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16th December 1971: From East Pakistan to Bangladesh

Actually it happened not only because of the Muslim league leaders but also for the hindutva ideology of Binay savarkar.

Otherwise we would have United Bengali as sohrawardi proposed. And if we had United Bengal who knows maybe even seven sisters would also be the part of United Bangladesh.

The hindutva theory of Saverkar was actually a fake theory, because in Bangladesh minority Hindus are living in peace ( except after 2001 when the Jamati terrorists came to power) , and Bangladesh is a country of religious harmony and peace. So if we got United Bengal, Hindus would be more than one third in that United country so I think all side of Bengalis would be happy.
I do not regret losing West Bengal Hindu dominated areas. They have different mindset then us. Nor I have any wish to create any country with North east tribals. I like homogeneity of Bangladesh. We are more than 98 percent Bengali and 90 percent Muslim. Where ever I go within Bangladesh, I can relate myself with local people. This is what make us internally strong. If we were fractured along many ethnic, religious,linguistic and cultural line, we would be always quarreling about those issues. Look at India, always quarreling over religion, ethnicity, language, culture etc. People of one Indian state face xenophobia and hate in other Indian state. There were even risks of secessionist insurgency if we had West Bengal and North East with us like what India and Myanmar facing now. Our one Chakma insurgency was enough. Thankfully that was resolved. There is a merit of homogeneous nation state. I only wished Bangladesh should have got some more Muslim dominated districts in West Bengal and Assam along with possibly Tripura princely state during partition.

But whatever, I am still 90 percent satisfied about the size of Bangladesh. Not too small, not too big. You can cross entire Bangladesh by car within 12 hours. All things are nearby. And geographic size do not matter. Look at South Korea, just 2/3rd of Bangladesh in land area, still a very influential country in the world. Taiwan is just 1/4th of Bangladesh in size still very powerful state economically, militarily. This two countries are also homogeneous like us. We need to emulate them.
 
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I do not regret losing West Bengal Hindu dominated areas. They have different mindset then us. Nor I have any wish to create any country with North east tribals. I like homogeneity of Bangladesh. We are more than 98 percent Bengali and 90 percent Muslim. Where ever I go within Bangladesh, I can relate myself with local people. This is what make us internally strong. If we were fractured along many ethnic, religious,linguistic and cultural line, we would be always quarreling about those issues. Look at India, always quarreling over religion, ethnicity, language, culture etc. People of one Indian state face xenophobia and hate in other Indian state. There were even risks of secessionist insurgency if we had West Bengal and North East with us like what India and Myanmar facing now. Our one Chakma insurgency was enough. Thankfully that was resolved. There is a merit of homogeneous nation state. I only wished Bangladesh should have got some more Muslim dominated districts in West Bengal and Assam along with possibly Tripura princely state during partition.

But whatever, I am still 90 percent satisfied about the size of Bangladesh. Not too small, not too big. You can cross entire Bangladesh by car within 12 hours. All things are nearby. And geographic size do not matter. Look at South Korea, just 2/3rd of Bangladesh in land area, still a very influential country in the world. Taiwan is just 1/4th of Bangladesh in size still very powerful state economically, militarily. This two countries are also homogeneous like us. We need to emulate them.
Yes you have some good points. Actually all we need is to develop economically and militarily. Now the process maybe started, but I regret that it started very late. After our independence, we should have done more in this 48 years.
Anyway stills it's better late than never.
 
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I do not regret losing West Bengal Hindu dominated areas. They have different mindset then us. Nor I have any wish to create any country with North east tribals. I like homogeneity of Bangladesh. We are more than 98 percent Bengali and 90 percent Muslim. Where ever I go within Bangladesh, I can relate myself with local people. This is what make us internally strong. If we were fractured along many ethnic, religious,linguistic and cultural line, we would be always quarreling about those issues. Look at India, always quarreling over religion, ethnicity, language, culture etc. People of one Indian state face xenophobia and hate in other Indian state. There were even risks of secessionist insurgency if we had West Bengal and North East with us like what India and Myanmar facing now. Our one Chakma insurgency was enough. Thankfully that was resolved. There is a merit of homogeneous nation state. I only wished Bangladesh should have got some more Muslim dominated districts in West Bengal and Assam along with possibly Tripura princely state during partition.

But whatever, I am still 90 percent satisfied about the size of Bangladesh. Not too small, not too big. You can cross entire Bangladesh by car within 12 hours. All things are nearby. And geographic size do not matter. Look at South Korea, just 2/3rd of Bangladesh in land area, still a very influential country in the world. Taiwan is just 1/4th of Bangladesh in size still very powerful state economically, militarily. This two countries are also homogeneous like us. We need to emulate them.

The feeling is mutual buddy. It's good that East Pakistan did not integrate back within India. Your culture is too different and it would cause too much trouble in India. Indians pride upon unity in diversity also cause most of us follow Dharmic religion and even muslims of India are secular in nature.
 
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The feeling is mutual buddy. It's good that East Pakistan did not integrate back within India. Your culture is too different and it would cause too much trouble in India. Indians pride upon unity in diversity also cause most of us follow Dharmic religion and even muslims of India are secular in nature.
Fear of Muslim domination and fear of loosing territory to Pakistan and Bangladesh is what keeping you united. But you can not admit that, so you have invented this 'Unity in diversity mantra' to recite. This fear is what keeping Hindus of India united. But every religious minority tried to break free from India. Muslims are successful, snatched two countries before India could prevent. Sikhs tried unsuccessfully Khalistan, north eastern Christian majority tribal states still engaged in low level insurgency. These small states have no love for Indian union. But they are not rebelling outright, because they have no chance winning against India and surviving thereafter. If north eastern tribal states could formed viable states, they would have never submitted themselves under alien Indian rules. Not to mention, Kashmiri do not consider themselves Indian. If you remove the fear of Hindus about Muslims, then caste division, linguistic and ethnic division of hindus will be too forceful to contain. So this 'unity in diversity' of yours is somewhat fear driven and somewhat imposed forcefully.
 
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Fear of Muslim domination and fear of loosing territory to Pakistan and Bangladesh is what keeping you united. But you can not admit that, so you have invented this 'Unity in diversity mantra' to recite. This fear is what keeping Hindus of India united. But every religious minority tried to break free from India. Muslims are successful, snatched two country before India could prevent. Sikhs tried unsuccessfully Khalistan, north eastern Christian majority tribal state still engaged in low level insurgency. These small state have no love for Indian union. But they are not rebelling outright, because they have no chance against winning against India and surviving thereafter. If north eastern tribal states could formed viable states, they would have never submitted themselves under alien Indian rules. Not to mention, Kashmiri do not consider themselves Indian. So this 'unity in diversity' of yours is somewhat fear driven and somewhat imposed forcefully.

Lol you didn't snatch anything. We gave you your country. Maybe type when you're not high.
 
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Lol you didn't snatch anything. We gave you your country. Maybe type when you're not high.
Congress only reluctantly agreed to partition. If it had army in it's control, then it obviously tried to crush Muslim League to root out separatism rather than agreeing to partition. But fortunately British had the power.
 
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Congress only reluctantly agreed to partition. If it had army in it's control, then it obviously tried to crush Muslim League to root out separatism rather than agreeing to partition. But fortunately British had the power.

And we're glad that it happened. Otherwise there would have been too much tension in our country. I'd say Jinnah was more forward thinking than Gandhi in that sense. I thank him for giving us the country we have now.
 
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And we're glad that it happened. Otherwise there would have been too much tension in our country. I'd say Jinnah was more forward thinking than Gandhi in that sense. I thank him for giving us the country we have now.
OK, be happy and try to convince RSS type moron in your country to forget about Akhand Bharat wet dream. This wed dream is harmful for relation with other south asian countries.
 
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Mughals and other Muslim rulers ( except few like sultan mahmud of ghazni) came here and took India as their country to live, while British came here to do business.
However in this sense ( invading issue) Hindus are also not native to India , are they? Weren't Aryans migrated from outside of India? What is your opinion about this Aryan migration?

I am talking about in context of first indigenous civilisations (esp with writing/recorded history) in an area.

Everyone is essentially a migrant from african rift valley going by other argument.

Same thing with genetics, markers developed over time and became somewhat indigenous to an area...though the vast majority of throughput of genes are all identical.

As far as taking a country to live in, that is not a good argument to say there was extensive social cohesion among its people....not the way a lot of it happened in the start. That leaves a lot lingering on the psyche of people across generations.
 
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I am talking about in context of first indigenous civilisations (esp with writing/recorded history) in an area.
Everyone is essentially a migrant from african rift valley going by other argument.
Yes and It's little different case and not strong or rational logic here when we make a comparison of two migrants ,( in this sense Muslims are also African like Hindus) .

However we need to focus on archaeological evidences of Indus valley civilisation that was utterly destroyed by outsider Hindus ,and also from various books of the time . We already know the fight between aryans vs non aryans , we know that how Indra destroyed hundreds of cities and got the epithet of Purandar .
As far as taking a country to live in, that is not a good argument to say there was extensive social cohesion among its people....not the way a lot of it happened in the start. That leaves a lot lingering on the psyche of people across generations.
So I am afraid that this logic also apply for Aryans .

:-)
 
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Dec 16, 1971 isn’t an isolated event!!! It’s all part of the same chain starting with Muhammed bin Kasim and continuing with Sultan Mahmut, Kutubeddin Aybek, Ahmad Shah EbdAli, Muhammed Ali Jinnah etc!!! And, the last episode was on 02-27-2019....
 
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Posting this article as a neutral account of the causes leading up to the March 1971 Liberation War in Bangladesh, a piece by Sydney Schanberg, a Pulitzer prize-winning columnist. Please read carefully and discuss in an un-biased manner, though difficult it might be. We have to understand our historical viewpoints on both sides.

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The Bengalis and the Punjabis: Nation Split by Geography, Hate


By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG DEC. 4, 1970


December 4, 1970, Page 10

“The British started the racial domination of Punjabi over Bengali,” a Bengali intellectual said with a sneer the other day. “They liked to talk paternally about the simple, straight forward, martial Punjabis, much better fellows than those nasty, scheming Bengalis.”

It is hard to imagine two races or regions any more different. They speak different languages—Urdu in the West, Bengali in the East—eat different foods—meat and grain in the West, fish and rice in the East— and have almost contradictory cultures, for the Bengalis are volatile and love politics and literature while the Punjabis are more stolid and prefer governing and soldiering.

The only thing the two wings have in common is their religion, Islam. That was the basis for the country's creation when it was decided that Hindus and Moslems could not live peacefully together and the subcontinent was carved into largely Hindu India and the two Moslem segments that make up Pakistan.

Glue May Lose Its Hold

The glue of Islam may finally be losing its hold. Many observers deem it a miracle that the two regions have stuck together so long and believe that their separation into independent nations is only a matter of time.

National elections will be held next Monday—the first full elections under adult franchise in Pakistan's history— and East Pakistan is pushing for a form of regional autonomy that many believe is only a prelude to secession.

There has recently been talk that the Government, under pressure from the Punjabi‐run army, is planning to postpone the elections, but fears of popular uprising in East Pakistan have apparently quashed any such intention.

The Bengalis would have regarded postponement as a flimsy pretext for continuing the martial ‐ law regime proclaimed last year, when Gen Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan became President, and with it the domination of the East by the West.

“If the elections are aborted,” warned Sheik Mujibur Rahman, leader of the Awami League, the East's key political party, “The people will owe it to the million who have died in the cyclone to make the supreme sacrifice of another million lives, if need be, so that we can live as a free people. We will no longer suffer the arbitrary rule of the bureaucrats, the capitalists and the feudal interests of West Pakistan.”

Pakistan is that rare country where the majority region is the backward one. Although the East has 75 million people to the West's 55 million, the West has received the over whelming proportion of the development funds, factories, public‐works projects and defense facilities.

Prices are higher in East Pakistan, with rice and wheat twice as costly, although per capita income is at least 50 per cent lower. Six times as much electricity is produced in the West, four times as much foreign aid is spent there, three times as many imports are consumed there, twice as much development money is allocated there and nine times as much is spent on defense.

The disparity is heightened, grimly, by the population pressure in East Pakistan, with 20 million more people than in the West in an area only a sixth as large. If the United States had the same density, it would have 4.5 billion people. Broken down, it is more than 1,300 per square mile on the average and as high as 2,100 in cultivated areas.

Perpetual Disaster Area

The pressure, matched only in some parts of Japan, Taiwan and Communist China, has forced the division of farms into smaller and less profitable plots and has pushed hundreds of thousands of the poorest peasants down into the fertile but dangerous lowlands and offshore islands of the Ganges Delta.

Eighty per cent of East Pakistan is less than 50 feet above sea level; the delta areas, even lower, are more vulnerable to storms and monsoon flooding.

East Pakistan is a perpetual disaster area, even in “normal” times—ravaged by cholera, typhoid and smallpox, by pests and filth, by raging unemployment and monsoon floods.

West Pakistan, benefiting from the so‐called green revolution in improved agricultural yields, is just about self‐sufficient in food while East Pakistan has an annual deficit of some 2.5 million tons. Experts say it could be five million tons by 1975, which could mean famine.

As if internal problems were not enough, East Pakistan has been far more damaged than was the western sector by the partition, which virtually cut it off from neighboring West Bengal, now a state of India. All trade between them has been forbidden since the brief Indian ‐ Pakistani war over Kashmir in 1965.

The coal that used to come from West Bengal now comes from Communist China at as much as 10 times the cost. The only cement factory in East Pakistan, which used to get its limestone from India, must get it from less economical domestic deposits and pay five times the Indian price.


If the East Pakistanis win a measure of regional autonomy, they will immediately press to improve trade with India, one of the moves feared by the army and the hierarchy of the central Government in West Pakistan.

Generals Are Fearful

The Generals know that with greater provincial autonomy, the central Government's powers would be reduced and the vast military spending, some times as much as half of the budget, would be sharply cut. The army also knows that better relations with India would weaken the arguments for perpetuating the Kashmir dispute, which is one of the main reasons for the army's existence and has never aroused the Bengalis as it has the Punjabis, who live next to the disputed territory.


Does the answer to all this woe lie in breaking Pakistan into two nations, as many militant Bengalis and even some Punjabis tired of the crisis now believe? But could East Pakistan, with its overwhelming problems, survive as a separate entity?

The fear of not surviving is what is keeping the dominant Bengali political forces from demanding secession right now.

“If we are the majority, we are Pakistan!” Sheik Mujibur thundered at a meeting with the foreign press last week.

Unfortunately for the Bengalis, the army and its powerful friends in West Pakistan do not quite see it that way.
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I will be posting more insightful articles soon from that era by Mr. Schanberg.

East Pakistan Leader Voices a Secession Threat


By SYDNEY SCHANBERG NOV. 27, 1970


DACCA, Pakistan, Nov. 26— Sheik Mujibur Rahman, East Pakistan's dominant political leader, warned the central government today that if the national elections were postponed, “I go for a total struggle” for secession of East Pakistan.

There have been reports that President Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan might once again postpone the elections for a National Assembly, which are scheduled for Dec. 7 and which would be the first full and free election based on adult franchise in Pakistan's 23‐year history.

The elections were originally scheduled for Oct. 5, but when monsoon floods disrupted much of East Pakistan, the President put them off, President Yahya, who returned this afternoon from a two‐day tour of the coastal area devastated by the cyclone and tidal wave of Nov. 13, would presumably declare a postponement this time on the ground that the damage, caused by the cyclone and tidal wave, in which the official death toll is over 175,000, had produced a national emergency.

This, however, probably would be regarded in East Pakistan as merely an excuse for continuing the present martial law regime, and, with it, West Pakistan domination over East Pakistan. The eastern and western sections of the country are separated by over a thousand miles of Indian territory.

The Bengalis of East Pakistan feel that the central Government, which is run from West Pakistan and is controlled by the Punjabis, did not press relief efforts after the cyclone and therefore proved its callousness and indifference to the plight of the poorer and more populous East.

Sheik Mujibur, charging “our own rulers” with “criminal negligence”, said, “A massive rescue and relief operation, if launched within 24 hours of the disaster, could have saved thousands of lives.”

Speaking at a chaotic news conference attended by many foreign correspondents, the 50 year‐old leader of the Awami league, who had just returned from a tour of the disaster area, said, “Only present experience has brought into sharp focus the basic truth that every Bengali has felt in his bones, that we have been treated so long as a colony and a market that we have been denied our birthrights as the free citizens of an independent state.”

OK the series will continue. Mr. Schanberg worked for the NY Times and was based in India during the 1970 events leading up to Bangladesh' liberation war and reported directly from the border areas near West Bengal on actual accounts of fighting. These articles are accurate and neutral accounts for the event as it happened.
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Pakistan Survivors Face Hunger and Burning Sun


By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
NOV. 21, 1970



BHOLA ISLAND, Pakistan, Nov. 19—One week ago, All Husain, a 25‐year‐old Pakis tani soldier, had 90 relatives, including uncles and aunts and cousins, all living in a poor compound in the village of Medua. Today only 20 are alive.

Jalal Ahmed, a fisherman in the village of Shibpur, lost all his children, four sons.

Nurul Huq, 55, a rice farmer, saw his 75‐year‐old mother swept away.

These are typical of the tragedies on this large island in East Pakistan at the mouth of the Ganges, one of several areas devastated Nov. 13 by one of the worst cyclones and tidal waves in history.

The few survivors face hunger and the burning sun as they wait for relief from the outside world.

Disaster came to Bhola Island without warning.

“We were all sleeping when it hit at midnight,” said Ali Husain. “I caught hold of a palm tree and climbed it and hung on until the waters went down around dawn.”

None of the 25 children among his relatives survived. Of his immediate family of 15, only he and his father are left.

Like so many of the survivors, Ali Husain is still stunned. He must now rejoin his army unit for relief work. but his eyes are red and full from grief and he walks and talks like a ghost.

“I don't know what we'll do. I don't know,” he said. “There is nothing left.”
There is truly nothing left on many parts of this island. En tire villages were swept away by the 150‐mile‐an‐hour wind and the 25‐foot tidal wave that roared in bff the Bay of Bengal.

The lucky villages were only flattened. Bits and pieces of their thatch‐and‐tin shacks were left so that now they were able to construct rude shelters. Many of the survivors, however, must live under the grueling sun with no shelter.

A week after the storm, bodies are still floating in the streams and canals. About 100 floated down a canal today, and towns people say that on some days the number has been as high as 500.

Many bodies have been buried in shallow, hastily dug graves and many others have been swept out to sea. But those that are still floating and those that are hidden in tall trees have kept the smell of death and the fear of disease hovering over the stricken area.

No cholera has yet been re ported but the authorities are openly worried. “We are very afraid that cholera or the pox or dysentery or typhoid will come, said a district official in the town of Bhola, “but we are trying to prevent it.”

So far, little has been done in the way of relief. Many areas still have not been reached by Government officials and most have no food.

Roads are impassable and current still too swift in many canals for relief boats to make the passage. Although soldiers have been trying to repair some of the roads and bridges, the first army engineering team arrived in Bhola only this after noon. The commanding officer, a major, acknowledged that he did not know what building materials were available on the island.

The greatest need is transportation for supplies to the stranded areas, and that means helicopters. The United States is sending six, but so far they have not arrived and the Government has only three aircraft working on relief—one army helicopter, one seaplane and one small land plane.

Supplies are piling up at out lying depots. The relief effort seems unorganized.

No one has any idea how many people were killed by the storm. Unofficial guesses have risen as high as a million and a half.

Nevertheless, reports from specific areas indicate that the toll may be several hundred thousand. The total population of the stricken area as about two and a half million.

Officials on Bhola Island, which has a population of about 900,000, said today they be lieved 200,000 of them had been killed.

The greatest toll was among the children, who were not strong enough to cling to trees.

Even in normal times this densely populated area of rice farmers and fishermen is wretchedly poor. The per capita income is equal to about $60 a year.

But now the situation is a hundred times worse, if that can be imagined.

Many survivors huddle under the sun in school yards and other collection points waiting for government officials to bring some food, which, when it is available, is a soup of rice and dal, a yellow pea.

In those areas where the peasants have patched together shelters from rags and bits of tin, wood, thatch and palm leaves, much of the time they simply sit and stare at the rice fields smothered in mud.

“We have been through many storms,” said Nurul Huq, the rice farmer, “but there has never been anything like this.” He pointed to a muddy mark high on a palm tree showing where the water had been.

“Only Allah knows why this has happened to us.” he said.
 
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YAHYA CONCEDES ‘SLIPS’ IN RELIEF
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
NOV. 28, 1970

DACCA, Pakistan, Nov. 22— President Agha Mohammad Khan conceded tonight that his martial‐law Government had made “slips” and “mistakes” in its relief effort for the cyclone victims of East Pakistan, but he insisted that “everything was done within the limits of the Government.”

Defending himself and his Government against charges by the Bengali population of East Pakistan that the relief effort had been laggard and had shown indifference and even callousness, President Yahya said at a news conference:

“The efforts were not ideal. There have been odd slips, there have been odd mistakes. But I would like to know country or government which consists of angels. My Government is not made up of angels.”

He said there had been “lack of appreciation” of the magnitude of the cyclone and tidal wave that struck the Ganges delta area on Nov. 13. The official death toll is more than 175,000 and may rise far beyond that.

“There Have Been Delays”

“There have been mistakes, there have been delays,” the President said. “But by and large I'm very satisfied that everything is being done and will be done.”

The news conference, held in the ceremonial room of Governor's House here, clearly had been called to try to answer the charges of Government neglect and to defuse the potentially explosive political situation they have created.

The Bengalis have always felt that the central Government, which is run from West Pakistan and is dominated by the Punjabis of that region, has treated them as poor relations. The disaster has heightened this grievance and turned it into an issue in the national elections, scheduled for Dec. 7.

President Yahya tonight denied rumors that he would postpone the elections because of the disaster. The Bengalis would have regarded as a thin excuse for continuing the martial law declared in March 1969 and with it the western domination of East Pakistan.

“The election will take place,” the 53‐year‐old commander of the army said firmly. He added that in the eight or nine districts devastated by the cyclone and tidal wave the vote would probably be postponed “for a few weeks.”
President Yahya opened the conference with a long explanation of his own actions—including his decision not to remain in Dacca to direct relief operations after a brief aerial tour immediately following the storm.

He said he had left behind “clear instructions to get on with it full steam” before he returned to the capital of Islamabad in west Pakistan “to organize many things.”

Asked if his Government had been “late in starting on relief,” he replied angrily: “My Government was not late in starting on any relief! In a disaster of this magnitude, it takes time to mount such an operation and do it constructively, not running around like madmen.”

Consulate Lists Relief Needs

The Consulate General of Pakistan, 12 East 65th Street, issued yesterday a list of “immediate requirements for relief of East Pakistan cyclone victims.”

The list included precooked food, powdered, or evaporated milk, aluminum or plastic utensils and water containers, 22,000 tents, 10 portable wire less radio sets, 30 portable water purification plants, a million blankets, light warm clothing and medicines, including antibiotics, water purification tablets and vitamins.

Also urgently needed, the announcement said, were $32 million for reconstruction, 500,000 tons of cereals, 10,000 tons of food oils, 100 boats with outboard motors, jeep type vehicles and 10 mobile and floating dispensaries.

Cash and checks made out to President's East Pakistan Relief Fund” may be sent to the Consul General's office here or to the Pakistan Em bassy, 2315 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20008.

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Pakistan: People Still Dying Because of Inadequate Relief Job

— SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
NOV. 29, 1970

DACCA, Pakistan — When a foreign relief official was asked last week if the cyclone rescue effort in East Pakistan was as massive as it looked, he shook his head wearily and said, “Heavens, no. It's only just be gun!,

Although supplies by the planeload pour in at Dacca's airport — blankets, tents, high protein foods, medicines, flat bottomed motorboats, clothes and water ‐ purification equipment — getting them to the still‐dazed survivors of the cyclone and huge waves that crushed vast coastal areas of East Pakistan two weeks ago is quite another matter.

Washed‐out roads are slowly being repaired, and some boats are beginning to move in the still‐dangerous channels of the Ganges delta, but the only way to get help to some of the isolated survivors is by air‐drop. American, British, French and Pakistani helicopters are using every available daylight hour to scour the mud‐smothered flats of the delta for the sick and hungry victims and push out the supplies at extremely low altitudes.

Yet, this is only scratching the surface. Virtually the entire water supply of the stricken region was polluted—either by the massive saline waves or by the decomposing bodies of the dead, many of which still lie unburied under the cruel sun.

Some officials here are estimating that maybe I million persons died in the terrifying storm; the total population in the devastated region is about 2½ million.

Some areas and offshore islands still have no fresh water, and very little has yet been brought in. No water is being air‐dropped, apparently because of the lack of proper containers, and only small amounts have been brought in by boat.

On the other hand, the country is now glutted with cholera vaccine. Officials at first feared a severe cholera epidemic — it is still possible—but East Pakistan itself produces more than enough vaccine for its own needs.

Nevertheless, in the chaos, unpreparedness and virtual absence of coordination in the Pakistani relief effort, foreign countries were not told of the vaccine surplus, and shipments continue to arrive. Three nights ago, the first planeload of Communist Chinese supplies reached Dacca—the bulk of it 500,000 doses of cholera vaccine.

“People may live forever without vaccination,” said a cholera expert here, “but they ‘cannot live without water.”

On Manpura Island, one of the worst‐ravaged areas, only two wells are still usable and no fresh water is being brought in.

The Pakistani Government now seems to be making every effort to help the survivors, but at the beginning—whether out of indifference, lethargy or simple inefficiency—the Government seemed to watch as the foreign relief teams and supplies went to work at a desperate pace.

Bureaucratic confusion and sometimes stubbornness still hamper the relief program. There is no Control Room to coordinate the myriad of activities and avoid waste and over lapping. Out of pride, and paranoia about military secrets, Pakistan has refused to let India, its usually hostile neighbor, bring in relief supplies by plane, thus forcing them to come across the border slowly in trucks.

All this has seriously fanned the flames of the bitter Bengali vs. Punjabi feud that has plagued Pakistan throughout its 23‐year history.

The Central Government, run from West Pakistan and dominated by the Punjabis of that wing, has always short‐changed the more populous Bengalis of East Pakistan in budget funds, development projects and good government jobs. For the Bengalis, the cyclone aftermath reinforced their feelings of being exploited by West Pakistan, which is separated from the eastern wing by 1,000 miles of Indian territory.

Many Bengalis feel that the West Pakistan's Punjabis were callous about the fate of the cyclone survivors. Some Bengali political leaders have charged the Government with “criminal negligence,” and headlines have even spoken of “deliberate murder,” a risky demonstration of freedom of the press in a nation under martial law.

Pakistan's first full and free national elections under a one‐ man, one‐vote election law are scheduled for Dec. 7, although the balloting is expected to be delayed in the cyclone areas.

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A WESTERN GROUP AIDED PAKISTANIS
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
JAN. 3, 1971

DACCA, Pakistan—Amid the chaos of the relief effort after the Nov. 12 cyclone in East Pakistan, one fairly smooth operation stood out—spontaneously organized by a group of Westerners living in Pakistan, together with their Pakistani friends.

They called themselves H.E.L.P. (for Heartland Emergency Life‐Saving Project) and, until the army finally took over relief distribution on Dec. 3 on Manpura and Shakuchia, they were the only life ‐ sustaining presence on those islands.

Led by Dr. Jon Rohde, a 29 year‐old graduate of the Harvard Medical School (Bilal's note: a piece by Dr. Rohde appears below about the carnage of 25th March, 1971) who is now on the staff of the South east Asian Treaty Organization Cholera Hospital in Dacca, the group succeeded because it never allowed itself to be choked by the Government's red tape, wherever the members worked.

Some of the group's leaders, especially Dr. Rohde's wife, Cornelia, and F. H. Abed, treasurer of Pakistan Shell, (Bilal's note: Fazle Hasan Abed founded BRAC, one of the world's largest NGO's based in Bangladesh, post 1971) worked on the mainland in organizing and fund‐raising projects. Others, including three more doctors from the SEATO Hospital —George Curlin, Lincoln Chen and Richard Guerrant—worked on the islands, while the wives of two of them, Peggy Curlin and Martha Chen, assisted on the mainland.

This two ‐ pronged campaign allowed the organization to get goods to the places where they were needed in the shortest possible time.

Germans Lend Copters

Five West German Army helicopters had been assigned to the Chittagong airport for airdrop service, and once the Germans realized the efficiency of H.E.L.P., the craft were virtually handed over to it.

The workers, who were greatly admired by the villagers, tried to persuade them to organize cooperatives on the two islands. This program led by David Stockley, 42, a British farm specialist and a member of H.E.L.P., has already evoked the interest of the Ford Foundation and the United States Agency for International Development.

The transition to army control of relief distribution was a difficult one for the Bengali islanders. The atmosphere changed completely, since the army was inevitably more rigid and less personal than the civilian volunteers.

Then, too, almost none of the soldiers were Bengalis. The 80 who went to Manpura, for example, were tall Pathans from West Pakistan's Frontier Force Regiment who spoke Urdu but no Bengali.

No More Cozy Chats

In the mornings the islanders had warm, relaxed chats with the H.E.L.P. volunteers, most of whom spoke passable Bengali. Now the peasants sat warily around the relief center, watching the soldiers polish their boots and belts and line up for their shaves by the unit barber. Gone were the pep talks, about rebuilding bridges and repairing wells, so important to a community whose morale was shattered.

“Our job,” said a young lieutenant, “is to keep law and order and distribute these relief goods fairly—nothing more.”

The civilian workers tried to overcome the uneasiness about the soldiers, but it was difficult.

“The army does not care for us,” a farmer said. “Where were they in our time of need? Now they come — after 21 days.”

As a Westerner was about to depart a villager whispered: “Please don't leave us alone with the army.”

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FREEDOM IN THE OFFING
Recent events in East Pakistan
Here we publish a letter from Dr. Jon E. Rohde, a physician evacuated from East Pakistan, to Senator William B. Saxbe. Senator Saxbe presented it in his speech in the U.S. Senate on April 29,1971.

Jon E. Rohde, M.D.

Hon. William B. Saxbe, New Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.

Dear Senator Saxbe: Two days ago my wife and I were evacuated from Dacca, East Pakistan, where I have been posted for the past three years as a physician under USAID. I am certain that you are aware of the political events preceding the army crackdown on March 25th. As a result of complete censorship and the expulsion of journalists, banning of the major political party in Pakistan, and repressed information about the military campaign against the civilians of East Pakistan, it must have been difficult to obtain a clear picture of events since that date. From the outset of the army action, the American Consul General and his staff in Dacca, have continued to send detailed factual accounts enumerating first-hand reports of the situation. These reports have been carefully collected and verified before transmission to the State Department. Publicly the State Department claims they do not have enough facts; but I have seen the factual reports sent daily from Dacca. The American Consul in Karachi stated to me that they only recently began to receive the accounts about the situation in East Pakistan, when the Consulate in Dacca has been transmitting information from the very start of the action.

Although Consul Blood's reports contain a more detailed account of the current situation, I wish to bring to your attention the observations I have made in the past weeks in Dacca. My wife and I watched from our roof the night of March 25th as tanks rolled out of the Cantonment illuminated by the flares and the red glow of fires as the city was shelled by artillery, and mortars were fired into crowded slums and bazaars. After two days of loud explosions and the continual chatter of machine-guns, we took advantage of a break in the curfew to drive through the city. Driving past streams of refugees, we saw burned out shacks of families living by the railroad tracks, coming from Gulshan to Mohakhali crossing. A Bengali friend living close by had watched the army set fire to the hovels, and as the families ran out, he saw them shot down "like dogs". He accepted our offer to take him and his family of twelve into our home. In the old city we walked through the remains of Nayer Bazaar, where Moslem and Hindu wood cutters had worked, now only a tangle of iron, and sheet and smouldering ruins. The Hindu shopkeepers and craftsmen still alive in the bombed ruins of Shankari Bazaar begged me to help them only hours after the army had moved in with the intention to kill all inhabitants. One man had been shot in the abdomen and killed only one half hour before we arrived. Others were lying in the streets rotting. The day before we were evacuated, I saw Moslem names in Urdu, on the remains of houses in Shankari Bazaar previously a totally Hindu area. On the 29th we stood at Ramna Kali Bari, an ancient Hindu village of about two hundred fifty people in the center of Dacca Ramna Race Course, and witnessed the stacks of machine-gunned, burning remains of men, women and children butchered in the early morning hours of March 29. I photographed the scene hours later.

Sadarghat, Shakaripatti, Rayer Bazaar, Nayer Bazaar, Pailpara and Thatari Bazaar are a few of the places where the homes of the thousands are razed to the grounds.

In the university area on the 29th, we walked through Jagannath Hall and Iqbal Hall, two of the student dormitories at Dacca University shelled by army tanks. All inmates were slaughtered. We saw the breach in the wall where the tank broke through, the tank tracks and the mass grave in front of the hall. A man who was forced to drag the bodies outside, counted one hundred three of the Hindu students buried there. Outside were the massive holes in the walls of the dormitory, while inside were the smoking remains of the rooms and the heavily blood-stained floors. We also saw evidence of tank attack at Iqbal Hall where bodies were still unburied.

The two ensuing weeks have documented the planned killing of much of the intellectual community, including the majority of professors of Dacca University. These include: Professor G. C. Dev, Head of the Philosophy Department; Professor Maniruzzaman, Head of the Department of Statistics; Professor Jotirmoy Guhathakurta, Head of the English Department; Dr. Naqvi and Dr. Ali, Head of the Department of History; Professor Innas Ali, Head of the Physics Department and Professor Dr. M. N. Huda, Head of the Economics Department, former Governor and Finance Minister, were shot in their quarters, injured and left for dead. Many families of these professors were shot as well. Full documentation of the people is difficult due to the army's thorough search leaving Dacca. Complete censorship was facilitated when three prominent mass circulation dailies were burned: The People, The Ittefaq and the Sangbad.

Military action continued after the attack of the first two days. We listened as the early morning of April first was wracked for two hours by artillery pounding Jinjira, a town across the Buriganga from Dacca, that had swollen in size with an estimated one hundred thousands civilians fleeing terrorized Dacca. Radio Pakistan continued to broadcast that life in Dacca had returned to normal but we witnessed a nearly deserted city.

In Gulshan, one of the suburban areas of Dacca, where we lived, we witnessed the disarming of the East Pakistan Rifles, stationed in the Children's Park across the street, the army looting the food supplies from the market nearby, and finally the execution of several EPR as they were forced by Punjabi soldiers onto a truck to be "taken away". The mass execution of several thousands of Bengali policemen and East Pakistan Rifles is already documented. We also witnessed from a neighbour's house, army personnel fire three shots across Gulshan Lake at several little boys who were swimming. Nearly every night there was sporadic gunfire near our home adding to the fear of twenty-six refugees staying with us. During the day Pakistan planes flew overhead to their bombing missions.

It would be possible for me to chronicle many specific atrocities, but we have left close friends behind whose lives might be more endangered. It is clear that the law of the jungle prevails in East Pakistan where the mass killing of unarmed civilians, the systematic elimination of the intelligentsia, and the annihilation of the Hindu population is in progress.

The reports of Consul Blood, available to you as a Congressman, contain a more detailed and complete account of the situation. In addition, he has submitted concrete proposals for constructive moves our government can make. While in no way suggesting that we interfere with Pakistan's internal affairs, he asserts, and we support him, that the United States must not continue to condone the military action with official silence. We also urge you to read the Dacca official community's open cable to the State Department. It is for unlimited distribution and states the facts about the situation in East Pakistan.

By not making a statement, the State Department appears to support the clearly immoral action of the West Pakistani army, navy, and air force against the Bengali people.

We were evacuated by Pakistan's commercial airline. We were loaded on planes that had just disembarked full loads of Pakistani troops and military supplies. American AID dollars are providing support of military action. In Teheran, due to local support of Pakistan, I was unable to wire you the information I am writing.

Fully recognizing the inability of our government to oppose actively or intervene in this desperate oppression of the Bengalis, I urge you to seek and support a condemnation by Congress and the President of the United States of the inhuman treatment being accorded the seventy-five million people of East Pakistan.

No political consideration can outweigh the importance of a humanitarian stand, reiterating the American belief in the value of individual lives and a democratic process of government. The action of President Yahya banning the democratically elected majority party, who had ninety-eight percent of the East Wings electorate backing them, ought to arouse a country which prides itself on the democratic process.

We urge you to speak out actively against the tragic massacre of civilians in East Pakistan.

Sincerely yours,

Jon E. Rohde, M.D.

(Bilal's note: Post 1971, Dr. Rohde headed up the ICDDRB - International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh, which is an international health research organisation located in Dhaka, Bangladesh. This organization has since inception dedicated itself to saving lives through research and treatment of some of the most critical health concerns facing the world today, ranging from improving neonatal survival to HIV/AIDS. Though initially focused on waterborne diseases like cholera and dysentery, its research activities span far wider. His compatriot and friend, Sir Fazle Hasan Abed, KCMG is a Bangladeshi social worker, the founder and chairman of BRAC, the world's largest non-governmental organization (NGO) with over 120,000 employees. For his contributions to social improvement, he has received the Ramon Magsaysay Award, the UNDP Mahbub Ul Haq Award, the inaugural Clinton Global Citizen Award and the inaugural WISE Prize for Education. In 2015, he received World Food Prize for his "unparalleled" work on reducing poverty in Bangladesh and 10 other countries.)
 
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In Pakistan, Some Flee to the East as Others Seek Haven in West
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
MARCH 18, 1971

DACCA, Pakistan, March 17 —Carrying all their belongings of value, their children balanced on their hips and cradled in their arms, nervous Bengalis are fleeing West Pakistan. Equally nervous Punjabis and other West Pakistanis are fleeing East Pakistan in reverse.

They fill the only two flights that still operate daily between East and West, now that the two wings of Pakistan—separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory—are con fronting each other. The East Pakistanis threaten secession because of what they regard as years of exploitation by the Western wing.

Some West Pakistanis were killed in the rioting that fol lowed the central Government's recent postponement of the National Assembly, in which East Pakistan has a majority. The Assembly is based in West Pakistan.

There is no reliable estimate of the number of civilians killed. The central Government says that 172 civilians were killed and that many of these were killed by other civilians. Awami League officials put the toll in the thousands.

Conversely, some of the several hundred thousand Bengalis in West Pakistan have been attacked there. Several million West Pakistanis live in the East.

The two Pakistan International Airlines flights a day are the only escape route for the targets of this growing animosity unless they try to travel across India by rail or road— a process.

All other international air lines have stopped flying into Dacca, the East's capital, and some foreign countries have sent in special planes to evacuate their nationals.

Each of the two Pakistani round‐trip flights carries 160 people, which means 320 people each way, every day—so the waiting list is staggering.

At the Karachi Airport in West Pakistan the fleeing Bengalis—most of the mothers wearing the black barge veil of the traditional Moslem wife— jammed the waiting room. They did not talk of panic, but their faces betrayed their fears.

They were taking all their gold jewelry, their transistor radios, blankets and their best clothes. Some of the luggage was modern but more often it consisted of shopping bags tied together with string. Many had not bought return tickets.

The flight takes nearly six hours, twice the normal time because India has banned all Pakistani flights over her territory since early February, after two Kashmiris hijacked an Indian plane to Pakistan and blew it up there.

Now all Pakistani planes must go around India by southerly sea route, sometimes stopping in Ceylon to refuel.

Most of the Bengali passengers refused to give the real reason for their trip. “I am going home for rest and recreation,” one man said.

“My mother hasn't seen us for a long time,” said another. But one young Bengali who said that he was going home on “leave” was asked if he was afraid to stay in West Pakistan any longer. “Yes, I am afraid,” he said as if a weight had been lifted from him, adding, “One of my friends was attacked and beaten yesterday.”

Some of the Bengalis in West Pakistan have government jobs there but most work at factory jobs in and around Karachi, an industrial center.

The flight was uneventful except for the squalling of infants and the coos of harried mothers. But there was one telling moment.

As the Boeing 707 swept up the Bay of Bengal and came within sight of the East Pakistan coastline, the Bengalis rose from their seats en masse and pressed to the windows, their faces alight. They did not need a Statue of Liberty to tell them that they were home. “I have come home for peace,” said a man whose eyes had misted over.

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Sheik Mujib Is Popular With His Hindu Neighbors
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
MARCH 16, 1971

CALCUTTA, India, March 8 —Sheik Mujibur Rahman, the East Pakistani leader, who is a Moslem, has become a folk hero to the Hindus of West Bengal, in India.

In coffee shops, in the streets, in living rooms, in a discothèques and on the front pages of Calcutta newspapers, Indians speak with pride of the 50‐Year‐old nationalist leader in 1965.

“His independent spirit, his concern for his downtrodden people ‐ that is what evokes great admiration from our people,” a West Bengal politician said in a comment typical of the praise heard here these days for Sheik Mujib.

He has taken a defiant stand against central government, which is based in West Pakistan and has long exploited the more populous but poorer eastern province. He and his Awami League party originally campaigned for provincial autonomy for East Pakistan, but recent events have made a declaration of independence, or something close to it, more likely.

Animosity Muted in Area

Although most Hindus left East Pakistan for West Bengal at the time of partition of the subcontinent into predominantly Hindu India and Moslem Pakistan in 1947, the Hindu Moslem animosity has always been more muted in this region than in West Pakistan, separated from East Pakistan by over a thousand miles of Indian territory.

Except for religion, the 75 million people of East Pakistan and the 44 million people of West Bengal share a common culture and language. They are all Bengalis, a small, lithe, brown‐skinned people whose favorite diet is fish and rice and whose favorite pastimes are literature and, politics. They have a common tongue, Bengali, and they are romantic, excitable and warm.

Many of the leading figures of West Bengal — businessmen, politicians, writers, officials — migrated here from East Pakistan, and they have a deep nostalgia for their homeland.

“We are proud of Mujib,” said a Calcutta doctor over coffee and sweets in his living room. “And why not? They are Bengalis and we are Bengalis. Our roots are the same.”

‘No Communal Bias’

“And Mujib has no communal bias,” the doctor's friend added, referring to the Hindu Moslem antagonisms.

Indian sentiment in general favors the East Pakistanis, who, unlike the West Pakistani Government, care little about the Kashmir Issue and would like to normalize trade with India. Such trade has been forbidden since the brief Kashmir war of 1965.

For all the sentimental warmth the West Bengalis feel for their neighbors, few would want to live in a nation dominated by Moslems.

The East Pakistani freedom movement has fanned the coals of nationalism in West Bengal, a chaotic and violent state where political murders are counted in the dozens every week. Some politicians, particularly the pro‐Peking Communists, who have a large following, have begun stressing the theme that the Government in New Delhi is callously neglecting and exploiting Bengal.

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Leader in Dacca Rejects A ‘Concession’ by Yahya
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
MARCH 19, 1971

DACCA, Pakistan, March 18 —The leader of East Pakistan, Sheik Mujibur Rahman, today rejected as meaningless a West Pakistani “concession,” as West Pakistan increased its military build‐up in the East and the crisis between Pakistan's two sections hardened.

No further talks were held to day between Sheik Mujib and Pakistan's President, Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan. They had met inconclusively Tuesday and yesterday. Another meeting has been scheduled for tomorrow.

The outcome of their confrontations will determine whether East Pakistan—which has been dominated by the West since the Moslem nation was created in 1947 — will retain some limited links with the West under a loose structure or will break away completely and be come a separate nation. A move toward nationhood could meet with intervention by the Pakistani armed forces, whose West Pakistani generals do not want to lose their hold on the East. The two sections are separated by 1,000 miles of Indian territory.

Inquiry Into Killings

Last night the central Government's martial‐law administration here announced what was termed an investigation into killings by soldiers of East Pakistani civilians who protested in the streets when President Yahya, on March 1, postponed the March 3 session of the National Assembly, in which the East Pakistanis have a majority.

Such an inquiry was the least important of several concessions that Sheik Mujib has said must be given before he would consider attending the Assembly session, now rescheduled for March 25.

Sheik Mujib, in a statement, dismissed the inquiry as “a mere device to mislead the people.” He called on all East Pakistanis not to cooperate with the inquiry “in any respect,”

The East Pakistani leader, in his statement, indicated that even if the terms of the inquiry had been satisfactory, “piece meal acceptance” of his demands was not.

Build‐Up Intensified

The West Pakistani military build‐up in East Pakistan was intensified on several fronts. The sending of troops from the West on commercial flights, which had been suspended for about a week, was resumed.

Passengers on a Pakistan International Airways flight from Karachi to Dacca reported that at least 100 of the 160 seats were occupied by army men, most of them in civilian clothes

On Sheik Mujib's orders, most East Pakistanis have been refusing to sell or bring supplies to the garrisons—one facet of the Bengalis' noncooperation movement against the central Government. The movement has put Sheik Mujib in virtual control of East Pakistan.

Before the crisis, the central Government had some 25,000 troops in East Pakistan. The number now is estimated at 40,000 to 60,000.

Panicky rumors continue around Dacca. The latest is that the military is planning to bomb the city. Many families have already left Dacca for their home villages in the interior. This has reduced the demand for groceries and the prices of such items as chickens and eggs have dropped. Ricksha fares are also down.

Yet Bengali sources close to the situation stress that while the military build‐up could mean that the army intends to use massive force, it could also mean that President Yahya, realizing he must make concessions, is using a show of force to try to strengthen his bargaining position.
 
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In Pakistan, Some Flee to the East as Others Seek Haven in West
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
MARCH 18, 1971

DACCA, Pakistan, March 17 —Carrying all their belongings of value, their children balanced on their hips and cradled in their arms, nervous Bengalis are fleeing West Pakistan. Equally nervous Punjabis and other West Pakistanis are fleeing East Pakistan in reverse.

They fill the only two flights that still operate daily between East and West, now that the two wings of Pakistan—separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory—are con fronting each other. The East Pakistanis threaten secession because of what they regard as years of exploitation by the Western wing.

Some West Pakistanis were killed in the rioting that fol lowed the central Government's recent postponement of the National Assembly, in which East Pakistan has a majority. The Assembly is based in West Pakistan.

There is no reliable estimate of the number of civilians killed. The central Government says that 172 civilians were killed and that many of these were killed by other civilians. Awami League officials put the toll in the thousands.

Conversely, some of the several hundred thousand Bengalis in West Pakistan have been attacked there. Several million West Pakistanis live in the East.

The two Pakistan International Airlines flights a day are the only escape route for the targets of this growing animosity unless they try to travel across India by rail or road— a process.

All other international air lines have stopped flying into Dacca, the East's capital, and some foreign countries have sent in special planes to evacuate their nationals.

Each of the two Pakistani round‐trip flights carries 160 people, which means 320 people each way, every day—so the waiting list is staggering.

At the Karachi Airport in West Pakistan the fleeing Bengalis—most of the mothers wearing the black barge veil of the traditional Moslem wife— jammed the waiting room. They did not talk of panic, but their faces betrayed their fears.

They were taking all their gold jewelry, their transistor radios, blankets and their best clothes. Some of the luggage was modern but more often it consisted of shopping bags tied together with string. Many had not bought return tickets.

The flight takes nearly six hours, twice the normal time because India has banned all Pakistani flights over her territory since early February, after two Kashmiris hijacked an Indian plane to Pakistan and blew it up there.

Now all Pakistani planes must go around India by southerly sea route, sometimes stopping in Ceylon to refuel.

Most of the Bengali passengers refused to give the real reason for their trip. “I am going home for rest and recreation,” one man said.

“My mother hasn't seen us for a long time,” said another. But one young Bengali who said that he was going home on “leave” was asked if he was afraid to stay in West Pakistan any longer. “Yes, I am afraid,” he said as if a weight had been lifted from him, adding, “One of my friends was attacked and beaten yesterday.”

Some of the Bengalis in West Pakistan have government jobs there but most work at factory jobs in and around Karachi, an industrial center.

The flight was uneventful except for the squalling of infants and the coos of harried mothers. But there was one telling moment.

As the Boeing 707 swept up the Bay of Bengal and came within sight of the East Pakistan coastline, the Bengalis rose from their seats en masse and pressed to the windows, their faces alight. They did not need a Statue of Liberty to tell them that they were home. “I have come home for peace,” said a man whose eyes had misted over.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sheik Mujib Is Popular With His Hindu Neighbors
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
MARCH 16, 1971

CALCUTTA, India, March 8 —Sheik Mujibur Rahman, the East Pakistani leader, who is a Moslem, has become a folk hero to the Hindus of West Bengal, in India.

In coffee shops, in the streets, in living rooms, in a discothèques and on the front pages of Calcutta newspapers, Indians speak with pride of the 50‐Year‐old nationalist leader in 1965.

“His independent spirit, his concern for his downtrodden people ‐ that is what evokes great admiration from our people,” a West Bengal politician said in a comment typical of the praise heard here these days for Sheik Mujib.

He has taken a defiant stand against central government, which is based in West Pakistan and has long exploited the more populous but poorer eastern province. He and his Awami League party originally campaigned for provincial autonomy for East Pakistan, but recent events have made a declaration of independence, or something close to it, more likely.

Animosity Muted in Area

Although most Hindus left East Pakistan for West Bengal at the time of partition of the subcontinent into predominantly Hindu India and Moslem Pakistan in 1947, the Hindu Moslem animosity has always been more muted in this region than in West Pakistan, separated from East Pakistan by over a thousand miles of Indian territory.

Except for religion, the 75 million people of East Pakistan and the 44 million people of West Bengal share a common culture and language. They are all Bengalis, a small, lithe, brown‐skinned people whose favorite diet is fish and rice and whose favorite pastimes are literature and, politics. They have a common tongue, Bengali, and they are romantic, excitable and warm.

Many of the leading figures of West Bengal — businessmen, politicians, writers, officials — migrated here from East Pakistan, and they have a deep nostalgia for their homeland.

“We are proud of Mujib,” said a Calcutta doctor over coffee and sweets in his living room. “And why not? They are Bengalis and we are Bengalis. Our roots are the same.”

‘No Communal Bias’

“And Mujib has no communal bias,” the doctor's friend added, referring to the Hindu Moslem antagonisms.

Indian sentiment in general favors the East Pakistanis, who, unlike the West Pakistani Government, care little about the Kashmir Issue and would like to normalize trade with India. Such trade has been forbidden since the brief Kashmir war of 1965.

For all the sentimental warmth the West Bengalis feel for their neighbors, few would want to live in a nation dominated by Moslems.

The East Pakistani freedom movement has fanned the coals of nationalism in West Bengal, a chaotic and violent state where political murders are counted in the dozens every week. Some politicians, particularly the pro‐Peking Communists, who have a large following, have begun stressing the theme that the Government in New Delhi is callously neglecting and exploiting Bengal.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Leader in Dacca Rejects A ‘Concession’ by Yahya
By SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
MARCH 19, 1971

DACCA, Pakistan, March 18 —The leader of East Pakistan, Sheik Mujibur Rahman, today rejected as meaningless a West Pakistani “concession,” as West Pakistan increased its military build‐up in the East and the crisis between Pakistan's two sections hardened.

No further talks were held to day between Sheik Mujib and Pakistan's President, Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan. They had met inconclusively Tuesday and yesterday. Another meeting has been scheduled for tomorrow.

The outcome of their confrontations will determine whether East Pakistan—which has been dominated by the West since the Moslem nation was created in 1947 — will retain some limited links with the West under a loose structure or will break away completely and be come a separate nation. A move toward nationhood could meet with intervention by the Pakistani armed forces, whose West Pakistani generals do not want to lose their hold on the East. The two sections are separated by 1,000 miles of Indian territory.

Inquiry Into Killings

Last night the central Government's martial‐law administration here announced what was termed an investigation into killings by soldiers of East Pakistani civilians who protested in the streets when President Yahya, on March 1, postponed the March 3 session of the National Assembly, in which the East Pakistanis have a majority.

Such an inquiry was the least important of several concessions that Sheik Mujib has said must be given before he would consider attending the Assembly session, now rescheduled for March 25.

Sheik Mujib, in a statement, dismissed the inquiry as “a mere device to mislead the people.” He called on all East Pakistanis not to cooperate with the inquiry “in any respect,”

The East Pakistani leader, in his statement, indicated that even if the terms of the inquiry had been satisfactory, “piece meal acceptance” of his demands was not.

Build‐Up Intensified

The West Pakistani military build‐up in East Pakistan was intensified on several fronts. The sending of troops from the West on commercial flights, which had been suspended for about a week, was resumed.

Passengers on a Pakistan International Airways flight from Karachi to Dacca reported that at least 100 of the 160 seats were occupied by army men, most of them in civilian clothes

On Sheik Mujib's orders, most East Pakistanis have been refusing to sell or bring supplies to the garrisons—one facet of the Bengalis' noncooperation movement against the central Government. The movement has put Sheik Mujib in virtual control of East Pakistan.

Before the crisis, the central Government had some 25,000 troops in East Pakistan. The number now is estimated at 40,000 to 60,000.

Panicky rumors continue around Dacca. The latest is that the military is planning to bomb the city. Many families have already left Dacca for their home villages in the interior. This has reduced the demand for groceries and the prices of such items as chickens and eggs have dropped. Ricksha fares are also down.

Yet Bengali sources close to the situation stress that while the military build‐up could mean that the army intends to use massive force, it could also mean that President Yahya, realizing he must make concessions, is using a show of force to try to strengthen his bargaining position.


Good that you are posting these. The tout Pakistanis have been lying for long.
 
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