assam know what the ground situation is!
 
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