I think so. If you recall, from 1949-1972 the U.S. stationed warships in the Taiwan Strait to deter a Chinese invasion. As China-U.S. relations improved, the U.S. substituted fifteen passages of U.S. ships a month through the Strait, asserting freedom of navigation and commitment to Taiwan yet removing an unending irritant.
You're not prevent the Chinese "invasion", you are interfering in China's civil war, you are maintaining a dictatorship in Taiwan.
CHINA SHAKES THE WORLD，
First Edition，1949 JACK BELDEN
HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS， NEW YORK
ÔĶÁ´°¿Ú
第十二章 独夫单挑人民 CHAPTER XII
DICTATOR VS. PEOPLE
第五十三节 失乐园：台湾大屠杀 53. Paradise Lost: Massacre at Formosa
　　当我从满洲回来的时候，我发现国民党已经半公开地向它本国人民宣战。席卷全国的反内战、反美国干涉和反独裁的示威游行进到直接的血腥镇压。成千上万的学生、商人和知识分子被殴打，成千上万的人被投入监狱，还有不少人挨了刺刀，吃了子弹，惨遭杀害。干这些勾当的时候，多半用的是剿匪、控捕间谍或共产党特务等名义。但是受害者人数之多、声望之高，使广大群众无法接受这些诬陷不实之词。一阵阵激愤的批评声来自四面八方。为了平息民愤，政府有时只好承认许多受害者并非共产党，而只是一些受了外国异端邪说的影响而误入歧途青年。蒋介石说，为了拯救中国，为了肃清这些异端邪说的影响，人民必须遵守圣贤之道，接受政府对他们的改造。
　　在一九四七和一九四八年间，蒋介石政府在台湾岛上，以实验室的规模对人民试行了这种“改造”。
　　其结果是很说明问题的，因为那里既受不到俄国人的影响，中共也插不上手，甚至内战也没有波及到那里。一九四七年二月，蒋介石军队杀害了数百名手无寸铁的台湾人，却几乎末引起外界的注意。直到敢于仗义执言的《密勒氏评论报》美籍编辑约翰·鲍威尔去该岛采访，如实报道了他的所见所闻以后，这个事件才透露出来。尽管国民党报刊破口大骂鲍威尔“小题大作”，但是我却发现实际情况比鲍威尔所报导的还要严重。
链接：史海回眸：血泪“二二八事件”给历史写下沉重一页
WHEN I returned from Manchuria, I found the Kuomintang had declared semi-open warfare on its own people. Nationwide demonstrations against the civil war, against American intervention and against dictatorship had been met by direct and bloody suppression. Thousands of students, businessmen and intellectuals had been beaten, thousands of others imprisoned and still others shot down, bayoneted and murdered. Most of these actions were performed in the name of suppressing bandits, catching spies or uncovering Communist agents. Both the numbers and the prominence of the victims prevented these charges from gaining any wide acceptance, and in order to quiet the anguished howls of criticism that rose from all quarters, the Chinese government was sometimes forced to admit that many of the victims were not Communists, but merely youths who had been led astray by false and foreign doctrines.
　　In order to save China from these pernicious influences, said Chiang Kai-shek, it was necessary that the people return to the virtuous ways of the ancient sages and allow the government to regenerate them.
　　During 1947 and 1948, on the island of Formosa, an experiment in this "regeneration" of the people by the government of Chiang Kai-shek was carried out on a laboratory scale - beyond the reaches of the Russians, beyond the grasp of the Chinese Communists and even beyond the civil war and therefore very convincing. During February 1947, Chiang's soldiers had killed hundreds of unarmed Formosans, but these events had passed almost unnoticed in the outside world until John W. Powell, the courageous American editor of the China Weekly Review visited the island and gave a factual account of what he saw and heard. Although Powell was reviled by the Kuomintang press for "exaggerating" a minor affair, I found things even worse than Powell had described.
　　要理解台湾惨案的实质，就需要了解其发生背景。这个长椭圆形的岛屿，面积同荷兰差不多，离中国大陆海岸有一百英里，堪称东方最引人人胜的地方之一。在这小小的天地里，景色瑰丽多彩，美不胜收，简直可同整个美国媲美。全岛有三分之二是丘陵，有七十七座高达一万英尺的山峰。有些山峰保持着迷人的原始风光，海拔七千英尺的陡崖峭壁巍然屹立，直插环绕全岛的太平洋万顷碧波之中。雨季一到，山洪呼啸奔泻而下，提供了重要的水电资源。山峦低处的坡地披盖着难以穿行的热带丛林，低平处是精耕细作的农田，整个农村像是一个黄绿相映的大花园，稻田、农舍、繁忙的道路和蜿蜒的溪流交织其间。岛屿四周海滨点缀着无数的沙滩，是理想的日光浴和游泳场所。气候暖和，温差不大，即使在最炎热的季节，也有习习海风吹来，有时也刮起一阵飓风，使得岛上顿时凉爽宜人。
　　台湾人民生产的粮食自给有余，遍地盛产鱼、米和水果。更有那万紫千红的鲜花朵朵，点缀着山坡、水田，佩戴在秀丽的台湾中国妇女头上，为这个天然乐园锦上添花。
　　To appreciate the nature of the tragic events on Formosa, it is necessary to understand something about the setting in which they occurred. This long oval island, which is about the size of Holland and lies a hundred miles off the coast of China, must be regarded as one of the most attractive places in the Orient. Within its narrow confines there is contained a wealth of scenery that is almost as varied as that offered by the entire United States. Two-thirds of the island is mountainous, with seventy-seven peaks reaching nearly to ten thousand feet. Some of these mountains have a savage and enchanted look, plunging almost perpendicularly from heights of seven thousand feet directly into the Pacific which runs around the island in a belt of pale green water. In the rainy season, ******** come roaring down from the mountains and are important sources of hydroelectric power. Tropical forests cover the lower slopes of the hills, forming jungles that are difficult to penetrate. The lowlands are intensively cultivated and the whole countryside is a vast green and yellow garden of paddy fields, peasant hamlets, well-worn paths and meandering creeks. Necklacing the island are numerous sandy beaches which offer ideal spots for sun-bathing and swimming. The climate is warm and equable; a sea breeze, which sometimes sharpens into a hurricane, keeps the island fresh and cool even on the hottest days.
　　The people on Formosa grow more food than they can use, and rice, fruits and fish are everywhere in abundance. To complete the picture of this natural paradise, there are flowers of many colors which decorate the hill slopes, the paddy fields and also the heads of the pretty Formosan-Chinese women.
　　
　　台湾的历史是很不平静的。据史书记载，中国人在公元六〇五年第一次远征该岛。后来满洲人征服中国的时候，离乡背并的明朝遗民在这里找到了安身之地，把土著的部落居民赶进了深山。有一个时期，台湾成了海盗啸聚之所。海盗从岛上的老巢出发，在中国沿海一带杀人越货。岛的周围有危险的暗礁，西方世界船舶在此触礁遇难，数以百计，它们也成为海盗掠夺的对像。遇难船上的人员一般都遭到杀害。荷兰人和葡萄牙人先后占领过路上的部分地区。最后，到了一八九五年，昏庸无能的清廷签订条约把台湾割让给了日本。日本人花了七年时间才平定了全岛。但是局势一定，他们就发展交通，改善公共卫生，扩大商品流通，规划农业，以提高人民生活。他们消弥匪患，兴修铁路，保证行旅安全，为台湾人建立了一套严厉的法制，但是却没有给他们多少社会或政治自由。
　　由于最后这一条，由于台湾人认为自己是中国人，出于他们并未意识到自己的文化水平比祖国人民更高，由于他们已经风闻大西洋宪章、民主和蒋介石夫人的新生活运动，因此一九四五年秋中国军队进驻台湾时，当地居民一片欢腾，他们穿着节日盛装，列队到火车站和码头上去欢迎他们的“解放者”。
　　但是他们的喜悦心情几乎在一夜之间就化为乌有，因为他们发现自己不是被解放，而是被征服——而且是被比他们文化水平低的人所征服。
　　Formosa has had a violent history. The Chinese made the first recorded expedition to the island in A.D. 605. Later, when the Manchus conquered China, Ming dynasty expatriates found refuge here and drove the aboriginal tribesmen into the hills. For a time, Formosa became a great pirate lair and buccaneers from headquarters on the island made raids up and down the China coast and also feasted off the hundreds of Western-world ships that were wrecked on her treacherous rocks. Castaways were generally killed. The Dutch and the Portuguese occupied parts of the island at various times and finally in 1895, the decrepit Manchus signed Formosa over to the Japanese. It took the Japanese seven years to pacify the island, but when they had done so they improved the living conditions of the people by developing communications, improving public health, expanding commodity distribution and instituting agricultural planning. They eliminated banditry, developed railways, made the roads safe for travel and gave the Formosans a Spartan kind of justice, but not much social or political freedom.
　　Because of this last fact, because they considered themselves Chinese, because they did not realize they were culturally more advanced than the people of their own motherland and because they had heard of the Atlantic Charter, democracy and the New Life Movement of Madame Chiang Kai-shek, the arrival of Chinese troops in the autumn of 1945 created a great stir of enthusiasm among the islanders, and they trooped to the railway stations and the docks in holiday clothes to welcome their "liberators."
　　Their joy, however, vanished almost overnight, for they found they were not being liberated, but conquered - and by a lower civilization at that.
　　
　　蒋军士兵到市场货摊上拿东西不给钱，夜里拦路抢劫老百姓，下乡打家劫舍时甚至还杀人灭口。于是，在日本统治时期盗贼绝迹的村镇城乡，不得不纷纷成立保卫地方的组织。
　　蒋的文职官员来接替军队管理地方以后，情况不但没有好转，反而更加恶化了。接收大员们没收了日本人的全部财产，把其中大部分拿到黑市出售，以饱私囊，或索性把东西运回大陆，送到自己家里。把日本人的财产收拾完后，蒋的官员们很快又打起台湾人财产的主意来了。
　　Chiang's soldiers took goods from the market stalls without paying for them, robbed civilians on the streets at night and killed villagers so that their robberies would not be discovered. Thus, villages and towns, which had never known any thieves under Japanese rule, were forced to organize their own local protective associations.
　　When Chiang's civilian officials took over from the army, conditions did not improve, but became worse. Carpetbagging bureaucrats confiscated all Japanese property, selling most of it on the black market for private gain, or shipping it over to their own homes on the mainland. Having seized Japanese property, Chiang's officials quickly turned their eyes on the wealth of the Formosans.
　　在接收一个工厂的时候，蒋的宪兵总要问三个问题：“现款有多少？”“有汽车吗？”“有洋楼吗？”台湾籍职员陆续被辞退，由国民党带来的人接替。尽管岛上的技术人员几乎同全中国的技术人员加在一起一样多，但是当地的技术人员大部被不分青红皂白地夺了饭碗，被迫去给国民党的小官僚们当厨师、文书或低三下四的仆役。
　　例如：有一个制药厂的厂长被解职，由一个中国官员的亲戚接任，此人原来是在上海一家药房打杂的小伙计；渔业技术人员被辞退，当了佣人和听差；台北煤气公司的经理不得不去一家洋行当职员。这种做法，加上中国人没有投入任何资金和美国空袭遗留的影响，使台湾的工业失去了元气，一蹶不振，就像屠宰场里尖刀已经插到心窝的一头肥猪一样。
　　大陆人不但把台湾人撵出工商业，而且也把他们撵出政府。甚至连大小办事人员也不得不把自己的位置让给在国气党里有靠山的人。由台湾人担任的最高政府职务是教育厅副厅长，此人后来也惨遭杀害。蒋的接收大员一手垄断政府，一手垄断工商业，这是使他们得以大发横财的绝妙方法。人们不给贿赂就很难领到开店经商的营业执照。敲诈勒索的大陆人受到国民党秘密警察和蒋政府的保护。嘉义地方法院的检察官对一个受贿的中国专卖局长提出公诉，但是在开庭以前政府插手干预，硬说证据不足。一位敢说敢当的台湾法官对政府提出异议说：“你们可以砍我的脑袋，但是无论如何你们也不能干预法律。”结果，受到控告的中国官员被送回大陆，逍遥法外，那位法官后来却丢了性命。
　　蒋的官僚们采用大陆上的做法，很快就对从茶叶到肥料的大部分商业部门实行政府专卖，把台湾人挤走，为私下纳贿大开方便之门。
　　在这些接受大员的种种打击下，台湾的一切生活领域都搞得一塌糊涂。美军初到台湾时，台币一元值美金一角，一直稳定了六个月。但是，大陆人没有让台币维持在一个健全的基础上，而是把它同他们自己滥印的钞票挂钩，结果使台币一元贬值为美金一厘。用岛上的一位美国官员的话来说，这是“对台湾人民犯罪“，他们蓄意这样做的目的是为了盘剥岛上的居民，也是为了造成一种不断波动的汇兑率，借以搞各种投机倒把的勾当。蒋的官员敛财的做法到了贪得无厌的地步。联合国善后救济总署以每吨五点二六美元的价格把煤卖给台湾的国营燃料委员会。后来这批煤却在黑市上出现，售价每吨一百三十美元。联合国善后救济总署把十二万吨肥料运到台湾交给蒋的官员，每磅作价八元台币。买肥料的钱是由美国纳税人负担的。这些肥料本来应该发给陷入困境的农民，但是却并没有径直送到他们手里，而是出现在黑市上，售价每磅一百六十元台币。
　　When taking over a factory, Chinese gendarmes asked three questions: "How much cash on hand?" "Any motorcar?" "Any house?" Formosan staff members were dismissed and replaced by Kuomintang hangers-on. Though the island had almost as many trained technicians as the whole of China put together, most all of these men were indiscriniinately thrown out of their jobs and forced to become cooks, clerks or menial servants for party ward heelers. The head of a pharmaceutical factory, for example, was fired and replaced by an errand boy from a Shanghai drugstore who was a relative of a Chinese official. Technicians from the fisheries were dismissed and took up jobs as houseboys and orderlies. The manager of the Taipeh Gas Company had to become a clerk in a foreign firm. Under these conditions, plus the lack of any real Chinese capital, plus the effects of American air raids, Formosan industry was deprived of its life blood and collapsed like a stuck pig.
　　The Chinese threw Formosans not only out of business, but also out of government. Even junior and senior clerks had to surrender their jobs to Kuomintang patronage seekers. The highest government job held by any Formosan was that of vice-director of education, and he was later killed.
　　This dual monopoly of government and business was a perfect get-rich-quick setup for Chiang's carpetbaggers. Licenses for shops and trade were seldom issued without the payment of bribes. Chinese extortionists were furnished protection by the party secret service and Chiang's government. A procurator of the Chiayi local court succeeded in indicting a Chinese chief of a monopoly bureau for graft, but the government stepped in before the trial and said there was not sufficient evidence. A courageous Formosan judge challenged the government: "You may cut off my head," he said, "but under no circumstances can you interfere with the law." As a result, the indicted Chinese official was shipped back to the safety of the mainland. The judge was later killed.
　　Chiang's bureaucrats, adopting mainland practices, soon put most businesses from tea to fertilizer under government monopoly, drove the Formosans out of trade and obtained a free hand for private grafting.
　　Under the attacks of these carpetbaggers, every branch of Formosan life began to collapse. When the American Army first arrived on Formosa, the local dollar was valued at ten American cents and remained stable for six months. Instead of allowing Formosan money to remain on a sound basis, however, the Chinese hooked it up to their own printing press currency with the result that the Formosan dollar declined to a tenth of a US cent. In the words of an American official on the island, this was a "Crime against the people of Formosa," deliberately made with the intention of fleecing the islanders and also done with the intention of creating a fluctuating exchange behind which all sorts of illegal manipulations would be carried out.
　　The profits piled up by Chiang's officials knew few bounds. When UNRRA sold coal to the National Fuel Commission at Taiwan for $5.26 a ton, it appeared later on the black market for $130. UNRRA brought 120,000 tons of fertilizer to Formosa and handed it over to Chiang's officials at eight yen a pound. This fertilizer, paid for by American taxpayers, instead of going directly to the hard-pressed farmers for whom it was intended, appeared on the market for 160 yen a pound.
　　这种盘剥大大影响了人民的生活。过去在日本人统治时期，劳动阶级平均每月工资一百元台币，还能吃得上鱼、蛋和一点油。到了一九四七年，工人的工资只相当于原先的二十五元台币。工资的百分之九十花在吃饭上面；他们买不起衣服，很快既像农民一样打赤脚了。中产阶级的情况也好不了多少。他们靠薪水无法维持生活，先是变卖家当，等到积蓄全部花光后，有些人就把自己的女儿送进妓院，让自己的儿子去街上卖烟卷。在日本统治时期，孩子们都上学。大陆人说：“那是强制教育；现在你们可自由了。”台湾人回答说，可以自由当叫化子了。
　　国民党对台湾粮食的掠夺达到了犯罪的、甚至是逼死人的地步。前面说过，岛上的粮食本来是自给有余的。稻田的产量非常之高，因此在正常情况下，可以让大片农田休耕一年或更长的时间，粮食仍然够吃。过去日本人总是要等到全部庄接收割完毕，可以决定公平合理的田赋以后，才把大米运出该岛。现在中国人却任意规定实物田赋，结果使歉收的农民纳粮以后家里剩不下多少大米。尤为恶劣的是，在农民送粮去税站的时候，沿路的驻军哨所不挤到点油水就不放行。结果，农民到达税站的时候，所剩的大米就不够数了。
　　不单是人民的生活水平下降了，而且人民的健康水平也下降了。在蒋政权到来以前，岛上有十五年以上没有发生过一例天花。一九四七年却发生了四千一百九十三例，五个月内死亡率达百分之三十七。出于日本人实行十分严格的检疫制度，一九二〇年后，岛上就没有发生过霍乱。但是由于大陆人在台湾和大陆之间大搞走私，结果把霍乱也带回岛上。联合国善后救济总署一再向台湾医务当局提出交涉，要求制止走私，恢复霍乱防疫制度。蒋的医官回答说，走私难以制止，因为走私者都有武装。当时岛上有四万名士兵，后来就用他们来镇压台湾人民，但是当时他们却居然不能制止少数武装走私者。
　　在这种情况下，一九四六年发生严重的霍乱疫情就毫不奇怪了。台湾南部的疫情特别严重，死亡率很快就上升到百分之八十。联合国善后救济总署把它的医生和护土全部派往疫区，想消除各种混乱现像，把隔离医院搞得像样一点。当时在霍乱医院里工作的只有一名中国医生和五名护士。但是就在附近的一所省立医院里，虽然只有十五个病人，却有十四名中国医生和二十名护士。这些医护人员都拒绝转到霍乱病院去工作。疫情日益恶化，甚至有病人死在烧火间和医院后面的柴草房里。
　　除此以外还遇到了其它困难。霍乱这种病常引起血液失水，病人血管曲张，血液越来越浓，直到血管进裂，心脏衰竭。通常治疗霍乱的办法是静脉注射任求氏溶液盐水针。这种溶液制起来非常简单。即使制不了这种溶液，用热水溶剂代替也可以顶点儿用。但是，正当霍乱疫情最严重的时候，有一位中国医官却下令节约使用这些溶液。联合国善后救济总署官员对此提出了强烈抗议，因为这只能断送那些本来可以救活的病人的性命。不料竟有一个官员回答说：“这些霍乱病人只是一些无足轻重的穷人嘛。”
　　联合国善后救济总署的一位医生气得流出了眼泪，跟他顶了起来，他冲着这个官员说：“你阔，你重要！我要祈求上帝让你自己也得霍乱。”
　　我在台湾的时候，据联合国善后救济总署说，大约有一千名麻疯病人散居全岛，无人管理。以前他们都关在政府管理的麻疯病人隔离区，经费由日本人拨给。但是蒋政权来到以后，不发经费，于是就把他们送回了家，好像这一切倒行逆施都还不够似的，医生开业执照竟然可以用钱买，每张执照售价三十万元台币。
　　This exploitation had profound effects on the living conditions of the people. Under the Japanese, the laboring classes had been able to eat fish, eggs and some meat on an average wage of a hundred yen a month. By 1947, workers were receiving an equivalent of only twenty-five yen. Ninety percent of their pay went for food; they could buy no clothing and soon they began to go barefoot like the peasants. Nor were the middle classes any better off. Unable to live on their salaries, they first sold their furniture, then, as their savings disappeared, some of them sent their daughters into whorehouses and their sons to peddle cigarettes on the streets. Under the Japanese, these children had gone to school. The Chinese said: "That was compulsory education; now you are free." Free to become beggars, the Formosans answered.
　　The Kuomintang looting of Formosan food went to criminal and even murderous lengths. As indicated before, there is an oversupply of food on the island. Paddy fields are so productive that normally many acres can be left uncultivated for a year or more and there will still be enough for everyone to eat. The Japanese never took any rice out of the island until all the crops were collected and they could decide on an equitable tax. The Chinese, however, arbitrarily assigned a tax in kind on each mow of land, with the result that peasants with a poor crop had to pay taxes that left them little rice. Worse still, when the peasants brought their rice to the tax-collecting stations, military posts along the road would forbid them to pass until they got their own squeeze. Thus, peasants arrived at the tax collectors' with insufficient rice.
　　It was not only the living conditions of the people that were lowered, but their standard of health, too. Before the coming of Chiang's government, there had not been a case of smallpox in the island for over fifteen years. By 1947, there were 4,193 cases with the death rate 37 percent in five months. Because of the excellent Japanese quarantine system, there had been no cholera in the island since 1920. The Chinese, however, were conducting a thriving smuggling trade between the island and the mainland and they also smuggled cholera back into Formosa. UNRRA made repeated representations to the medical authorities of Formosa to stop the smuggling and reinstitute cholera controls. Chiang's doctors replied that it was difficult to stop the smuggling, because the smugglers were armed. At this time there were forty thousand soldiers on the island. Later they were used to suppress the Formosan people, but now they could not halt a few armed smugglers.
　　Under these conditions, it is not surprising that a cholera epidemic broke out in 1946. The epidemic was particularly severe in southern Formosa and the death rate soon rose to 8o per cent of all cases. UNRRA dispatched all of its nurses and doctors to the threatened area, with the intention of putting the isolation hospitals in decent shape and cleaning up foul conditions. At this time there were only one Chinese doctor and five nurses in the cholera hospitals. In a near-by provincial hospital, however, there were fourteen Chinese doctors and thirty nurses to look after only fifteen patients. All of these refused to go into the cholera hospitals. Conditions became so bad that patients were found dead in furnace rooms and in woodsheds behind the hospitals.
　　Further difficulties were encountered. Cholera is a disease that takes water out of the blood stream. The veins fold together, the blood gets thicker until the veins burst and the heart fails. The usual way of curing cholera is to give intravenous saline injections of Ringer solution. This is a very simple solution to make. Even if it cannot be made, hot water solutions are of some help. At the very height of the epidemic, however, a Chinese medical official issued an order to be sparing in the use of the solutions. UNRRA officials protested violently against this order, which could only result in the death of victims who could be saved. One official answered: "These cholera victims are only poor and unimportant people."
　　One UNRRA doctor, with tears of rage, turned on the official and dedared: "You are rich and important, but I pray to God that you yourself get cholera."
　　When I was in Formosa, UNRRA claimed there were one thousand lepers loose on the island. Formerly they had been in a government leper colony, subsidized by the Japanese, but with the arrival of Chiang Kai-shek's government, no one was prepared to pay their expenses and they had been shipped home. As if all this were not enough, doctors' licenses were being sold for three hundred thousand yen apiece.
　　不单台湾人的生活水平和健康情况不断恶化，而且教育质量和道德风尚也日益败坏。国民党人进岛的时候，发动了坚决取缔日语的运动。当时老百姓对学中国普通话异常积极，因为据说学会了就可以成为真正的中国公民。但是他们很快就开始感到自己其实只是殖民地人民，不管怎样努力学习，也永远成不了真正的中国公民。在学校里，头半年的时间国民党的教员除了汉语和国民党的党义以外什么也不教。算术、科学知识等等全被置之不顾。国民党的教员对台湾人说要教他们标准国语，但是在一个为台湾教员举办的训练班里，五位中国教授各说一种不同的方言，那些可怜的台湾人搞不清究竟谁讲的是国语。
　　更糟糕的是，语言也被用作镇压和控制的工具。国民党教员叫大陆籍女生暗中监视台湾籍女生，揭发偷讲日语的人。岛上的女孩子本来挺愿意学普通话，但是这种禁令却激起了她们的反抗精神，她们硬是讲起日语和台湾方言来了，借以表示对大陆人的不满。在日本人统治时期，考试作弊原来都被看作是极严重的过失。谁要是作弊给抓住，马上就开除出校。在台湾一所中学里，有一名大陆籍男生作弊给抓住了，在全体学生要求下学校把他开除了，但是这个男生的爸爸是位有权有势的国民党官员，不但让儿子复了学，而且还迫使校长赔礼道歉。在这种社会风气影响下，台湾籍学生很快自己也都大肆作弊起来。
　　学生贿赂老师在中国是司空见惯的事。但是在蒋的这帮误人子弟的教员到来以前，岛上几乎没有这种陋习。可是到了一九四七年，每逢考试前夕，学生都用红纸包了钞票，上面写些应景的吉利话，给老师送去。不这样孝敬老师的学生，非得学业出众才能拿到哪怕是及格的分数。
　　蒋介石的官员不但把贪污、诈骗和霍乱带到了台湾来，而且还把早已在岛上失传的中国封建习俗带了来。纳妾的陋俗在日本统治时期已经基本绝迹，现在又在岛上流行起来。在日本统治时期，台湾姑娘认为给人当二房或三房姨太太是丢人的，但现在由于无以为生，许多人把这当作最好的出路。
　　大陆人对待台湾姑娘是十分心毒手辣的。例如，有七个年轻的大陆官员凑钱买了个戒指，由其中一个家伙出面去向一位台湾姑娘求婚。在征得女方家长同意后，这个官员就与这位姑娘结婚，把她接回家来，欢度了一个新婚之夜。第二天晚上换了另一个男人到姑娘的床上来睡，第三天晚上又换了一个。姑娘被逼得逃跑了。许多嫁给大陆人的台湾姑娘，等到大陆上的原配太太一到，才发现自己原来只是“小老婆”。
　　Along with the decline in the living conditions and the health of the Formosans, a paralell decline occurred in education and morals. When the Chinese entered the island, they began a determined campaign to stamp out the use of the Japanese language. The common people were extraordinarily eager to learn mandarin Chinese as they were told they thereby could become true Chinese citizens. However, they soon began to feel they were nothing but a colonial population, and no matter how hard they studied, they would never become true nationals of China.
For the first six months in the schools, Kuomintang teachers taught little but the Chinese language and Kuomintang principles. Arithmetic, science and other subjects were forgotten. The Chinese told the Formosans they would teach them the standard national language, but in a camp held for Formosan teachers, five Chinese professors all spoke a different dialect and the poor Formosans had no idea what was the national language of China.
　　Worse still, language was used as a means of suppression and control. Kuomintang teachers asked mainland girl students to spy on Formosan-Chinese girls and report all those who were speaking Japanese among themselves. Originally, the island girls had been willing enough to learn Chinese, but the prohibition aroused a spirit of rebellion in them and they began to speak Japanese and Formosan dialects to show their disapproval of the Chinese.
　　Under the Japanese, cheating in an examination had been considered a terrible offense and anyone caught in such an act was immediately dismissed from school. But when a Chinese boy in a Formosan middle school was caught cheating and when the whole student body voted to dismiss him, the boy's father who was an influential Kuomintang official not only succeeded in getting his son reinstated, but in making the principal apologize. Seeing the new rules of society, Formosan students soon began to cheat on a widespread scale themselves.
　　Bribery of teachers by students, common in China, had been almost unknown till the advent of Chiang's pedants. By 1947, however, students before every exam were bringing money wrapped up in red paper on which were inscribed suitable characters wishing the teacher success. Students who did not bring such bribes had to be super scholars in order to receive even passing grades.
　　Chiang Kai-shek's officials not only brought corruption, chicanery and cholera in their suitcases to Formosa, they also brought with them Chinese feudal practices that had long since vanished from the island. Concubinage, which had been almost unknown under the Japanese, was reintroduced into the island. Under Japanese rule, Formosan girls would have been ashamed to be second or third wives, but now, because they could not make a living, many of them thought it the best arrangement.
　　The Chinese were quite heartless in their treatment of Formosan girls. For example, seven young Chinese officials pooled their money, bought a ring and sent one of their number to pay court to a Formosan girl. With the family's permission, the official married the girl, brought her home and spent an enjoyable wedding night with her. On the second night, a different husband came into the girl's bed, and on the third night still another husband. In desperation she fled away. Many Formosan girls who married Chinese later discovered that they were merely "little wives" when the real Chinese wife arrived from the mainland.
　　就像吃了慢性毒药似的，台湾人自己也腐化堕落，变得同大陆来的统治者不相上下了。纳妾和卖淫之风四处蔓延。道德沦丧到了新的低点。台湾人看到这种风气，悲叹说：“要不了几年，我们就会堕落得同那些大陆猪仔一个样了。
　　笔者极力避免在谈论独裁政权的所作所为时带上主观的色彩，但是不能不指出，蒋介石政权对台湾人民的所作所为完全是对人类的犯罪。在日本人统治下，台湾没有发生过饥荒、瘟疫、通货膨胀、儿童失学、沿街乞讨的现象。民众有医疗、保健、甚至还有牙医。现在一切扫地无存了。虽然没有自由，但日本人还算过得去。它们收税，但它们还拿钱出来发展经济。国民党是只刮不还。
　　蒋介石的官员对台湾的剥削，不但使他们自己而且也使他们整个国家名誉扫地。“中国”一词变成了既可恨又荒谬的同义语。不管什么事出了毛病，台湾人就说：“中国就是这样嘛。”这个词概括了一大堆坏现像，如娶两个老婆，醉生梦死，办事先要钱，搞裙带风等等。这也就是美国人所讲的“一团糟”的意思。
　　自来水笔、电灯和电话出了毛病，就骂中国，就连山里的土著部落居民也把年久失修的山路叫作“三民主义路”。
　　台湾人开始时用好言规劝蒋的官员改变作风，但是不起作用。于是他们就采取讽刺的办法。他们在墙上贴出宣传画，画上有一条狗（代表日本人）从岛上逃跑，有一只猪（代表国民党人）进来。宣传回上写道：“狗还能保护人，猪却只会吃和睡。”这对中国官僚不发生什么作用，但是台湾人感到出了口气。
　　As if by a slow wasting poison, the Formosans themselves were corrupted to the level of their Chinese rulers. Concubinage and prostitution spread everywhere. Morality fell to a new low. Noting this tendency, saddened Formosans remarked among themselves: "In a few years we will be the same as the mainland pigs."
　　With every desire not to bring a subjective note into a discussion of the practices of dictatorship, the writer cannot help remarking that what Chiang Kai-shek's regime did to the Formosan people was nothing but a crime against humanity. Under the Japanese, there had never been a rice shortage, never a food shortage, never an epidemic, never an inflation, never any children who did not attend school, never any beggars on the street. There were hospitals for all, public welfare clinics and public dentists. Now there were none of these things. Despite their suppression of freedom, the Japanese had a public conscience. When they collected taxes, they put the money back into the island again and developed the economy. The Chinese, however, just collected and put nothing back.
　　In exploiting Formosa, Chiang Kai-shek's officials not only brought themselves into low repute, but their whole country. The very term "Chinese" became a synonym for something both hateful and ridiculous. Whenever something went wrong, the Formosans said: "This is Chinese." Such a phrase covered a multitude of sins - having two wives, taking life easy, getting paid before doing a service, putting relatives in high office. It also became synonymous with the American word "snafu."
　　Fountain pens, electric lights, telephones that wouldn't work - all these were called Chinese. Even the aboriginal tribesmen in the hills said a mountain path that had fallen into disrepair was a Three People Principles Path.
　　The Formosans tried to reform Chiang's officials by pleading with them. That did not work. So they resorted to sarcasm. On the walls they put up posters showing a dog (Japs) fleeing from the island and a pig (Chinese) coming in. "The dog can protect the people," said the poster, "but the pig can only eat and sleep." These posters produced little effect on the Chinese bureaucrats, but did serve to give Formosans an idea they were fighting back.
　　台湾人在日本统治的五十一年期间不得参与政务，所以他们不太知道怎样同精通权术的中国政客进行斗争。起先他们只是少数人聚在一起，议论中国人的所作所为，商量他们自己该怎么办。由于手中没有武器，大家一筹莫展。后来认为自己唯一的武器就是笔杆子，于是就办报纸杂志，发表文章鼓吹民主和自治。接着就公开批评政府腐败、贪污和专制。后来，那些抨击政府的人大多以“共党歹徒”的罪名不是被捕就是被杀。
　　起先并没有什么台湾人想采取积极行动来反对蒋政权，人们只是希望那些官员改变作风。但是他们很快认识到这是办不到的。尽管如此，要不是被逼得走投无路的话，他们也是不会有所动作的。一九四六年九月，由于岛上大米被外运，物价飞涨，所有的城市里都出现买大米的长龙。台湾人一天比一天消瘦。他们越来越穷困，心头的怒火也越来越升高，很快就有一种主张不径而走：大家在一九四七年四、五月间收割稻谷后抗粮，发动全岛人民起来斗争，反抗国民党，他们希望用这种办法迫使蒋介石的官员改弦更张。提出这种主张的人并没有准备把斗争的时间提早。但是情况发展得太快，本来可能按计划进行的起义，却在无人领导、完全自发的情况下爆发起来，造成灾难性的后果。
　　Since they had not taken any part in political affairs for fifty-one years under the Japanese, the Formosans did not know quite how to combat the skilled Chinese politicians. At first, they just met in small groups, talked about Chinese practices and discussed what they ought to do. Everyone was hypnotized by the fact that they had no arms. They decided their only weapon was the pen, so they established newspapers and magazines, published articles about democracy and self-government and then began an open criticism of corruption, graft and despotism in the government. Later, most of those who attacked the government were either arrested or killed on the charge that they were "Communist ruffians."
　　Few Formosans had originally thought to take any active measures against the Chiang regime, but only to reform the officials. They soon believed this was impossible. Still, they would have done nothing had not conditions become desperate. In September 1946, due to the export of rice from the island, prices went up with alarming speed. Rice lines formed in all the cities. Formosans became thinner every day. As they got poorer, the anger of the Formosans began to rise. Soon the idea spread that they could fight the Kuomintang in April and May 1947 by holding back the rice harvest and rousing the whole island to struggle. In this way they hoped to force Chiang Kai-shek's officials to reform. Proponents of this idea were not prepared to fight earlier. Events, however, moved too swiftly, and what might have been a planned revolt broke out spontaneously, headlessly and with disastrous consequences.
　　成为台湾起义导火线的事件本身是根本微不足道的。但是这件小事却终于使岛上的老百姓忍无可忍、揭竿而起。台湾人对国民党最为不满的事情之一就是专卖制度，国民党利用专卖制控制了岛上的全部商业。专卖局的警察，以取缔私卖烟卷为名，开始追打沿街叫卖的孩子，抢走他们的烟卷。二月二十七日晚，首府台北有位卖烟卷的老妇抗拒一个警察拿走她的烟卷而被枪杀。当晚就有一千名台湾人到警察局示威，要求惩凶。但是他们的要求根本没有得到满足。
　　次日，有五千人由同意为他们作证的西方商人陪同，到专卖局示威，抗议警察开枪杀人。他们派代表进入办公楼，其余群众都站在门外等侯。这时屋顶上的士兵朝人群开火，第一排枪就打伤了八名台湾人。群众惊散以后怒不可遏，到处找大陆人算帐。他们一见小轿车就截，一见衣冠楚楚的大陆人就拦，拿走他们身上的钞票，当众焚烧。当时群众根本没有想将来怎么办，而是一心想破坏，想把他们认为是大陆官员从他们身上榨取的财富毁掉。
　　这时候，有一批学生到车站，想搭火车南下，但被铁路警察抓了起来，受到殴打，有的给打死了。接着有四千名被激怒的群众到铁路局示威，就在美国领事馆完全看得见的地方遭到宪兵枪击。
　　台北人民哗然，他们很快就控制了整个城市，只有几个位居要冲的政府机关除外。事态的发展吓坏了行政长官陈仪。他通过广播答应惩办开枪射击的肇事者，并满足人民的改革要求。于是全市局势就平静下来，学生和商人组织起来在街上巡逻，维持秩序。从那时起，直到蒋介石的军队开到为止，全市一直太平无事。
　　The incident that set off the Formosan revolt was in itself quite inconsequential, but it was the straw that broke the patience of the ordinary island people. One of the biggest complaints of the Forniosans against the Chinese had been the trade monopolies by which the Chinese cornered all business in the islands. Police of the monopoly bureau, under the excuse of stopping the illegal sale of cigarettes, began attacking child peddlers and robbing them of their cigarettes. On the night of February 27, an old woman peddler in the capital at Taipeh refused to give up her cigarettes and was shot by a policeman. That night a thousand Formosans marched on the police bureau and demanded satisfaction. They got none.
　　The next day five thousand people, accompanied by Western businessmen who agreed to act as witnesses, marched on the monopoly bureau to make a protest against the shooting. While delegates went into the government building the crowd remained standing outside the door. Soldiers, stationed on the roofs, opened fire and in the first volley wounded eight Formosans. Frightened, but at the same time enraged, the crowd scattered and began to look for Chinese. They halted all cars, stopped all well-dressed Chinese, took their money from them and publicly burned it. At this moment, the crowd had no thought for the future, but simply thought to destroy the wealth which they considered Chinese officials had taken from them.
　　At this time, a group of students who had gone to the railway station to take a train to the south were arrested by the railway police and beaten - some of them, to death. An enraged crowd of four thousand people marched on this office and were shot upon by gendarmes in full sight of the American consulate.
　　Now fully aroused, the people in Taipeh soon took control of the whole city except for a few strategically located government buildings. Chen Yi, the governor, frightened by developments, broadcast a speech promising to punish those guilty for the shootings and promising to meet the demands of the people for reform. With this the city calmed down, students and businessmen formed patrols in the streets and kept order. From then on, until the arrival of Chiang Kai-shek's troops, there was absolute peace in the city.
　　三月一日，台北市议会成立委员会来处理这一事件。大家很快就一致认为光就事论事地处理问题是无济于事的，必须坚决要求解决人民所有的疾苦。因此，在市政厅举行了一次公开会议以后，这个委员会给陈仪行政长官送去了一份开列各项要求的清单，其中包括按照乔治·马歇尔在华期间，蒋介石亲自批准的宪法所保证的那样实行自治、真正民主和真正自由。陈仪把文件退了回来，托词文件未按公文格式，措词也不当，必须更新改写。显而易见，他是在拖延时间。这只能意味着正在从大陆调军队来岛。
　　台湾人认识到自己力量太弱，无法抵挡整师的武装部队。他们仍到美国领事馆去探问美国能否以某种方式进行仲裁。他们还请求驻南京的司徒雷登大使劝蒋介石不要派军队到处于和平中的岛上来。台湾人被告知说，这是小事一桩，不值得美国过问。在这期间，台湾人几乎接管了全岛。他们的政治组织的分支机构接管了地方上的警察局以及所有的政府建筑物和办事处。市镇议会已经开始工作。没有发生什么骚乱。
　　这是历史上最和平的叛乱之一。严格按照法律意义说来，这并不是一次叛乱，因为台湾人并不想推翻他们的统治者，而只是想改造他们。
　　On March 1, the Taipeh City Assembly formed a committee to deal with the incident. Everyone soon agreed that there was no use stopping just at the incident, but that demands must be pressed to satisfy all their other grievances. Therefore, after a public meeting in the town hail, the committee sent to Governor Chen Yi a list of demands which included appeals for self-government, true democracy and true liberty as guaranteed by the constitution which Chiang Kai-shek had ratified when George Marshall was in China. The governor sent this communication back with the statement that it was not legally and properly phrased and would have to be written over again. It became apparent that the governor was stalling for time. That could only mean troops from the mainland.
　　Formosans realized they were too weak to stand up against armed divisions. They went to the American consulate and asked if the United States could not in some way arbitrate the incident. They also requested that Ambassador Stuart in Nanking try to prevail on Chiang Kai-shek not to send troops into an island that was peaceful. The Formosans were told in effect that this was too small an incident to concern the United States.
　　In the meantime, the Formosans had taken over nearly the whole island. Branch political associations had taken over police stations and all government buildings and offices in the provinces and town assemblies had begun to function. There were few disturbances. It was one of the most peaceful rebellions in history. Technically speaking, it was not a rebellion, for the Formosans were not trying to overthrow their rulers, but reform them.
　　陈仪是统治过福建老奸巨滑的军阀，善于玩弄政治权术。在这期间，他简直把缺乏经验的台湾人当小孩子一样地耍弄。鉴于台湾人坚决要求充分的参政，陈仪就叫当地人民把他们所荐举的市长、市议员和其它官员的人选开个名单交给他。台湾人根本没留心眼，完全照办。这下可就为陈仪日后逮人和杀人提供了黑名单。
　　三月八日，蒋军开抵基隆，当晚进入省城台北。他们马上就把许多台湾青年拖到大街上枪毙。士兵们掷石头打破窗子爬进民房，当着惊骇的户主的面进行洗劫。他们闯进一个小学女教师的家里，奸污了她，还开枪打死了她的父亲和兄弟。她的父亲是一位校长。
　　第二天，陈仪就取缔了人民委员会，军队占领了广播电台、所有的政府建筑物和所有的学校。青年人和学生被驱赶到街上，其中有一百多人被捕。三月九日和十日两天，枪声日夜不断，台湾电力公司的一个职员身上带了三千元上街买米，不单钱给抢走了，而且还丢了性命。一位小学校长，身上带着三万元学费，也惨遭同样下场。台湾人一出门不是挨刺刀就是吃子弹。与此同时，还到处搜捕、殴打和枪毙中学生。有一帮宪兵去逮捕一名市议员，他的妻子抱着婴孩到门口堵住了路，宪兵就开枪把她打死了。街上行人遭到抢劫、殴打和辱骂，就是呆在家里也有人破门而入，把东西洗劫一空。
　　到了三月十一、十二和十三日，进行了更有计划的大屠杀。军队和宪兵按照大陆籍官员提供的仇人名单，搜捕冤家对头，特别是记者、教员、委员会成员和商人。这些人往往被就地枪决，也有些人给带走，不知所终。名单上的人如果找不到，就把他们的家属抓去作为人质。
　　吴凡钦法官曾经判处一个贪赃枉法的中国警察徒刑，他被人从家里带走，扔到桥底下结果了性命。烟草局的一个官员和其他八名台湾人也遭到同样对待，被扔到桥底下，割鼻、毁容和阉割。
　　有一位留美的大学毕业生曾经想要兴办一个台湾糖业公司，不让大陆资本进入岛内。他遭到枪击，丢了性命。有三个法官被人从家里绑架走，他们都曾经给贪赃枉法的中国官员判刑。一位曾经公开抨击大陆人贪污腐化的七十二岁高龄的国民参政员被人从病床上拉走，同他的两个儿子一起惨遭杀害。
　　几十具学生和其他人的尸体有的被扔在一块儿，草草掩埋以后，因为盖土太浅，又露出了地面，有的被扔进海后又冲上了岸。从尸体上可以看出，他们是被打死、刺死、枪毙、砍头或肢解而死的。死者的妻女悲痛欲绝，而且也完全不明白为什么会祸从天降。她们跪在被害亲人的身边号哭着：“你不是坏人，又没有干坏事，为什么要杀害你呀？”
　　台湾大屠杀震惊了中国人民，在很短的一段时间里甚至也使世界为之惊骇。
　　Meanwhile, Governor Chen Yi, a wise old Fukien warlord, skilled in the ways of politics, played with the inexperienced Formosans as if they were little children. Because one of the main demands of the Formosans was for adequate representation in the government, Chen Yi asked the people to send him a list of the mayors, town assemblymen and officials they wanted to govern them. Not knowing any better, the Formosans complied and thereby furnished Chen Yi with a black list for subsequent arrests and executions.
　　On March 8, Chiang's troops arrived in Keelung and that night entered the capital of Taipeh. They immediately dragged many Formosan youths into the street and shot them. Soldiers threw stones through windows, climbed inside and ransacked houses before the eyes of the terrified occupants. They went into the house of a woman primary school teacher, raped her, shot her father, who was a school principal, and her brother.
　　The next day, Governor Chen Yi abolished the people's committee, and the soldiers occupied the broadcasting station, all government buildings and all schools. Young men and students were ordered into the streets and over a hundred were arrested. Throughout March 9 and 10, firing continued both day and night. A clerk of the Taiwan Power Company went out with three thousand yen in his pocket to buy rice, was robbed and then killed. A primary school principal, carrying thirty thousand yen in school fees, was likewise robbed and killed. Taiwanese found out of doors were bayoneted or shot. Meanwhile a search was carried out for middle school students who were arrested, beaten and also executed. One group of gendarmes went to arrest a city councilman. His wife came to the door with her baby in her arms and barred the way. She was shot. People on the street were held up and robbed, beaten and reviled, while homes were broken into and ransacked.
　　On March 11, 12 and 13, the killings became more systematic as soldiers and gendarmes, acting on grudge lists supplied by mainland Chinese, searched out personal enemies, particularly newspapermen, schoolteachers, committeemen and businessmen. Often such men were shot on the spot. Others were taken away and never heard of again. If they could not be found, their families were taken as hostages.
　　Judge Wu Fan-chin, who had sentenced a corrupt Chinese policeman to a jail sentence, was taken from his home, thrown under a bridge and killed. The same thing happened to an official of the tobacco bureau and eight other Formosans who were likewise thrown under the bridge, where their noses were slit, their faces scarred and they were castrated.
　　A graduate of an American university, who wanted to develop a Formosan sugar company and keep Chinese capital out of the island, was shot and killed. Three judges, all of whom had sentenced corrupt Chinese officials, were kidnaped from their homes. A seventy-two-year-old member of the People's Political Council was dragged from a sick bed and murdered with his two sons. He had attacked Chinese corruption in public speeches.
　　Dozens of bodies of students and others were discovered in shallow mass graves or washed ashore after being dumped in the sea. Bodies indicated death by beating, bayoneting, shooting and execution by sword and mutilation. Wives and sisters of murdered victims were not only numbed with grief, but completely bewildered. Kneeling beside their relatives, they would cry out: "You are not a ruffian; you did nothing; why were you killed?"
　　The Formosan massacres shocked the Chinese people, and for a brief moment even the rest of the world.
　　但是，由于其他事件纷至沓来，这场大屠杀很快也就被人淡忘了。蒋介石政府并没有因为感到羞愧而低下头来。相反，它还发表了最假仁假义的声明，为其军队所进行的大屠杀辩解。
　　蒋介石说：“这场风波完全是台湾共产党人挑起的。这些台湾共产党人过去曾经被日本人征召入伍去南洋打过仗。”
　　有一种吹捧陈仪行政长官的宣传材料说：“他主张实行民主政治……他从大陆招聘的僚属都为人正派、经验丰富，都是不顾巨大的个人牺牲而来的。台湾人之所以肆无忌惮、忘乎所以，就是因为他过于开明的缘故。”
　　蒋的官僚们可以昧着良心瞎说一气，把掠夺和杀人害命说成是开明政治。当局发动了一个“新文化运动”。在大老虎陈仪下台后，从大陆弄来一大批党棍收拾残局。他们为政府歌功颂德，要求大家服从权威——就是官家作威作福，百姓也得逆来顺受。谁要是对贪污腐化现像提出批评，就给谁戴上汉奸、谋求私利、共产党或分裂主义的帽子。这就是那帮封建旧势力所发明的新文化！
　　蒋政府搞了这些虚仁假义的把戏犹未满足，还用刀在人家伤口里挖肉。它下令学校把四月二十六日定为感恩日，让孩子们对前来戡乱护民的国民党军队表示感恩戴德。还叫小学生每人捐献五元钱，中学生每人捐献十元钱，作为感激的具体表示。这岂不是要孩子们给杀父的仇人送礼吗？这次起义和对起义的残酷镇压给宪兵们开辟了新的生财之道。现在特务和党棍可以秘密逮捕台湾一些最有钱的人，给他们安上同起义有牵连的罪名，向他们敲榨钱财，不给的话就把人整死。要是人们太穷，拿不出很多钱来，就让他们集体赎身。据说基隆就有十七个人给了蒋军宪兵十万元钱，才把自己赎出监牢。台湾北部有十三个人被限令在三天以内拿出四千包大米来换取活命。当时大米售价每包台币一万元（折合十美元），这笔赎金即使按美国的标准来看也是相当可观的。
　　They were, however, soon forgotten in the press of other events, and the Chiang Kai-shek government, instead of bowing its head in shame, was able to utter the most sanctimonious statements about the mass murders its soldiers had committed.
　　Said Chiang Kai-shek: "The trouble was all instigated by Formosan Communists who had been drafted by the Japanese to fight in the south seas."
　　Said a publicity handout about Governor Chen Yi: "He was a champion of democratic administration . . . He recruited honest and experienced aides from the mainland, and those who came did so at great personal loss. Because he was too liberal, the Formosans lost control of themselves."
　　When Chiang's bureaucrats started on the road of demagoguism, they stopped at nothing. In their lexicons, robbery and murder were synonyms for liberalism. The authorities began a New Cultural Movement. Party hyenas, brought over from the mainland to clean up after the tiger Chen Yi, eulogized the government, requested submission to authority and acquiescence to official arrogance. Those who criticized corruption were denounced as traitors, self-seekers, Communists or separatists. Such was the new culture invented by the old feudalism!
　　Not satisfied with this hypocrisy, the government twisted the knife in the wound. Schools ~vere told to set aside April 26 as a day of thanksgiving when the children could show their gratitude to the Chinese army which had come over and halted the riots and protected the people. Pupils in primary schools were asked to donate five yen and those in middle schools ten yen as a sign of their thanks. In other words, children were to give presents to those who had killed their fathers. The rebellion and its brutal suppression provided gendarmes with a new method of enriching themselves. Now secret service men and party thugs could secretly arrest some of Formosa's richest men, accuse them of being connected with the rebellion and extort money from them on pain of death. If people were too poor to pay much, they bought themselves free in groups. Thus in Keelung seventeen people were said to have bought themselves out of jail by paying one hundred thousand yen to Chiang's gendarmes. In northern Taiwan, thirteen people were given three days' time to supply four thousand bags of rice in exchange for their lives. As rice was then selling at ten thousand yen, or ten US dollars a bag, this ransom was respectable even by American standards.
　　为了镇慑人民，宪兵定期公开处决犯人。在起义被镇压很久以后，高雄有两兄弟，一个二十五岁，另一个三十五岁，就在火车站附近的大广场上，当着他们家属的面被枪决了。他们的家属是被迫到场观刑的。据台湾人说，一九四七年三月以后全岛共有两万人被打死、打伤或失踪。这个数字恐怕是夸大了。据外国商人和外交官估计。总数应为五千。
　　这些数字无从核对。但是，对手无寸铁的人民进行了骇人听闻的屠杀这是肯定无疑的。其中百分之九十九的人都是无辜被杀的。那么为什么要进行屠杀呢？答案只能是，蒋介石政府一味利用恐怖来进行统治。
　　这种恐怖政策还是起作用的。台湾人几乎完全给吓住了。大多数人都不敢过问政治了。他们更不敢批评政府或批评政府的腐败了。反正是不敢公开批评了。不过私下里还是要议论的。实际上也只能私下里偷偷议论，而且还要极端小心。要是有谁同外国人说了话，就会受到怀疑。因此，我约一位台湾人谈话时，必须提前半小时到场；谈完后这位台湾人必须比我先走半小时，以免人家怀疑我们曾经在一起呆过。
　　我发现大多数台湾人感到束手无策。共产党地区的人民则不同，他们通过多年斗争，已经学会用最简陋的武器进行战斗，因为他们已经有了纲领，有了斗争方法。
　　我问台湾人为什么他们不上山打游击，他们摇摇头说：“没有武器，没法打啊。”这些人对自己没有什么信心了。
　　这也难怪，他们还只是没有见过世面的毛孩子，不是那帮善于耍权术和搞阴谋诡计的大陆人的对手。国民党用两面三刀的手腕把他们搞得晕头转向。
　　一个台湾人对我说，“日本人待我们很坏，但至少我们对自己的处境心里还有个底。我们没有什么自由，但法制还是公正的。法院里秉公审案。日本人是苛刻的主子，但他们不会背后给你一刀。现在我们有警察、宪兵、特务、三青团、国民党和政府，监视我们的机构真是数不胜数啊！
　　“办事必须行贿，可又不知道钱究竟落到谁的腰包里，但愿能送对路后，把你放出监牢。连我们的警察也没有什么办法。他们无权逮捕作奸犯科的大陆宪兵，无权干预军队。从前我们的警察抓住一个小偷，就由政府出钱把他解送到首府开庭审判。现在警察根本不知道他们的费用能不能报销，所以干脆就把小偷放走。结果，小偷和警察很快就合伙干起来了。
　　“我们还有什么指望？还能依靠谁啊！这么多人压迫我们，我们有冤无处诉，只好仰天号哭。”
链接：陈仪的下场
　　Just to make sure that the people were kept on the qui vive, the gendarmes every once in a while held a public execution. Thus in Takao, long after the rebellion and its suppression, two brothers, aged twenty-five and thirty-five, were shot in the main square near the railway station in front of their families who were made to watch the executions. Formosans say twenty thousand people were wounded, killed or disappeared on the island after March 1947. Probably this is an exaggeration. Foreign businessmen and diplomats put the number at five thousand.
　　The figures can't be checked. But the fact remains that there was a terrible slaughter of an unarmed people. Ninety-nine per cent of these killings were unnecessary. Why then did they occur? There is only one answer. The Chiang Kai-shek government used terror as a definite weapon in their rule.
　　This terror policy worked. The Formosans were almost completely cowed. For the most part, they did not want to have anything to do with politics whatsoever. They did not even want to criticize the government or its corruption. Not openly, anyway. But in private they would talk. In fact, only in private could they talk. The precautions they had to take were fantastic. Anyone seen talking to a foreigner was under suspicion. Thus, when I talked with a Formosan I had to go to a rendezvous a half an hour before time. Then the Formosan would leave a half an hour before me so that there would be no suspicion of our being together.
　　I found most Formosans in a helpless mood. That was the great difference between them and the people in Communist areas. There, through many years of struggle, the people had learned to fight with only the most meager weapons because they had been given a program and a method of struggle.
　　When I asked the Formosans why they didn't organize guerrilla warfare in their impenetrable mountains, they shook their heads. "No arms. It is impossible." These people no longer believed in themselves.
　　How could they be otherwise? They were but children in the affairs of the world. Chinese maneuvering and intrigue mystified them and they lost their way in the mazes of Kuomintang double-crossing and triple checking.
　　"The Japs treated us badly," a Formosan told me, "but at least we knew where we stood. We did not have much liberty, but we had a hard kind of justice. When we went to court, everything was legal and official. The Japs were hard masters, but they never stabbed you in the back. Now we have police, gendarmes, secret agents, the youth corps, the party, the government and so many organizations watching us that we can't count them.
　　"You have to bribe someone, but you never know where the money goes, and you just hope it reaches the right people and you will be released from jail. Even our police are helpless. They have no right to arrest the Chinese gendarmes or military police who commit crimes, and no right to interfere with the army. Before, when Our policemen arrested a thief, the government would pay to bring the thief to court trial in the capital. Now, the policemen never know whether their expenses will be paid, so they let the thieves go and soon the thieves and police are working together.
　　"What can we hope for? Where can we turn? With so many over us, to whom can we appeal? You can just look to Heaven and cry, that's all."
　　这是遭受巨大苦难的人民绝望的心声。然而台湾岛上所发生的悲惨事件也有其革命的意义。因为在这个似乎与世隔绝的小岛上就像是在实验室里显微镜底下做试验似的，验证了、也揭示了中国历史的内在进程。
　　蒋介石政府在台湾做了那么多坏事，使得各地的中国人都看到，无需共产党来摧毁这个国家，中国的封建官僚已经做了赤色分子干不了的事。台湾岛上的情况不容怀疑地证明，正是蒋政权的官僚资本主义体制驱使它掠夺本国国民，这完全是不以它自己的意志为转移的。不打破这种体制，就不可能进行改革。一切危及统治机构利益的抗议、批评和反抗都只能招来镇压、暴行和屠杀。
　　在太平洋一个小岛上所进行的这次试验，对于辽阔的中国大陆不会没有影响的。有许多中国人原先持骑墙观望的态度，妄想在互相斗争的两种力量之间保持平衡。现在他们断定这场内战并不是共产主义与民主主义之争，而是人民与独裁统治者之间的战争。台湾惨案以后，有许多人，特别是知识分子，急剧左倾，离开蒋介石，倒向共产党。
　　台湾事件对于全世界也是一个教训：这个小岛上的情况无情地证明——如果还需要什么证明的话——再也不存在什么世外桃源了。高戈安、伦敦和梅尔威尔等人的作品里所曾经讴歌的其他一些海岛乐园，也像台湾一样不复存在了。昔日这些世外桃源已经成了将军、司令、政客和强盗的天下。
　　最后，对于极力想把中国独裁者的一切麻烦全都归咎于罗斯福总统和俄国人的那些美国人来说，台湾是最好的回答。这个小小的海岛，在蒋介石接管前，本来好端端的，只不过受到轻微的战争破坏。蒋接管了几个月，它就几乎成了一座监狱，乐园变成了鬼岛。
　　In these words one may hear the inner despair of a people overcome by a great tragedy. The events on the island of Formosa, however, were not only tragic, but revolutionary, in significance. For on this small island, seemingly isolated from the rest of the world, there was performed a kind of laboratory experiment, almost as though under a microscope, which tested and laid bare the inner processes of Chinese history.
　　Chiang Kai-shek's government did so much evil in Formosa that Chinese everywhere saw there was no need for the Communists to come to destroy the country; the Reds could never do what had already been done by the feudal bureaucrats of China. On the island of Formosa, it was proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that the very bureaucratic-capitalist structure of the Chiang regime forced it, even against its will, to rob its subjects. Within the framework of this structure reform was impossible and every protest, every criticism, every revolt that threatened the profits of the ruling apparatus could only be met with suppression, brutality and murder.
　　This experiment on a tiny island in the Pacific was not without its effect on the great Chinese mainland. Many Chinese who had hitherto been sitting on the fence, trying vainly to balance themselves between the struggling forces, now concluded that the civil war was not a war between communism and democracy, but a war between the people and their dictator. After Formosa, many people, especially the intellectuals, turned sharply toward the left - away from Chiang Kai-shek and toward the Communists.
　　The events on Formosa also held a lesson for the rest of the world. On this small island, it was proven with brutal finality - if any proof were needed - that there is no longer any place to hide. Gone, like Formosa, are the other island paradises celebrated by Gauguin, London and Melville. The old havens have been taken over by the generals, the admirals, the politicians and the gangsters.
　　Finally, Formosa was the complete answer to those Americans who sought to pin all the troubles of China's dictator on President Roosevelt and Russians. This tiny island, when Chiang Kai-shek took it over, was a going concern, only partly damaged by the war. A few months later, it was little more than a prison house, a paradise turned into a Devil's Island.
