Plus tout à fait. Let me explain.
In the 1970's, after the Citroën factory was dismantled in western Paris, members of the Iranian bourgeoisie invested in the buildings erected in its place. Some bought property along the Côte d'Azur, and a couple of them in Evian-les-Bains. After the Islamic Revolution, individuals pertaining for the most part to this monarchist bourgeoisie settled in the 15th district of Paris on a permanent basis. At that time they were making up the lion's share of Iranians in France (not dissimilar to Iranians of Kensington in London), to be joined a couple of years later by MKO cultists.
Nowadays however the picture is different, since other waves of immigrants arrived over time. About half or slightly more are residing in Ile-de-France, the rest are living in other parts of the country. For instance in Lyon, there are three Iranian restaurants, in Strasbourg there's one, in Nice there are four etc. You will even find a couple of these in a token number of small localities. But in terms of professions, the people running these restaurants never made up more than an infinitesimal portion of the overall Iranian community.
The district you're pointing to should concentrate about 40%-50% of local Iranians within the Paris municipality (not counting any of the suburbs). However Iranians reside elsewhere as well, such as in the 13th district (Place d'It, Chinatown and surroundings, you may come across the odd Iranian at the KFC on a Saturday afternoon), in the 16th, in the 20th (Gambetta), in the 10th, in Créteil, even in Seine Saint-Denis (where there's actually one Iranian chelo-kababi, another is located in the 95 at Roissy CDG airport town Aéroville) and so on. Not to mention MKO members in Cergy-Pontoise, if they didn't leave for Albania that is.
Total number of Iranians in France should stand at between 40.000 and 60.000 (grand max). Perhaps 20.000 to 30.000 in Ile-de-France, roughly 15.000 to 20.000 intra muros. Which would square well with the UK's approximately 85.000 (of which some 45.000 are staying in London).
True. Although as said, among Iranians living abroad there are those who remain loyal to the Islamic Republic as well. You just don't hear them much, don't see them often. America's and Europe's millions, and the visibility they bring, go to oppositionists only. Faut pas s'fier complètement aux apparences.
These aren't mutually exclusive. Borders ought to be surveilled yes, but so should the law be upheld domestically.
Wha's more, these CCTV cameras will come in handy for identifying criminals including terrorists. So they'll be useful for a range of issues, not just for the dress code. And it's not as if they were being installed now specially to regulate hejab, they'll make use of existing cameras.
As concerns the latter, it's not really a waste of resources. See, what's happening right now is that authorities seem to be moving away from the traditional model which consisted in enforcing the dress code through police patrols and sometimes arrests etc, towards contact-less enforcement. A certain number of those breaching the law will be identified through CCTV cameras and they will likely be sent a legal reminder.
So actually government will likely save money this way, and patrolling police will be freed up for other missions.
Enforcement of the Islamic dress code should not be put into equivalence with the neutralization of foreign threats, these are separate topics and efforts on one front never preclude efficient measures on the other. It's is actually a talking point resorted to by Iran's enemies, who hope in this way to incite Iranians against their legitimate government and against the Islamic Revolution.
This is while in terms of national security, no Iranian government since the Safavids has had a better record than the Islamic Republic, as any honest look at history will invariably show.
It wasn't a seller who threw the yoghurt but another client in fact. There are hot headed individuals in every group of people regardless of their views.
Also bear in mind that youth is a dwindling category of the Iranian population. With the extreme demographic slump and fertility crisis Iran is undergoing (Iranians are having fewer children than the French, which is a catastrophe for Iran actually), there will soon not be any youth to speak of.
Last but not least, don't forget that among this same youth, there are religious people deeply attached to Islamic hejab. What both the government and patriotic citizens ought to focus on, considering the enemy's attempts to stir conflict between religious and less religious Iranians around the topic of hejab, is devising solutions which inherently reduce conflictuality all the while of preserving the identity of the Islamic Republic and conforming to Islamic precepts, in line with the wishes of the majority.
