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He regretted exactly what he said, excesses. No one said excesses did not happen, by both sides. But excesses does not automatically mean genocide.If there was no genocide..wonder what Musharraf apologized for when he regretted the excesses committed during 1971.
Genocide is defined as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: killing members of the group.
Are you saying such did not happen?
To all Bhartis, there was no Genocide committed in 1971. Please focus on your Genocide in Kashmir instead.
How long did the war last ? Lets make it a large number of 12 months. And according to the Bangladeshi and Bharti authorities, we kill what 3 million people?
That means the Pakistani military killed 8,220 people per day on average. That means we killed 342.5 people per hour. Meaning people did not sleep at all. They did not eat. They did not go to the toilet for 365 days straight. To reach the 3 million mark they had be constantly killing people every day without a break.
Must say that is an impressive feat to achieve. A military killed 3 million people without sleeping, eating or even toilet breaks.
Then lets not forget that when Mujeeb traveled from the UK he stated 30,000 were killed. Then he stated 300,000 were killed. When he got to Bangladesh a few days later it had changed to 3 million. Amazing feat there. In a few days the Pakistani military killed more then 2 million people. They must have nuked half the country.
There are video and paper proofs what India did in kashmir and are still doing, but still they are on denial, and you are asking us to apologize ??
Phle apne giriban me janko
On the thread on Kashmir human rights violation you guys are shedding crocodile tears for Kashmiris and now you don't want to discuss the genocide your army committed. Good going..
Typical of the open-air, human abattoirs operated by the Awami League-led rebels in East Pakistan in 1971 is this photograph of multiple-executions done by a Mukti-Bahini killer squad in Dacca Race Course. The pro-Pakistan Bengali and non-Bengali victims were tortured before being slain
Looking at the tragic events of March 1971 in retrospect, I must confess that even I, although my press service commanded a sizeable network of district correspondents in the interior of East Pakistan, was not fully aware of the scale, ferocity and dimension of the province-wide massacre of the non-Banglis.
I must stress, with all the force and sincerity at my command, that this bock is not intended to be a racist indictment of the Bengalis as a nation. In writing and publishing this book, I am not motivated by any revanchist obsession or a wish to condemn my erstwhile Bengali compatriots as a nation. Just as it is stupid to condemn the great German people for the sins of the Nazis, it would be foolish to blame the Bengali people as a whole for the dark deeds of the Awami League militants and their accomplices.
A scene of Mukti Bahini mass murder of Biharis in Dacca on December 18, 1971. A rebel soldier lifts his boot to strike a bleeding bayoneted boy who showed signs of life. Dead bodies of other slain non-Bengalis lie in the foreground.
I have incorporated in this book the acts of heroism and courage of those brave and patriotic Bengalis who sheltered and protected, at great peril to themselves, their terror-stricken non-Bengali friends and neighbours. On the basis of the heaps of eye-witness accounts, which I have carefully read, sifted and analysed, I do make bold to say that the vast majority of Bengalis disapproved of and was not a party to the barbaric atrocities inflicted on the hapless non-Bengalis by the Awami Leagues terror machine and the Frankensteins and vampires it unloosed. This silent majority, it seemed, was awed, immobilised and neutralised by the terrifying power, weapons and ruthlessness of a misguided minority hell-bent on accomplishing the secession of East Pakistan.
The sheaves of eye-witness accounts, documented in this book, prove beyond the shadow of a doubt that the massacre of West Pakistanis, Biharis and other non-Bengalis in East Pakistan had begun long before the Pakistan Army took punitive action against the rebels late in the night of March 25, 1971. It is also crystal clear that the Awami Leagues terror machine was the initiator and executor of the genocide against the non-Bengalis which exterminated at least half a million of them in less than two months of horror and trauma. Many witnesses have opined that the federal Government acted a bit too late against the insurgents. The initial success of the federal military action is proved by the fact that in barely 30 days, the Pakistan Army, with a combat strength of 38,717 officers and men in East Pakistan, had squelched the Awami Leagues March-April, 1971, rebellion all over the province.
The hundreds of eye-witnesses from towns and cities of East Pakistan, whose testimonies are documented in this book, are unanimous in reporting that the slaughter of West Pakistanis, Biharis, and other non-Bangalis and of some pro-Pakistan Bengalis had begun in the early days of the murderous month of March 1971.
Looking at the tragic events of March 1971 in retrospect, I must confess that even I, although my press service commanded a sizeable network of district correspondents in the interior of East Pakistan, was not fully aware of the scale, ferocity and dimension of the province-wide massacre of the non-Banglis.
I must stress, with all the force and sincerity at my command, that this bock is not intended to be a racist indictment of the Bengalis as a nation. In writing and publishing this book, I am not motivated by any revanchist obsession or a wish to condemn my erstwhile Bengali compatriots as a nation. Just as it is stupid to condemn the great German people for the sins of the Nazis, it would be foolish to blame the Bengali people as a whole for the dark deeds of the Awami League militants and their accomplices.
I have incorporated in this book the acts of heroism and courage of those brave and patriotic Bengalis who sheltered and protected, at great peril to themselves, their terror-stricken non-Bengali friends and neighbours. On the basis of the heaps of eye-witness accounts, which I have carefully read, sifted and analysed, I do make bold to say that the vast majority of Bengalis disapproved of and was not a party to the barbaric atrocities inflicted on the hapless non-Bengalis by the Awami Leagues terror machine and the Frankensteins and vampires it unloosed. This silent majority, it seemed, was awed, immobilised and neutralised by the terrifying power, weapons and ruthlessness of a misguided minority hell-bent on accomplishing the secession of East Pakistan.
The 170 eye-witnesses, whose testimonies or interviews are contained in this book in abridged form have been chosen from a universe of more than 5,000 repatriated non-Bengali families. I had identified, after some considerable research, 55 towns and cities in East Pakistan where the abridgement of the non-Bengali population in March and early April 1971 was conspicuously heavy. The collection and compilation of these eye-witness accounts was started in January 1974 and completed in twelve weeks. A team of four reporters, commissioned for interviewing the witnesses from all these 55 towns and cities of East Pakistan, worked with intense devotion to secure their testimony. Many of the interviews were prolonged because the Witnesses broke down in a flurry of sobs and tears as they related the agonising stories of their wrecked lives. I had issued in February 1974 an appeal in the newspapers for such eye-witness accounts, and I am grateful to the many hundreds of witnesses who promptly responded to my call.
I am the lone survivor of a group of ten Pathans who were employed as Security Guards by the Delta Construction Company in the Mohakhali locality in Dacca; all the others were slaughtered by the Bengali rebels in the night of March 25, 1971, said 40-year-old Bacha Khan.
I heard the screams of an Urdu-speaking girl who was being ravished by her Bengali captors but I was so scared that I did not have the courage to emerge from hiding said a 24-year-old Zahid Abdi, who was employed in a trading firm in Dacca. He escaped the slaughter of the non-Bengalis in the crowded New Market locality of Dacca on March 23, 1971 and was sheltered by a God-fearing Bengali in his shop. The killers raped their non-Bengali teenage victim at the back of the shop and later on slayed her.
My only daughter has been insane since she was forced by her savage tormentors to watch the brutal murder of her husband, said Mukhtar Ahmed Khan, 43, while giving an account of his suffering during the Ides of March 1971 in Dacca .In the third week of March 1971, a gang of armed Bengali rebels raided house of my son-in-law and overpowered him. He was a courageous Youngman and he resisted the attackers. My daughter also resisted the attackers but they were far too many and they were well armed. They tied up my son-in-law and my daughter with ropes and they forced her to watch as they slit the throat of her husband and ripped his stomach open in the style of butchers. She fainted and lost consciousness. Since that dreadful day she has been mentally ill.
As the victim did not die in a single bayonet strike, another Mukti-Bahini killer plunged his bayonet in to the writhing Biharis chest. Dead bodies of Bihari and Bengali victims lie strewn over the execution ground as Mukti-Bahini killers and their accomplices watch the butchery with sadist pleasure.
Shamim Akhtar, 28, whose husband was employed as a clerk in the Railway office in Dacca, lived in a small house in the Mirpur locality there.
She described her tragedy in these words:
On December 17, 1971, the Mukti Bahini cut off the water supply to our homes. We used to get water from a nearby pond; it was polluted and had a bad odour. I was nine months pregnant. On December 23, 1971, I gave birth to a baby girl. No midwife was available and my husband helped me at child birth. Late at night, a gang of armed Bengalis raided our house, grabbed my husband and trucked him away. I begged them in the name of God to spare him as I could not even walk and my children were too small. The killers were heartless and I learnt that they murdered my husband. After five days, they returned and ordered me and my children to vacate the house as they claimed that it was now their property.
A Bihari victim grabbed by Mukti-Bahini killers, begging for mercy.
Zaibunnissa Haq, 30, whose journalist husband, Izhar-ul-Haque, worked as a columnist in the Daily Watan in Dacca, gave this account of her travail in 1971:
.On December 21, a posse of Mukti Bahini soldiers and some thugs rode into our locality with blazing guns and ordered us to leave our house as, according to them, no Bihari could own a house in Bangladesh. For two days, we lived on bare earth in an open space and we had nothing to eat. Subsequently, we were taken to a Relief Camp by the Red Cross.
In Pubail and Tangibari, the Awami League militants and their rebel confederates murdered dozens of affluent Biharis. Shops owned by the Biharis were favourite target of attack.
Four armed thugs dragged two captive non-Bengali teenage girls into an empty bus and violated their chastity before gunning them to death, said Gulzar Hussain, 38, who witnessed the massacre of 22 non-Bengali men, women and children on March 21, 1971, close to a bus stand in Narayangang. Repatriated to Karachi in November 1973, Gulzar Hussain reported: .On March 21, our Dacca-bound bus was stopped on the way, soon after it left the heart of the city. I was seated in the front portion of the bus and I saw that the killer gang had guns, scythes and daggers. The gunmen raised Joi Bangla and anti-Pakistan slogans. The bus driver obeyed their signal to stop and the thugs motioned to the passengers to get down. A jingo barked out the order that Bengalis and non-Bengalis should fall into separate lines. As I spoke Bengali with a perfect Dacca accent and could easily pass for a Bengali, I joined the Bengali group of passengers. The killer gang asked us to utter a few sentences in Bengali which we did. I passed the test and our tormentors instructed the Bengalis to scatter. The thugs then gunned all the male non-Bengalis. It was a horrible scene. Four of the gunmen took for their loot two young non-Bengali women and raped them inside the empty bus. After they had ravished the girls, the killers shot them and half a dozen other women and children.
She described her tragedy in these words:
On December 17, 1971, the Mukti Bahini cut off the water supply to our homes. We used to get water from a nearby pond; it was polluted and had a bad odour. I was nine months pregnant. On December 23, 1971, I gave birth to a baby girl. No midwife was available and my husband helped me at child birth. Late at night, a gang of armed Bengalis raided our house, grabbed my husband and trucked him away. I begged them in the name of God to spare him as I could not even walk and my children were too small. The killers were heartless and I learnt that they murdered my husband. After five days, they returned and ordered me and my children to vacate the house as they claimed that it was now their property.
Zaibunnissa Haq, 30, whose journalist husband, Izhar-ul-Haque, worked as a columnist in the Daily Watan in Dacca, gave this account of her travail in 1971: .On December 21, a posse of Mukti Bahini soldiers and some thugs rode into our locality with blazing guns and ordered us to leave our house as, according to them, no Bihari could own a house in Bangladesh. For two days, we lived on bare earth in an open space and we had nothing to eat. Subsequently, we were taken to a Relief Camp by the Red Cross.
The uniformed killer puffing the cigarette to singe the eyes of the terrified prey. Eye gouging and burning the skin of victims was a favourite torture method of the rebels.
Nasima Khatoon, 25, lived in a rented house in the Pancho Boti locality in Narayanganj. Her husband, Mohammad Qamrul Hasan, was employed in a Vegetable Oil manufacturing factory. Repatriated to Karachi in January 1974, along with her 4-year-old orphaned daughter, from a Red Cross Camp in Dacca, Nasima gave this hair-raising account of her travail in 1971:
At gun point, our captors made us leave our house and marched us to an open square where more than 500 non Bengali old men, women and children were detained. Some 50 Bengali gunmen led us through swampy ground towards a deserted school building. On the way, the 3-year-old child of a hapless captive woman died in her arms. She asked her captors to allow her to dig a small grave and bury the child. The tough man in the lead snorted a sharp NO, snatched the body of the dead child from her wailing mother and tossed it into the river
The Awami Leagues rebellion of March 1971 took the heaviest toll of non-Bengali lives in the populous port city of Chittagong. Although the Government of Pakistans White Paper of August 1971 on the East Pakistan crisis estimated the non-Bengali death toll in Chittagong and its neighbouring townships during the Awami Leagues insurrection to be a little under 15,000, the testimony of hundreds of eye-witnesses interviewed for this book gives the impression that more than 50,000 non-Bengalis perished in the March 1971 carnage. Thousands of dead bodies were flung into the Karnaphuli river and the Bay of Bengal.
Savage killings also took place in the Halishahar, Kalurghat and Pahartali localities where the Bengali rebel soldiers poured petrol and kerosine oil around entire blocks, igniting them with flame-throwers and petrol-soaked jute balls, then mowed down the non-Bengali innocents trying to escape the cordons of fire. In the wanton slaughter in the last week of March and early April, 1971, some 40,000 non-Bengalis perished in Chittagong and its neighbourhood. The exact death toll, which could possibly be much more will never be known because of the practice of burning dead bodies or dumping them in the river and the sea.
He regretted exactly what he said, excesses. No one said excesses did not happen, by both sides. But excesses does not automatically mean genocide.
Correct, there was no attempt to eliminate a national, ethnic, racial or religious group. The PA was too busy fighting an insurgency supported by India covertly, and then overtly. Excesses however did happen, by both sides, as happen in any conflict.
Has Bangladesh apologized for the thousands killed and raped by Bengali rebels? Even 'unofficially?Thats is the wrong attitude ...if you are really sorry, then give a formal apology (not just some underhand apology, just to smoothen a state visit) once and move on..if you are not then stand by what you did..and if given a chance will do it again.
Has Bangladesh apologized for the thousands killed and raped by Bengali rebels? Even 'unofficially?
How many Indians do you see arguing against Pakistanis on this thread, vs Bangladeshis?^^It is not Indian government who is asking your government for an apology.
Sarmila Bose
In virtually all popular narratives of the 1971 war which led to the break-up of Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh, the Pakistan army is alleged to have raped hundreds of thousands of Bengali women in East Pakistan (East Bengal) while trying to crush the Bengali nationalist rebellion there. Figures of alleged rape victims ranging from 2,00,000 to 4,00,000 are mentioned in the Bangladeshi literature on 1971, in Indian commentaries, and repeated in western commentary on war and sexual violence. Growing up in Calcutta in West Bengal, India, I heard stories about the Pakistan army raping and killing Bengali women during the 1971 war.
This paper seeks to bring to scholarly and public scrutiny the deeply problematic representations of sexual violence in narratives of the 1971 war which I discovered in the course of my broader research on the 1971 conflict.1 That rape occurred in East Pakistan in 1971 has never been in any doubt. Every war is accompanied by sexual violence against women. In the case of Bangladesh, the Pakistan army itself has not denied that instances of rape took place. The question is, what was the true extent of rape, who were its victims and who the perpetrators, and was there any systematic policy of rape by any party as opposed to opportunistic sexual crimes in times of war.
The issue of sexual violence in the 1971 war is long on political rhetoric but short on reliable material, with only a handful of accounts available as evidence of sexual violence during 1971, repeated in other commentary. Unsubstantiated and implausible claims of hundreds of thousands of victims have distracted attention for three decades from possibly several thousand true rape victims of that war. The exaggerations and distortions of the issue of rape purveyed by many claiming to speak for the Bangladeshi liberation movement insult the true victims by trivialising their suffering, implying that it would not be noteworthy without the inflation of numbers and addition of gory perversions. Many of these shrill voices seem motivated more by a desire to smear the enemy and shore up an ideology of victimhood than any concern for the real victims.2
This paper brings the focus back to the real victims of sexual violence by pointing out the paucity of reliable material, critically analysing widely cited testimonies of rape, and recommending next steps to address this issue meaningfully. In the first section I outline the problems of locating sexual violence in the context of the 1971 war. The second section discusses in detail five representations of incidents of sexual violence in 1971 which are cited widely as evidence of the Pakistan armys (mis)conduct during the war.
The first two are testimonies of women who are alleged victims of rape, of whom one claims also to be eyewitness to alleged large-scale sexual violence. The third is an article by a male muktijoddha (Bangladeshi freedom fighter) giving an eyewitness account of evidence of sexual violence discovered in a village of East Pakistan after its capture by the Indian army and Bangladeshi muktijoddhas. The last two are the writings of two women who interviewed alleged rape victims.
Problems of Locating Sexual Violence in the 1971 War
The Problem of Numbers
The population of East Pakistan in 1971 was about 75 million. The number of West Pakistani armed forces personnel in East Pakistan was about 20,000 at the beginning of the conflict,3 rising to 34,000 by December. Another 11,000 men civil police and non-combat personnel also held arms.4 Most commentators on sexual violence in East Pakistan do not appear to realise how small a force was attempting to put down a rebellion in a province with a population larger than all the other provinces in West Pakistan put together.
The hostilities, including the open civil war in East Pakistan followed by full-scale war between India and Pakistan, lasted from March 26 to December 15 a period of about 265 days, or about 38 weeks or nearly nine months.
The figures for alleged rape victims in the dominant narrative of the 1971 conflict the version of the victorious Bangladeshi nationalists and their Indian allies, repeated uncritically by many western commentators range from 2,00,000 to 4,00,000. A typical assertion: In the nine months of liberation war in 1971 the Pakistani invader army and their local collaborators killed Economic and Political Weekly September 22, 2007
3865
three million Bengalis. More than 2,50,000 helpless women became victims of their animal-like torture (meaning rape).5 The Liberation War Museum of Dhaka proclaims: Between March 25 and December 16, estimated 3 million Bengalees were killed, 2,00,000 women raped and 10 million were displaced. This was the worst genocide after second world war.6 Without citing any source, Samantha Power wrote, . Pakistani troops killed between 1 and 2 million Bengalis and raped some 2,00,000 girls and women, and Susan Brownmiller claimed 2,00,000, 3,00,000 or possibly 4,00,000 women were raped.7
For an army of 34,000 to rape on this scale in eight or nine months (while fighting insurgency, guerrilla war and an invasion by India), each would-be perpetrator would have had to commit rape at an incredible rate.8 It is hardly surprising therefore, that the Hamoodur Rehman Commission, set up by the civilian government of Pakistan after the war and headed by a Bengali judge, was dismissive of the Bangladeshi claims: According to the Bangladesh authorities, the Pakistan army was responsible for killing three million Bengalis and raping 2,00,000 East Pakistani women. It does not need any elaborate argument to see that these figures are obviously highly exaggerated. So much damage could not have been caused by the entire strength of the Pakistan army then stationed in East Pakistan, even if it had nothing else to do. In fact, however, the army in East Pakistan was constantly engaged in fighting the Mukti Bahini, the Indian infiltrators, and later the Indian army. It had also the task of running the civil administration, maintaining communications, and feeding 70 million people of East Pakistan. It is, therefore, clear that the figures mentioned by the Dacca authorities are altogether fantastic and fanciful.
On the rape allegations, the commission added, The falsity of Sheikh Mujibur Rahmans repeated allegation that the Pakistani troops had raped 2,00,000 Bengali girls in 1971 was borne out when the abortion team he had commissioned from Britain in early 1972 found that its workload involved the termination of only a hundred or more pregnancies.9
Absence of Rape in Case Studies
During my field research on several incidents in East ****
stan during 1971, Bangladeshi participants and eyewitnesses described battles, raids, massacres and executions, but told me that women were not harmed by the army in these events except by chance such as in crossfire. The pattern that emerged from these incidents was that the Pakistan army targeted adult males while sparing women and children. This does not mean that rapes had not occurred elsewhere. However, given the scale of rape alleged in the narratives on 1971, I was surprised to find none in any of the incidents in my case studies.10
It is possible that those who spoke to me in Bangladesh were unwilling to admit to the occurrence of rape due to the stigma
attached to victims of rape, which dishonours the victims family and community as well. However, if we accept their word on the killing of adult men by the Pakistan army in these instances, we cannot simply reject their testimony that women and children were not harmed by the security forces.
No accounting basis behind figures of rape victims commonly cited:
In researching the literature on the 1971 war, I found that the figures of 2,00,000 to 4,00,000 victims that are cited in Bangladesh and repeated worldwide have no accounting basis behind them. One expects the number of victims to be an approximation, but even estimates are based on some kind of evidence on the ground, on the basis of which the extrapolation is arrived at. There is none in the case of Bangladesh in 1971.
No official report available from rehabilitation efforts after the war:
A reliable way of accounting for rape victims could have come about through inquiry, compensation and rehabilitation of victims after the war, when Bangladesh became an independent country. The Bangladeshi nationalist leader and first prime minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, made a conscientious beginning in this regard, calling war-time rape victims birangonas (brave heroines), who should be accepted with honour in society. Rahman was conscious of the stigma that attaches to the victim, rather than the perpetrators, in cases of rape in conservative societies like Bangladesh, and his attempt to attach a heroic connotation to rape victims was a laudable one. Unfortunately, Rahmans attempt failed, and rape victims faced stigma and abandonment by their families and society.
However, in the early days of independence, rehabilitation centres for rape victims were set up. Help was on offer from around the world. Neelima Ibrahims book, which I discuss below, is based on the stories of a few women at one such rehabilitation centre in Dhaka. I expected these rehabilitation centres to have recorded data on the victims who came to them. Even if only a fraction of the total number of victims came to these centres, on the basis of their evidence, an estimate could be made of the total number and provide reliable information on who the victims were, who the perpetrators were, and the dates, places and circumstances of sexual violence.
But no report based on the records of the rehabilitation centres seems to be available. If it exists, it has not been made public by the government of Bangladesh. None of the commentators who are voluble on the issue of sexual violence during 1971
mentions any official report from the rehabilitation centres. It is unclear how many centres were opened, how long they operated and how many rape victims they treated. A crucial means of documenting sexual violence during 1971, therefore, appears to have been lost. The lack of published documentation from the rehabilitation centres has also laid Bangladesh open to the charge that they have something to hide that the rhetoric of rape on a mass scale is not supported by the experience of the rehabilitation centres.11
Alleged Rape by Bengalis during 1971
In the Bangladeshi claims of rape during 1971, repeated by
western commentary, all the victims are defined as Bengali and the perpetrators as the Pakistan army. This definition, however, is without basis. The rebellion in then East Pakistan (populated mostly by Bengalis) resulted in war between those who wanted to secede to form the independent country of Bangladesh and those who wished to preserve a united Pakistan. There were Bengalis on both sides of this political divide. Many Bengali members of the armed forces or police defected to the rebel cause, but others remained loyal to Pakistan. East Pakistan was also home to non-Bengali Muslims, collectively referred to as Biharis, who had migrated from northern India to settle there when Pakistan was created as a Muslim homeland in 1947. As Bangladeshi nationalism was defined linguistically, the non-Bengali East Pakistanis were excluded from this identity and assumed to be opposed to the creation of Bangladesh.Economic and Political Weekly September 22, 2007 3866
The definition of rape in 1971 solely as a crime committed
by Pakistan army personnel upon Bengali women completely ignores the many allegations of rape committed by Bengalis themselves, against both non-Bengalis and other Bengalis. During 1971 there were many instances of large-scale killing of non-Bengalis both West Pakistanis and Biharis by Bengalis, along with allegations of sexual violence and mutilations. These were reported in the western media at the time. To give one notable example, a Pakistani journalist, Anthony Mascarenhas, who fled to Britain and wrote a famous expose on the military action in East Pakistan in the Sunday Times, strongly condemned the military action against the Bengali rebellion, but also wrote:
First it was the massacre of the non-Bengalis in a savage outburst of Bengali hatred. Now it was massacre deliberately carried out by the West Pakistan army .
The West Pakistani soldiers are not the only ones who have been killing in East Bengal, of course. On the night of March 25 the Bengali troops and paramilitary units stationed in East Pakistan mutinied and attacked non-Bengalis with atrocious savagery.
Thousands of families of unfortunate Muslims, many of them refugees from Bihar who chose Pakistan at the time of the partition riots in 1947, were mercilessly wiped out. Women were raped, or had their breasts torn out with specially-fashioned knives. Children did not escape the horror; the lucky ones were killed with their parents
12
The government of Pakistans White Paper on East Pakistan in August 1971 listed numerous incidents of atrocities including alleged rape and massacre of non-Bengalis by Bengalis all over East Pakistan [GoP 1971]. My research in Bangladesh and Pakistan confirmed incidents of killings and brutalities by Bengalis against non-Bengali men, women and children in Jessore, Khulna, Mymensingh and Chittagong.
While many of the alleged rapes by Bengalis appear to have occurred during mob attacks on non-Bengali communities, some are alleged to have been committed by rebel Bengali military officers. Major general A O Mitha, a senior Pakistani general present in East Pakistan in March-April 1971, wrote that during a visit to the military hospital at Chittagong, As I was walking down the ward, a Bengali officer who was wounded and under guard called out to me. I stopped and went to him, and he said that all he wanted to tell me was that he and his men had stripped women from West Pakistan, and after raping them, had made them dance in the nude; having done this, he was quite happy to die. I made no reply and walked on [Mitha 2003, p 341]. During my research three Pakistani officers independently mentioned exactly the same story at the Dhaka military hospital about the wounded rebel Bengali officer and identified him by name. He survived and holds high public office in independent Bangladesh.
Neelima Ibrahims book is a devastating indictment of the Pakistan army on the issue of sexual violence. As will be shown below, however, what is not reported in popular narratives is its documentation of rape committed by Bengalis against Bengalis.
Typically, the Bangladeshi liberation literature does not mention atrocities, including rape, committed by nationalist Bengalis against non-Bengalis or Bengali political opponents.
Pakistan Armys Confirmation of Rape Incidents
The Pakistani commander of the Eastern Command, general A A K Niazi, wrote that he found the troops in a state of indiscipline, with reports of them looting, killing people without reason and committing rape, when he arrived in East
Pakistan in April 1971. On April 15 in a confidential memo to commanders on troop discipline, he wrote: Of late there have been reports of rape and even West Pakistanis are not being spared; on April 12 two West Pakistani women were raped, and an attempt was made on two others.
In his confidential directive to senior officers, general Niazi issued a stern warning: It is not uncommon in history, when a battle has been lost because troops were over indulgent in loot and rape. I, therefore, direct that the troops must be got hold of and the incidence of indiscipline, misbehaviour and indecency must be stamped out ruthlessly. Those, including officers, found guilty of such acts must be given deterrent and exemplary punishment. I will not have soldiers turn into vagabonds and robbers. Niazi continued, I would like every soldier in this Theatre to be an embodiment and an example of discipline, reminding officers of their code of honour and that as gentlemen and officers they should abide by it [Niazi 2002, pp 282-83].
During my research, some Pakistan army officers occasional opportunistic cases of rape or attempted rape by army personnel, such as when on patrolling duty. Usually, the accused soldier was put through the armys disciplinary process and jailed if found guilty. In some cases officers on the field meted out exemplary punishments themselves such as thrashing the offender in front of other troops and locals.13 Officers reporting the occasional cases were indignant at the accusations of large-scale rape, which they said were false.
Assessment of Widely Cited Sources
(1) Testimony of Rabeya Khatun:
14 Khatun is said to have been a sweeper at the Rajarbag police lines in Dhaka in 1971. She is illiterate, as her signature is a tip-sohi or finger imprint. Khatun, therefore, is not in a position to verify what is written in her name.
According to Khatuns statement she was a sweeper in
Rajarbag police lines during the entire period of conflict. She states that she was raped on March 26 after the Bengali police were overcome by West Pakistan forces. However, she appears to have been left alone to carry on her cleaning duties the rest of the year.
Khatun claims to be an eyewitness to truckloads of Bengali women brought to Rajarbag police lines, held captive and raped throughout the year. No numbers or dates are mentioned. It is hard to summarise the graphic Bengali descriptions, but
according to Khatun Punjabi soldiers brought women from schools, colleges, university areas and posh localities of the capital, most carrying books and wearing jewellery. She states that the Punjabis, licking their lips, stripped the women and raped them en masse in public. The scenario described includes virtually all forms of bestiality, using melodramatic language complete with the perpetrators breaking into villainous ottohashi (loud laughter) from time to time.
According to Khatun the Punjabi soldiers then lined three
floors of the main building with naked women, and rows of women were kept hanging naked, tied by their hair on wires and Economic and Political iron rods along the verandahs. The Punjabis allegedly sexually assaulted these hanging women as they came and went on their duties. Women who died were taken down and replaced with new batches of naked women hanging by their hair. Armed guards were present at all times, according to Khatun, and in case anyone was considering obtaining a second opinion, Khatun asserted that no other Bengali and no other sweeper was ever allowed there. In December, as Indian forces started bombing the capital, Khatun states the Punjabi soldiers bayoneted all the remaining women to death.
I asked an eminent Bangladeshi and a strong supporter of the liberation movement to read this account and tell me what he made of it. He opined that it was a fabrication, commenting that the parts about women hanging by their hair from iron rods for days on end defied the laws of science. That there are serious problems with this testimony would be obvious to any rational observer. The woman in whose name it is written was illiterate. Rajarbag was not in an isolated area but in the capital city. The descriptions of bejewelled girl students clutching books arriving by the truckloads to be stripped and raped in public, naked women lining the corridors and hanging by their hair along the verandahs, subjected to all manner of bestiality, smacks more of the perverted fantasies of a male mind than the testimony of a female eyewitness. The claim that this woman was the only Bengali and only one sweeper in Rajarbag police lines for a nine-month period is an absurdity.
Two men allegedly at Rajarbag also have their testimonies published in the same official volume. Abdul Kuddus Mian, described as reserve inspector of police also states that Bengali women were raped while kept hanging naked in the third and fourth floors of the headquarters building but he states that he was not permitted to enter that area. Unlike Rabeya Khatun, he asserts that the mistreatment of Bengalis at Rajarbag started after the arrival of Punjabi police (as opposed to the army) in mid-May. A West Pakistani police officer called Bostan Khan is named as starting a particularly oppressive regime.
The second man, Subedar Khalilur Rahman, states that he and other Bengali police were brought to Rajarbag police lines on
April 5. He also names West Pakistani police officer Bostan Khan as starting a reign of terror against Bengali police, who were thrown out of their barracks after the arrival of West Pakistani police in May. He briefly repeats the same allegation as Khatun that Punjabi soldiers brought women in trucks daily from schools, colleges, universities of Dhaka, that most had books in their hands, that they were dragged out of the trucks and stripped and raped on the spot by non-Bengali police licking their lips, and that these women were kept hanging naked tied by their hair to iron rods in the headquarters building. Indeed, the language in this part of the statement is strikingly similar to the statement of Rabeya Khatuns, raising the possibility that the same person wrote the two testimonies. The language is not what would be used either by illiterate sweepers or by educated Bengalis in everyday conversation.
During the Pakistan armys military action in Dhaka on March 25-56, 1971, units of 32 Punjab regiment went to subdue Rajarbag police lines. Due to the resistance put up by rebel Bengali police, the operation took a while and the commanding officer of 32 Punjab, Lt colonel Muhammad Taj, had to go personally to oversee its capture.15 A company of 32 Punjab stayed on in Rajarbag, while Lt colonel Taj went to Rajshahi with the rest of the regiment.
I asked brigadier (Lt colonel) Taj about the sexual violence alleged to have happened in Rajarbag. He categorically denied that any molestation of women had taken place at Rajarbag by his men. He would, wouldnt he, sceptics might say. Also, Lt colonel Taj was not personally present at Rajarbag after the first nights military action. Still, the account given by Rabeya Khatun is highly dubious. Being a busy police headquarters in the capital city, whatever happened at Rajarbag would have had many witnesses. It is quite possible that sexual violence occurred at Rajarbag police stations across south Asia are notorious for such offences, but until and unless other, credible witnesses come forward, the hellish account attributed to one illiterate woman simply will not suffice.
(2) Testimony of Ferdousi Priyabhashini:
16 Ferdousi Priyabhashini is a middle class educated woman and a well known sculptor in Dhaka. In 1971 she worked in the offices of a jute mill in Khulna. It is highly unusual for someone of her background to admit to have been a rape victim, especially in the conservative societies like Bangladesh. Not surprisingly, therefore, Ferdousi has won praise and even awards for having the courage to speak out. Yet, her account is riddled with inconsistencies that undermine its credibility.
Ferdousi accuses her Agakhani (non-Bengali Ismaili) general manager, Mr Fidai, of raping her first. She then names 15 Pakistan armed forces officers based in Khulna and Jessore, of whom only two brigadier Hayat and major Ekram, both based at Jessore cantonment are not accused of anything untoward. All the others lieutenants, captains, majors, colonels and one naval commander are accused of rape, attempted rape or sexual assault in the name of interrogation.
According to her own account, in 1971, Ferdousi Priyabhashini was a mature woman, a divorced mother of three, working for many years. Her children lived with her grandmother in Khulna, while Ferdousi, her mother and her seven siblings lived in Khalispur, a suburb of Khulna, where she worked at the jute mill. Ferdousi had a fiancé, Ahsanullah Ahmed, a labour officer at a neighbouring jute mill. After military action and riots in Khulna, Ahsanullah urged the family to leave for safer areas. Ferdousis mother and siblings left, she remained alone, though from time to time a sister or brother came to stay and her fiancé worked nearby.
Ferdousi states she remained in Khalispur because she was the bread-winner of the family. This is in contrast to many families who fled to their villages in 1971, leaving their homes and jobs. On the day of the alleged attack by her general manager, she had gone out to lunch with him and accompanied him to his apartment after work, but she had the right to refuse sexual advances. Even after the alleged sexual assault, Ferdousi did not flee to her family, but returned to work.17
Contrary to expectations, at no point in 1971 was Ferdousi a captive. She lived at home, worked at her office and seemed free to go about, including visiting Jessore cantonment of her own volition. Army officers are described as asking her out to movies, turning up after dinner at the general managers house, or phoning her on arrival, saying that other officers had said nice things about her.
The naval commander, Gul Zarin, whom she accuses of rape, had a controversial reputation with regard to women according to other officers I interviewed.18 However, Ferdousi states that she signed a bond with him he had proposed her to stay Economic and Political Weekly with him, but she signed an agreement by which she would not stay with him, but come whenever he called her.
According to Ferdousi, the only gentlemanly officer was a major Altaf Karim, who proposed to her. At one point Ferdousi claims to have been taken to Jessore cantonment for questioning she accuses several colonels of sexual torture. She says at the end of her stay major Altaf Karim took her to see brigadier Hayat, who gave her a letter and sent her off with the warning that she could be re-called for questioning if necessary. I asked brigadier Hayat about this, but he could not recall any such incident or any Altaf Karim among majors who served under him.19
According to Ferdousi, at the end of her interrogation, major Ekram, whom she describes as a friend of major Altaf, drove her all the way back home to Khulna from Jessore. Subsequently, she phoned and met up with major Ekram, on one occasion going back to Jessore cantonment, taking with her a brother who was a muktijoddha (freedom fighter). They played cards. Ekram invited them to lunch. Officers interviewed by me confirmed that some young officers at the cantonment played cards and socialised with women from Khulna. Ferdousi claims her brother stole a document from under major Ekrams mattress. During 1971, Ferdousi became pregnant she obtained a termination.
A final inconsistency in Ferdousis account is that as the Indian army and Bangladeshi freedom fighters approached Dhaka, she was warned by a non-Bengali clerk in her office that she would be killed and should flee. Ferdousi makes much of the threat to her life but as Bangladesh became independent, only those who were perceived to have willingly fraternised with the Pakistani regime were at risk of the wrath of freedom fighters, not victims of the regime.
(3) Testimony of Akhtaruzzaman Mandal:
20 According to Akhtaruzzaman Mandal he was a muktijoddha accompanying the Indian army as they attacked Bhurungamari in northern East Pakistan on the night of November 11, 1971.21 Bhurungamari is surrounded on three sides by India. It was attacked from the north, east and west by the Indian army, which crossed the river Dudhkumar and used heavy artillery and air support. By dawn of November 14 the Pakistani side fell silent and Mandal and his companions entered Bhurungamari.
According to Mandal, Bhurungamari seemed like a ghost-town. He claims 60 East Pakistan Civil Armed Force (EPCAF) members and 30-40 Pakistani soldiers were captured they had run out of ammunition. He also claims that 40-50 Pakistani soldiers were killed in this battle. Mandal records with disappointment that the Indian army did not allow him and his Bangladeshi compatriots to kill the Pakistani prisoners, but took them away to India.
He states: The bodies of Pakistani human-devil armys bad character Captain Ataullah Khan and a tormented Bengali lady, severely mutilated by the bombing, were found in a devastated bunker next to the CO office. The alcoholic human-animal captain had his arms around this woman and he was killed in that position. The lady appeared to be a student of a college or university or an educated house-wife. Her whole body was full of the signs of torment by the diabolical demons.22
Mandal does not say that he had ever heard of Captain Ataullah Khan before his dead-body was discovered after the battle. Therefore, it is not clear on what basis he describes the dead officer as alcoholic or of bad character, nor how he makes suppositions about the dead womans profession or education, or of marks of torment on her body, especially as he says that both bodies were severely mutilated by the bombing. According to Mandals own account, the Pakistani captain and his men had been fighting a ferocious attack by the Indian army for two days and three nights. The captain had been killed in that battle. The insinuation that he was partying in a bunker at the same time beggars belief.
Mandal states that four unclothed women were discovered locked in a room on the second storey of the CO office. One was six-seven months pregnant. Mandal says one was a student from Mymensingh College. They were given lungis and rugs to enable them to come out, and the Indian army took them away to India. A further 16 women were allegedly found locked in the high school they too were taken away to India. Mandal claims to have found a room full of womens clothing and signs of torture.
I interviewed two officers of the Pakistan army who were in Bhurungamari at that time. One was the commanding officer of 8 Punjab regiment, which was replacing 25 Punjab in the area. The replacement plans apparently had been ambushed and changed. The Indian army attacked two days before the altered timing of the replacement. The other officer was serving with 25 Punjab regiment in the northern border area, knew Captain Ataullah and had been in Bhurungamari the day the Indians had attacked.
Lt colonel Saleem Zia of 8 Punjab landed by helicopter short of Bhurungamari just after the Indians had captured that territory.
23 According to him there had been one company of Pakistani soldiers about 100 men and the captain had been killed in the battle. Brigadier Zia found 30 injured men, who were evacuated, and 36 able-bodied ones. The rest were dead or dispersed, and four or five by his estimate, were captured. By brigadier Zias count, as there was only one company at Bhurungamari, Mandals claims of 40-50 soldiers killed and another 30-40 captured are highly exaggerated. The remainder of the company that had been at Bhurungamari continued to fight in other locations in the northern sector.
The young officer of 25 Punjab served many months in the northern border areas of Kurigram, Chilmari, Ulipur, Barakhata.24 In November, he was told to go to Bhurungamari to relieve major Abdul Akbar, who was evacuated for health reasons. Captain Ataullah was based further south in Nageshwari. The officer met up with Captain Ataullah in Nageshwari and proceeded to Bhurungamari. Within hours, Captain Ataullah, the more senior officer, reversed the situation going up to Bhurungamari himself, and sending the other officer back to Nageshwari.
That night, India attacked Bhurungamari.
According to this fellow officer, Captain Ataullah had not been in Bhurungamari before he was based at Nageshwari. He had barely got there when he was faced with the Indian attack, which went on all night, the next day and the following night. Remnants of the company who were retreating towards Nageshwari reported that Captain Ataullah was dead.
This fellow officer of 25 Punjab described Captain Ataullah as a six-foot plus Pathan officer known for being humane. He tated that he saw people in Nageshwari weep upon hearing of Captain Ataullahs death. According to him, when the Pakistanis were POWs in India after the war, a senior Indian officer had expressed his respect, soldier-to-soldier, to the officers of 25 Economic and Political Weekly September 22, 2007 3869
Punjab, and mentioned by name Ataullah, who had become a shaheed (martyr).
25
The picture painted of Captain Ataullah by this fellow officer, who knew him, completely contradicts the one given by Mandal, who appears to have only seen his dead body. Clearly, if Captain Ataullah had been based in Nageshwari and only gone up to Bhurungamari the day that the Indian attack started, he could not have been responsible for whatever might have been going on in Bhurungamari. Mandal offers no corroborating evidence for his character assassination of an officer who had died defending his country, and therefore, cannot speak in his own defence.
The allegedly captive women are a different issue, and echoes the case studies in Neelima Ibrahims book discussed below. The officer of 25 Punjab who had spent a few hours in Bhurungamari that final day before India attacked had been in the two-storey building which served as the office, as described by Mandal. He said he did not see any women in any of its rooms. However, he could not comment on the high school building and the EPCAF, with which he had very little connection.
(4) Ethical Issues Concerning Representation of Narratives of Sexual Violence of 1971 by Nayanika Mookherjee
:26 Mookherjees paper is an illustration of the problems faced by scholars who try to examine the issue of sexual violence in East Pakistan during 1971, and how the pressure to be politically correct inhibits analysis. The paper focuses on the story of one mentally ill woman, Champa, who is reported in a Bangladeshi newspaper to have been raped by the Pakistan army in 1971.27 The report gives a lengthy account of how Champa, then 13 years old, got separated from her family and taken to a Pakistani army camp, where she was raped so much that she lost her mental balance.
It describes how liberation fighters rescued her and the Womens Rehabilitation Centre in Dhaka treated her for two years, but as she could not be cured, sent her to the Pabna Mental Hospital, where she remained for nearly three decades. The hospital, however, diagnosed her as schizophrenic and cured her in six months. As her family did not respond to requests to take her back, she remained at the mental hospital. When the journalist writing the report asked about her imprisoned life in the Pakistani camp her eyes brimmed with tears and she said she would not say anything. A non-governmental organisation (NGO) was trying to rescue Champa from the mental hospital and bring her to Dhaka.
Mookherjee met Champa at the Pabna Mental Hospital after this report was published. Champa seemed deeply suspicious of people who wanted to take her to Dhaka, but relaxed upon hearing that Mookherjee only wanted to talk to her. But she said she has no recollection of the year of the war. She said that many people had asked her about the year of the war, but she has not been able to remember anything.
Mookherjee also met the journalist who had written the
newspaper article. He confirmed he had not given an accurate account of Champas narrative, had not met her and his report was based on the accounts given by MBS (the NGO).
While Champa was supposed to have received treatment at the rehabilitation centre for two years (the centre was set up in 1972), the register of the mental hospital showed her admission there to be in 1972. The hospital register noted that Champa
might have been raped by the Pakistani army, while Champa said she remembered nothing about that year or how she ended up at the mental hospital.
Mookherjee, clearly worried about the implications of what she has discovered, writes, I must hastily add that I draw attention to these minute disjunctions to explore the assumptions that might have influenced the narrativisation of Champas story on the part of the journalist. Mookherjee refers more than once to 2,00,000 women raped in East Pakistan without questioning the basis for this number, and with regard to Champa, she argues that if forgetting is her way of expressing her trauma (of rape by the Pakistan army which Mookherjee has just shown is a claim made by others and without evidence), then she should be allowed to remain silent. In conclusion she writes, This paper should not be read as a negation of the violence of sexual violence of 1971″.
But, of course, Mookherjees paper is a negation of the supposed rape of Champa by the Pakistan army! All we really know about Champa after reading Mookherjees paper is that she is a mentally ill woman who has spent several decades at the Pabna Mental Hospital. She says she remembers nothing about 1971 or how she came to be at the hospital. The available evidence does not indicate whether she was raped by anyone. Nor is there evidence that she ever came into contact with the Pakistan army. The elaborate newspaper story about her rape and her eyes brimming with tears written by the journalist was a fabrication, as Mookherjee conclusively shows. The journalist had not even met Champa. His source was the non-governmental organisation which was trying to remove Champa from the only place she knew as home the mental hospital and parade her in Dhaka as a rape victim.
(5) Ami Birangona Bolchhi (This Is the Heroine Speaking) by Neelima Ibrahim:28 Neelima Ibrahims book is the only work of substance so far on sexual violence in East Pakistan in 1971, though it has several flaws which weaken it as evidence.
The book relates the stories of seven rape victims, whom Ibrahim came to know through the rehabilitation centre set up by the government of Bangladesh in Dhaka. Their identities are not revealed, understandably. However, the book contains only vague references to locations, dates or names, making authentication impossible. Ibrahim also adopted a fictionalised style of writing, which robs the victims of their true voice.
All seven victims are Bengalis only Bengalis were likely to have turned up at the Bangladeshi rehabilitation centre for help. In this regard Ibrahim failed to overcome the narrow linguistic identity fomented by the Bangladesh movement, thus failing to highlight rape as a crime, whatever the linguistic, ethnic or religious identity of the victims and perpetrators.
These flaws are likely to result in future readers doubting the authenticity of the cases related by Ibrahim. Still, given the paucity of reliable material on actual cases of rape, Ibrahims effort is a starting point. As she was a well-regarded writer, and demonstrates sensitivity about the way rape victims are treated in her own society, I have taken the information in her book on trust and use it to map systematic sexual violence in 1971 below.
Number and nature of sexual violence: All seven women in Ibrahims book were abducted individually, and all eventually ended up in barracks, in situations similar to what is known as comfort women of the Japanese army during the second world war. There are no cases of one-off opportunistic rape in Ibrahims book.Economic and Political Weekly September 22, 2007 3870
Each victim refers to being held in a group the numbers range from 5-6 to 20-25, as stated by five of the victims.
On the basis that each womans story reflects the fate of
13-14 others on average, we have evidence here of about 100 women forced into sexual slavery. Presumably only a fraction of the total victims came to the rehabilitation centre. If 100 women estimated here reflect only 10 per cent of those in similar circumstances, a total of 1,000 women would have suffered this fate. If 100 represent only 1 per cent of such cases, the total would be 10,000 women. The suffering of these women cannot be quantified, but focusing on the several thousand potentially real victims is vastly preferable to unsubstantiated allegations of hundreds of thousands of rape victims.
Each woman states that when they were rescued by Indian forces, their names and addresses were registered. The Indian authorities, therefore, possess information about how many captive women they rescued and who they were.
Socio-economic profile of the victims: Of the seven victims, six were Muslims, one was Hindu. Most were college-educated, one was studying in class VIII. One was married with a child. They were from Rajshahi, Narayanganj, Narsingdi, Khalispur, Dhaka and two unnamed district towns. Five were daughters of professionals doctor, lawyer, civil servant one of a tailor and one of a landed farmer. All were abducted from urban areas, except one who was taken after the family had fled to their village.
When were the women abducted?
Six women were abducted soon after the military action started on March 25, during the chaos and displacement of people fleeing to their villages. One was snatched from Dhaka in August.
Who abducted the women?
Four of the seven women were abducted by Bengali Muslims, one by Biharis (local non-Bengalis). The one taken from Dhaka states she does not know whether her abductors were Bengalis or non-Bengalis. Only one woman says that army personnel abducted her from her home, after shooting her parents. Several of the women knew their abductors one was the father of her school-mate and a local chairman, three women were abducted by neighbours.
Who raped the women?
Three of the women were raped by their Bengali abductors first and one by her Bihari abductors, before being handed over or sold on to the army. One woman does not know whether her abductors, who raped her first before passing her on, were Bengalis or non-Bengalis, but they were civilians.
Two of the seven owed their rape victim status solely to the
armed forces one was the exclusive companion of a Lt colonel until a brigadier arrived from headquarters, raped her, and re-assigned her officer. All the women ended up eventually in barracks or bunkers in appalling conditions. The locations of these comfort women seem to have been in or near Ishwardi, Mymensingh, Comilla, Jessore and Narayanganj.
What happened to the women after the war?
The Hindu victim was rejected by her family. (Another Hindu woman referred to in the book was also rejected by her family.) All the Muslim families accepted the women back despite societal difficulties, though the husband of the married victim and the mother of one woman rejected them. The Hindu victim went abroad and married a European, all the Muslims married/remarried.
Most striking is the case of one Muslim victim, who chose to marry a Pakistani soldier, one of her alleged rapists, and go to Pakistan. Indeed, Ibrahims first contact with rape victims was when she and two other women went to meet 30-40 Bengali women who wanted to go to Pakistan with their alleged rapists, rather than suffer stigma and abandonment in their own society.29 In Ibrahims book the woman who went to Pakistan had a son by her Pathan husband in Pakistan. When the son grew up, he joined the Pakistan army.
Concluding Remarks
The available evidence confirms the occurrence of rape but
does not support claims of hundreds of thousands of women raped by the army in East Pakistan in 1971. The seven case studies in Neelima Ibrahims book, the opportunistic rapes admitted by the army and the reports of massacres of non-Bengali (West Pakistani and Bihari) men, women and children by Bengalis, suggest that several thousand women may have been victims of sexual violence in 1971.
The available material shows that the victims of rape were Hindu and Muslim, Bengali, Bihari and West Pakistani. The perpetrators were civilian and military, and also Bengali,
Bihari and West Pakistani. Pakistan army officers admit to the occasional opportunistic rape or attempted rape of women, Bengali and West Pakistani, by army personnel. Many of the non-Bengali victims appear to have been killed after sexual brutalisation by Bengali mobs as part of the ethnic cleansing set off by the militant Bengali nationalist movement as evidenced by the state of their corpses, while those who survived had no place in the heroine category in independent Bangladesh.
The circumstances of rape appear to have varied: opportunistic misconduct by army personnel on patrolling duty, sexual
brutalisation during ethnic cleansing and mob violence, or criminality taking advantage of the dislocations of war and break-down of law and order.
The allegation that the army maintained comfort women
even if the numbers were nowhere close to Bangladeshi claims is a serious charge and merits further inquiry. However, Ibrahims book reveals that in most cases the abductors and rapists of Bengali women were Bengali men, who later passed them on to the military. For the majority of these women, therefore, even if the Pakistan army had done nothing, they would still be rape victims.
It is imperative that scholars specialising in the issue of
sexual violence during war, revisit the 1971 conflict with a more rigorous standard of scrutiny than has been the case so far in order to document the true extent and nature of sexual violence and correct the poor documentation and misrepresentation that has inhibited analysis and marred commentary on the subject to date.
Voluntary liaisons between local women and army personnel and the prostitution that invariably accompanies the deployment of soldiers need to be excluded, to focus on the crime of rape (including comfort women), regardless of the religion, ethnicity or politics of the victims or the perpetrators.
Both recorded documentation and new interviews need to be used to piece together the history of sexual violence in 1971. Several potential archival records need to be pursued the records of the rehabilitation centres set up in Bangladesh after the war, records of foreign and international agencies who attempted to help reported victims of sexual violence, and records of the Indian army on women rescued by them. This effort requires the cooperation of the governments of Bangladesh and India.
Finally, there is no alternative to finding as many real victims of rape as possible and interviewing them but the interviews should be conducted by a credible team of international scholars in a systematic and verifiable manner. Fiction cannot substitute for fact and every distraction from the true cases of rape takes us further away from discovering the nature of sexual violence in 1971 and compounds the injustice against the real victims, whose voices are still mostly silent.
Email: sarmilabose@yahoo.com
