Yes, India can attack Pakistan. That's a genuine concern. But it has nothing to do with media censorship, or what this thread speaks about.
We live in the 21st century. If there was a civil war, we would know it.
Under Modi, India’s press is not so free anymore
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Yes, India can attack Pakistan. That's a genuine concern. But it has nothing to do with media censorship, or what this thread speaks about.
We live in the 21st century. If there was a civil war, we would know it.
El Sidd
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Do you really need censorship when mobs lynch you for dissenting views to the government?
There are indians on the forum shushing each other up telling the Government may pick them up and they will disappear.
You are from Pakistan. A country that took 10 years to realise they were in one themselves and all that happened in 21st century.
War is a legal affair and civil war too.
1. Okay. I don't care, once again about media censorship.
2. Yes, war is a legal affair and so is civil war.
No, just because I am from Pakistan doesn't mean I don't have access to a phone and the internet.
And no, you can't hide a civil war.
El Sidd
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When the police watches on and they burn down the houses of armed forces personnel.
it is a civil war.
You seem quite frustrated on the forum. What happened dude?
lol.
Yes, as we are witnessing, thousands of houses have been burnt down; muslims are being forced to flee in the thousands; just the other day, the police led a massacre killing hundred; large number of refugees have piled up on the border; Imran Khan has called a National Security Meeting to address and gauge the situation.
Okay, now for you to step up your personal attacks.
El Sidd
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Atleast know your audience.
That is true. The "mirgants" on the move in India are being told to go to Bangladesh in Assam and Eastern States.
Hahaha, you're calling my sarcastic scenario true. Okay, dude, what are you smoking.
Probably. You know it's pretty funny how lazy journalist sites and news agencies have become. I remember reading some article regarding Pakistan and the military 1.5 years back, and the same article was copy pasted literally on other publishing sites with very minor changes or a couple additions here and there.
The "freelance" or "independent" run on donations and subscriptions and they cater to that audience.
The "wannabe all" do reviews and stuff as well and are riddled with biased product advertisements.
Then these more official ones just like to get as many views as possible in any way possible.
El Sidd
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Herbal plants but that's not the topic here
DavidsSling
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It says it's a NYTimes article.
aryadravida
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We are not super power...and majority of Hindus were illiterate,were not united when we got independence..congress bastrds further divided us in the name of castes...congress took us for granted...they appeased Muslims...gave special privileges to them...ignored the violence ,terrorist attacks and murders perpetrated by Muslims...Muslims were having a field day..muslims were publicly mocking us by supporting Pakistan...they were making fun of us saying we broke your India and what you could do.
They even went on to burn complete coaches of innocent Hindus in Gujarat...that was the straw that broke the camel's back.
Hindus anger flooded uncontrollably..a full blown revenge in the history of India in which Hindus had upper hand took place for the first time.
Nobody knows what role Modi played in it...but leftist media was hell bent on portraying Modi as the man responsible for the genocide of Muslims.
What they didn't realise then was they were unknowingly creating a future PM..the idea of leftist media to make Modi villain backfired...within a month Modi started becoming the new messiah of Hindus.
Over a period of time his role in the development of Gujarat established him as a good administrator....and the stage was set for him to be the next PM of India....and the rest is history....
The violent and traitor Muslims along with left media is the reason Modi has become PM today and hindutva BJP came to power.
PradoTLC
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no where near the indian level
what a load of rubbish....
then again you are a hindu indian.
so what caused the hindu who murdered Mathma Ghandi?..... oh wait congress pleased us... wait that was post independence?.... when did Ghandi die.. sorry my google doesnt work.. tell us.
then the Dehli riots of 1947... oh wait hindus were peacefull then...
the massacre of 500K muslims by indian army 1947... what happened then?
stop hiding lies....
The Violent Toll of Hindu Nationalism in India
A populist Prime Minister has legitimized India’s more militant groups, and targeted attacks against religious minorities are on the rise.
By Eliza Griswold
March 5, 2019
Illustration by Najeebah Al-Ghadban; Source Photograph from Getty
On April 1, 2017, Irshad Khan, a slight twenty-six-year-old with glossy black hair and the faint shadow of a beard and mustache, helped his eighteen-year-old brother, Arif, and their father, Pehlu, load two cows into the bed of their white Mahindra pickup truck. The Khans were heading from a cattle market in Jaipur, the capital of Rajasthan, to their village of Jaishingpur, a four-hour drive away. Muslims and lower-caste Hindus, or Dalits, live side by side in the village, harvesting mustard from fields of yellow flowers. The village, home to six hundred people, is relatively well-off, and has grown more prosperous, as Delhi has mushroomed into a megacity of twenty-seven million and the price of land surrounding the city has skyrocketed. Some Muslim families in the village, including the Khans, are wealthy traders who transport goods like sand and vegetables to the cities around Delhi.
That afternoon, Irshad climbed into the truck alongside his father and brother. Cows are sacred to Hindus but Irshad had made this trip dozens of times since he was a boy. He’d heard rumors of potential trouble for Muslims at roadside checkpoints, where members of a militant Hindu youth group called the Bajrang Dal were intimidating Muslim traders in the name of protecting cows. Still, Irshad wasn’t nervous. “We had no fear at all,” he told me recently. “We were coming from a government-organized fair, and buying and selling cows is a legal business.”
The militant Hindu nationalism that the group espouses is not new. Nathuram Godse, who assassinated Gandhi, on January 30, 1948, was a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or R.S.S., a violent right-wing organization that promotes Hindu supremacy. Members of the Bajrang Dal are the movement’s foot soldiers, deployed in instances of mob violence or for targeted attacks against Muslims and other religious minorities. Founded in 1984, the group was part of a movement to destroy the Babri Masjid, a sixteenth-century mosque located in Ayodhya, India, which was built by the emperor Babur. (The mosque was ultimately demolished during a violent R.S.S. rally in 1992.) Since its early days, the group has formed some twenty-five-hundred cells across the country. I first reported on these cells, called akhadas, in 2005, in Dharavi, Mumbai, Asia’s largest slum, where, in the name of protecting cows, the militants recruited impoverished Hindu boys to their violent cause. Paul Richard Brass, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Washington, has called the Bajrang Dal “a somewhat pathetic but nevertheless dangerous version of the Nazi S.A.”—or the Brownshirts, the Nazi Party’s first paramilitary organization.
For much for the past thirty years, the Bajrang Dal has either been banned or has lurked at the margins of Indian society. But in 2014 Narendra Modi, the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party, or the B.J.P., a right-wing political party that was an offshoot of the R.S.S., was elected Prime Minister. Since then, the militant group has been legitimized and grown exponentially more powerful. In the past seven years, according to Factchecker.in, an organization that tracks hate crimes, there have been a hundred and sixty-eight attacks by Hindu extremists, in the name of protecting cows, against Muslims and other religious minorities. The attacks left forty-six people dead. “It’s really a very, very bad moment for Muslims in India,” Salman Khurshid, India’s former foreign minister and the author of a forthcoming book, “Invisible Citizens,” on the systematic oppression of Muslims in the country, told me. He laid out several setbacks for Muslims in Indian history. “First, in 1857, the failure of the war of independence,” he said, citing the brutal British repression of a popular uprising, in which Muslim and Hindu soldiers rose up together against the colonialists. Then partition, when British India divided into two independent states, predominantly Hindu India and predominantly Muslim Pakistan, and more than a million people died in sectarian violence. Khurshid cited the destruction of Babri Mosque as a third example. And then told me, “the next big setback is the rise of this government.” Under Modi, incidents of communal violence rose twenty-eight per cent between 2014 and 2017.
When Irshad and his family got stuck in traffic in Alwar, about halfway home from the cow market, a gang of eight men surrounded the Khans’ truck and demanded to know what was in the back. “Cows,” Pehlu said, and handed one of the men the official papers to prove that the cows were legal. “We’re Bajrang Dal, and we don’t care about these papers,” the man replied, tearing them up and throwing them on the road. Then the men pulled the Khans from the truck and passed them around, angrily asking questions. The Khans had driven by a police station about half a mile back, and they were still almost within sight of it. Irshad thought that if they could just hang on for a few minutes and keep the militants talking, the police would arrive to help them. But the minutes passed, and the police didn’t come. Instead, dozens more men pressed in around them and began beating them; Irshad felt a stinging cuff to his ear, and then the blows became heavier and more regular, drawing blood. Arif fell to the ground and curled into the fetal position. Pehlu, who was dressed in all white and had a small beard, a sign of religious devotion, was beaten unconscious.
Eventually, the police broke up the crowd and carried the Khans to a local hospital. An angry mob of villagers followed and surrounded the building. A kindly doctor locked Irshad and his brother in a room for their protection, and the boys recalled listening to the sound of feet as the villagers clambered onto the hospital’s roof. “We could hear them shouting they wanted to kill all three of us,” Irshad told me. Over the next two days the boys began to recover, but, on April 3rd, Pehlu died of his injuries. When the news of his death spread, the boys said that the mob returned and demanded his body so that they could desecrate it. The doctor hid the corpse in the hospital basement, and a police unit moved the boys to another hospital for their safety. When the brothers were in stable enough condition to go back to Jaishingpur, hundreds of people arrived from their village and neighboring ones to escort them home.
This spring, Modi is up for reëlection, and campaign season in India has sometimes sparked violence between Hindu nationalists and Muslims in the past. The B.J.P. is especially anxious this year, because of a series of unexpected losses in recent state elections. In Rajasthan, India’s first Minister of Cows, who presided over a sanctuary for the animals, was soundly defeated. These electoral losses have little to do with a backlash against right-wing Hindu nationalism. Instead, they reveal growing dissatisfaction with the failure of Modi and the B.J.P. to deliver on the economic development that they promised five years ago. In 2014, most Indians voted for Modi in the hopes that he would lift their economic status. In fact, India’s economy is the fastest growing in the world, and more than two-hundred and seventy-million people have risen out of poverty over the last fifteen years. Yet, under Modi, growth is lower than promised and India is facing its highest rate of unemployment in forty-five years. Over the past several weeks, Modi has announced a new round of economic measures designed to placate frustrated voters, including delivering cash handouts to struggling farmers.
The Streets of Rome Under Quarantine
The B.J.P.-controlled national government has passed several laws in recent years that have made life more difficult for religious minorities. In several states, local governments have also passed “anti-conversion” laws that make it illegal to forcibly convert people to a new religion. The ostensible purpose of the measures is to shield Hindus from aggressive Christian proselytizing, or to protect them from Islam. But conversion has historically also provided members of lower castes a way out of the caste system’s repressive strictures. The Bajrang Dal also cited the statutes as a justification for attacks against Muslims and Christians. In 2016, in Uttar Pradesh, the Bajrang Dal falsely accused a pastor of forcibly converting Hindus to Christianity, shaved his head, and paraded him through town on a donkey. The United States has generally remained silent regarding the repression of minorities in Modi’s India. In 2015, when Modi was selected as one of Time magazine’s hundred most influential people in the world, President Obama wrote a glowing tribute and said nothing of the militant nationalism that helped bring Modi to power. Despite President Trump’s public support of religious freedom, he has not criticized the oppression of religious minorities in India. Modi has made several high-profile visits to the U.S., including a state visit in 2017.
For the international community, the dominant narrative of India under Modi has been a story of economic success, not an account of religious violence and repression. “Do you really think that American businessmen care what is happening here?” Amitabh Kundu, one of India’s leading economists, asked me, in his office in Delhi. “It will take moderate Hindus to push back against this rabid Hindutva.” Kundu is the author of a study, published in 2014, that documents the socioeconomic status of India’s Muslims, who make up roughly fifteen per cent of the population. Kundu has documented that, although caste-based discrimination has fallen considerably in the last few decades, discrimination against Muslims is on the rise. Despite an influx of people into urban centers across India, the rate of Muslim migration to large cities is decreasing, because they are largely shut out of the labor market. Their names are also frequently removed from voter rolls. In 2018, Hindu nationalist groups called for a ban on public prayer by Muslims in parks in Gurgaon, which led to vicious mob attacks in the name of enforcement.
After speaking with Kundu, I visited Sarim Naved, a young Muslim lawyer, in his windowless, basement office in a law firm in south Delhi. Naved works on human-rights cases involving mob killings, and police brutality, against Muslims. He had left a job at a high-profile bank and committed himself to advocacy in part because he had grown up in an era of rising Islamophobia in India. “If you’re a Muslim, you’re born political,” he said. He was a child in 1992, when the Babri Mosque was demolished, and images of its destruction have stayed with him. “People say that there was once a political left in India, but my generation has never seen it,” he said. “We’ve only seen Hindu nationalism.”
On a recent afternoon, I visited Irshad and Arif, the brothers who survived the mob attack, in their home village with local human-rights activists.They still live in their father’s large compound, which is set in a warren of muddy roads lined with neem trees. In an open courtyard, a buffalo grazed on a tether; a goat and three kids pressed their heads against a wall, trying to warm themselves in the winter sun. Irshad dragged his bed into the sunshine so that we could sit down. Irshad and Arif told me that the attack had ruined their lives, not only because they had grown up wealthy and were now facing poverty but also because of the shame associated with being attacked by a mob. “People look at us with contempt,” he said. Some people had tried to help. Behind him, a green and yellow John Deere tractor, which had been a gift from supporters, sat in the center of the courtyard beyond a patch of spinach. Irshad said he was grateful for the tractor, but the mustard harvest was seasonal, and couldn’t support the family year-round. They had lost their cows in the attack, and their father’s dairy business was now closed. Irshad had abandoned working as a trader. The roads were too dangerous, he said, regardless of what he was transporting. Cows, or a rumor of cows, are now enough to get him killed. He left the village only for work as a driver, when he could find it, earning around seventy-five dollars a month.
Last July, the pattern of killings of Muslims grew so dire—in 2018, there were thirteen fatal cow-related lynchings—that the Indian Supreme Court demanded that the legislature formulate laws against the practice, which it has yet to do. Last month, Human Rights Watch released a hundred-and-four-page report documenting the violence, and the inaction—and abuses—of the government officials charged with investigating the crimes. “Lynching has become a nationalist project,” Mohammad Ali, a prominent Indian journalist who is currently working on a book about the phenomenon, told me. He said few perpetrators are punished, which has created a culture of impunity. Killers are lauded in some quarters as heroes for defending the faith and eradicating Muslims.
The Khans’ case was rare in that Pehlu, who briefly regained consciousness before dying, was able to identify several of his attackers by name, none of whom were charged. Instead, nine other men were indicted for Pehlu’s murder. Although Irshad knew it was dangerous, he decided to return to Alwar to testify at the trial. As he approached the town, he said a car pulled up behind him and masked men inside started firing at his vehicle. They missed, and he escaped, fleeing back to Jaishingpur. He never made it to court, and all nine of the men accused of killing his father were let go on bail. This impunity is especially troubling given the evidence. A video of the attack, recorded by one of the perpetrators, was posted on a YouTube channel related to the Bajrang Dal. It quickly accumulated more than six hundred thousand views.
At the Khans’ house, Shabnam, Irshad’s wife, walked into the courtyard carrying their third child, an infant son, who screamed at the presence of strangers. She told me that their life had grown more chaotic with Pehlu gone; they missed his income, yes, but also the quiet order that he instilled in the family. “There’s no one to bind the family together now,” she told me. She had first heard of the attack a few hours after it happened. A police officer called from a nearby village to inform her and, soon after, someone sent her the YouTube video.
I asked her if it was still online; she nodded, and one of the local human-rights activists pulled out his phone and brought up the YouTube channel. We scrolled through it, looking for the attack. There were dozens of similar videos showing killings of Muslims, which were deeply disturbing both for their violence and for the obvious pride that the attackers took in being Internet stars. In one, a man wearing white pants and a bright pink sweater beat a Muslim man to death with a stick and sets him on fire, accusing him of committing “love jihad”: falling in love with a Hindu woman. After recording the murder, the attacker turns to the camera and says, “I am appealing to all Hindu sisters that don’t get into the trap of these jihadis. These people will win your heart and satisfy their lust.” In the another, a Bajrang Dal member leans into a truck’s open window. “What is your name?” he shouts, slapping the driver. “Mubarak,” the driver replies. The cameraman slaps him again. “Say ‘Mubarak Muslim,’ ” he demands. Finally, we found the video of Pehlu’s murder. It begins with Pehlu sitting on a curb, his palm upturned as he pleads with someone off camera. Then one of the attackers knocks him backward, and he disappears from the frame.
Eliza Griswold, a contributing writer covering religion, politics, and the environment, has been writing for The New Yorker since 2003. She won the Pulitzer Prize for general nonfiction for “Amity and Prosperity: One Family and the Fracturing of America,” in 2019.
https://www.newyorker.com/news/on-religion/the-violent-toll-of-hindu-nationalism-in-india
Thorough Pro
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Aasimkhan
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I am glad he is ur PM. India deserves a PM like Modi. Modi will have the honour of driving the last main in India's coffin.
fisher1
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Delhi: Media One anchorman Vinesh Kunhiraman went on air as usual March 6, ready to tell the station's 5 million viewers in India's Kerala state about the death anniversary of a beloved comedian and the latest news on the coronavirus pandemic.
A production control room at NDTV, which has laid off hundreds of journalists after what executives say was government pressure on its advertisers. CREDIT:THE NEW YORK TIMES
Just a few minutes into the broadcast, he saw the managing editor rush to the studio floor, gesturing wildly. "I realised something was not right," Kunhiraman recalled.
The station's uplink suddenly went dead. Kunhiraman's image dissolved into a blue screen. A bland message told viewers there was no signal. "We regret the inconvenience," it said.
But this was no technical difficulty.
The station had been cut off by an order from India's Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. The government decided to block the channel for 48 hours because it had covered February's biggest news story — the mob attacks on Muslims in New Delhi that flared into broader unrest — in a way that seemed "critical toward Delhi Police and RSS," the order said.
Surrounded by satellite television dishes, a man flies a paper kite from a rooftop in Delhi, India. Satellite TV subscriptions are cheap, and Indians can tune in to 178 television news channels. CREDIT:NEW YORK TIMES
The RSS is a Hindu-nationalist social movement with close ties to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata party.
"It was shocking the central government took such a decision," said R. Subhash, an editor at Media One. "It was an attack on the freedom of the press."
India's free press has played a crucial role in protecting the country's democracy since its independence from Britain in 1947. But journalists here now feel under attack.
Since Modi came to power in 2014, they say, his government has tried to control the country's news media, especially the airwaves, like no other prime minister in decades. Modi has shrewdly cultivated the media to build a cult of personality that portrays him as the nation's selfless saviour.
Bharatiya Janata Party supporters celebrate in New Delhi with a cutout of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in May as he cruised to a re-election victory.CREDIT:NEW YORK TIMES
At the same time, senior government officials have pressed news outlets — berating editors, cutting off advertising, ordering tax investigations — to ignore the uglier side of his party's campaign to transform India from a tolerant, religiously diverse country into an assertively Hindu one.
With the coronavirus pandemic, Modi has gotten more blatant in his attempt to control coverage and, as with other difficult stories, some Indian news executives seem willing to go along.
Right before he announced the world's largest coronavirus lockdown, on 1.3 billion people, Modi met with top news executives and urged them to publish "inspiring and positive stories" about the government's efforts.
Then, after the lockdown stranded a half-million migrant workers, with some dying along the highways, his lawyers persuaded the Supreme Court this week to order all media to "publish the official version" of coronavirus developments, although outlets are still allowed to carry independent reporting.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ordered a three-week lockdown to try and stop the spread of the coronavirus.CREDIT:TWITTER/@NARENDRAMODI
An association of leading broadcasters was quick to praise the court decision, which many intellectuals said was yet another attack on India's constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech.
Through an aide, India's information and broadcasting minister, Prakash Javadekar, initially agreed to discuss the government's media policies. But in the two weeks since then, Javadekar has declined to answer any questions, including a written list emailed to him. His aide cited the demands of the coronavirus crisis.
India's media universe is vast, perhaps the biggest in the world: more than 17,000 newspapers, 100,000 magazines, 178 television news channels and countless websites in dozens of languages. Thousands of Facebook pages call themselves news publishers, and YouTube is filled with local bulletins on everything from real estate trends to police raids.
But Modi's ministers have leaned on business leaders to cut off support to independent media, slowly strangling their operations. His government has pressured media owners to fire journalists who have criticised the prime minister and told them to stop running features like hate-crime trackers that have embarrassed Modi's party.
Modi is backed up by an army of online allies who discredit and harass independent journalists; female journalists, in particular, have been besieged with abuse and rape threats. And police say Hindu nationalists were behind the 2017 murder of Gauri Lankesh, a female newspaper editor hailed as one of India's most crusading journalists.
Like other populist leaders, Modi and his ministers bristle at any public criticism, whether from business executives, foreign leaders or even schoolchildren.
And for the most part, Indian news outlets have knuckled under, concluding that because much of the public supports the prime minister, they should, too. Even sceptical journalists censor themselves, afraid to be branded anti-national by a government that equates patriotism with support for Modi.
The business model in India doesn't help. Well before Modi first became prime minister in 2014, newspapers and television stations have relied on government advertising, allowing politicians to reward friendly outlets and punish critics.
And media owners often run other businesses for which they need the government's favour, making them reluctant to take on those in power.
With the coronavirus pandemic dampening advertising and restricting newspaper circulation, news organisations are now sliding into crisis. One of the most independent, The Indian Express, just decided to cut salaries.
Even as Modi constantly touts India as the world's largest democracy, its ranking on the Reporters Without Borders press freedom index is 140 out of 180.
No TV channel has come under more pressure from Modi's government than NDTV, an influential network that airs in English and Hindi. Modi's grudge goes back to 2002, when he was chief minister of Gujarat state, and NDTV journalists reported that his government stood by while hundreds of Muslims were massacred in religiously driven violence.
When Modi became prime minister, his administration began a full-scale assault on NDTV. The government accused it of laundering money through a deal with NBC, the US TV network. The accusations have dragged on for years, and NDTV denies any wrongdoing.
"The thing in India is, you can file a case and win it 10 years later," said Prannoy Roy, one of NDTV's founders. "The process is the punishment."
Many within India's news firmament have embraced Modi, sensing how much the popular mood has swung away from India's founding secularism and toward Modi's brand of strident Hindu nationalism. Right-wing TV anchors, led by Arnab Goswami of Republic TV, compete to outdo one another as the loudest Modi supporters.
As the government announced the crackdown in Kashmir, a Muslim-majority area that was stripped of its statehood in August and put under a severe crackdown, M.K. Anand, managing director of Times Network, sent his editors a directive.
"We are India's leading news broadcasters," he wrote in a WhatsApp message, seen by The New York Times. "It is important that we stay firmly with the national government at this juncture instead of focusing on finding faults."
The New York Times
https://www.theage.com.au/world/asi...s-is-not-so-free-anymore-20200404-p54h1g.html
I love your profile picture. Really accurate.
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