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May 11, 2011 14:52 BST Reuters
By Farhana Qazi
The opinions expressed are her own.
A week after Bin Ladens death, Pakistanis are restless. An overall atmosphere of instability and insecurity looms over the country. Islamabad is trying to respond to daily accusations and admonitions from abroad and from its own citizens. Record fuel and food prices leave millions starving. The government in power lacks the respect of most citizens. The countrys spy agency has links with militants it will not acknowledge. The countrys politics is punctuated by political assassinations and periodic truces with ethnic and tribal-based groups that often fail. One might conclude that Pakistan is a country ready for revolution.
And yet, there is no revolt, nothing akin to the street power that is witnessed on the streets of Tunis and in Tahir Square. Why not? Why are the people in Pakistan not revolting against a government that is corrupt, conniving and clearly confused on how to handle the Bin Laden operation? Where is Pakistans youth, the essential drivers of change? Where are the university students, doctors, engineers, rickshaw drivers, musicians and more?
The answer is simple. Pakistan is a divided country that lacks the tools to organize a mass protest, much less a full-fledged, well-organized revolution. The vision for a united Pakistan espoused by the Western-educated, secular founder of the country, Muhammah Ali Jinnah, evaporated when he died on September 11, 1948. Pakistan is torn by ethnic, tribal, and religious loyalties. Add terrorists and troublemakers to the mix. Include the mafia and mystics. Suddenly, Pakistan becomes what most refer to as a complex state and society.
As a lecturer on Pakistani topics, I subscribe to the famed axiom that is used to describe the nation: Pakistan is a country of contradictions. I have tried to resist this slogan. But in December 2007, when the respected diva of the Pakistan Peoples Party Benazir Bhutto was killed during a campaign rally, I repeated on CNN what I have learned from Pakistanis themselves. Benazir herself, and the hundreds of Pakistanis who mourned her demise, could not change the political climate. Instead of opting for reform, Pakistanis voted for her widower, the current do-nothing President Asif Zardari, who has become a household joke. Or an American stooge.
To be fair, even within this stifled climate, I have seen extraordinarily devoted Pakistanis fight for human rights, gender equality, individual freedoms, legal transparency, and basic social services, such as roti, kapra aur makanfood, clothing and shelter, the slogan of the current party in power.
Surprisingly, Pakistanis do take to the streets at selective times of crisis. The lawyers movement in 2007 is the most telling example. When the Chief of the Supreme Court Justice Muhammad Iftikar Chaudury was ousted by then-General President Pervez Musharraf, the men in black united to restore their leader. Coupled with intense media coverage, the revolt arguably forced Musharrafs resignation months later. The return of Chaudury was for many Pakistanis a historic and sea-change event that symbolized the return of democracy.
On other occasions, people chant in unison against domestic policies and international incidents, such as inflation and the Danish cartoon controversy. But these revolutionary-like Pakistanis do not represent the interests of the masses. They belong to a select non-profit organization, represent a specific ethnic group, identify with a particular religious doctrine, and choose a political affiliation tied to an ethnic brand. Given this incredibly complex web of identities, Pakistanis revolt as collectives, not as a unified movement.
This explains why small-scale protests have not altered the business of the state nor yielded long-term tangible results for millions of Pakistanismany of whose lives are directly affected by the political, economic and social realities of the country.
The political storm that we witness in Pakistan today over the Bin Laden fiasco is not enough for a snowballing protest movement. Alas, there is no new Jinnah. There is no savior to chant the we-are-all-Pakistanis mantra. Clearly, a leaderless revolution cannot stage a day of rage.
In the current post-Bin-Laden crisis, it would seem like an opportune time for the Pakistani youth to capitalize on anti-state rhetoric. An agitated population could demand an overhaul of the elites who have little to no accountability or authenticity. This is the time for Pakistanis to seize the momentum and ally with longtime opposition leaders and groups to stage a revolution. And yet, Pakistanis lack the imagination and intuition to join together for a common cause. If Pakistans citizens miss their chance to transform the country, then their crowning moment may never come.
Farhana Qazi is a Pakistani-American and a former counter-terrorism analyst in the U.S. government. She currently lectures on Islam and Pakistan to the international community. She can be reached at farhana331@gmail.com.
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The word traitor and imbecile comes to mind.
Her email is included in this news story, would some folk on this site who are well versed in history of the country give her a nice reply.
Pakistan does not need a revolution, not now and not in the future, its exactly what the US wants. It gives them an opportunity to insert their puppets into the decision making positions amid the chaos and completely infiltrate the country. They have done this all across the Mid East and have done so in the past. This must not happen at any cost.
It is imperative the country remains unified with themselves and their institutions, back the military and intelligence services. If a revolution occurs we are at the mercy of India and the US and we will lose land.
This woman who wrote this article is a f***ing moron, does not surprise me she has worked for the US government. People like this would sell their mothers for a bit of recognition!
May 11, 2011 14:52 BST Reuters
By Farhana Qazi
The opinions expressed are her own.
A week after Bin Ladens death, Pakistanis are restless. An overall atmosphere of instability and insecurity looms over the country. Islamabad is trying to respond to daily accusations and admonitions from abroad and from its own citizens. Record fuel and food prices leave millions starving. The government in power lacks the respect of most citizens. The countrys spy agency has links with militants it will not acknowledge. The countrys politics is punctuated by political assassinations and periodic truces with ethnic and tribal-based groups that often fail. One might conclude that Pakistan is a country ready for revolution.
And yet, there is no revolt, nothing akin to the street power that is witnessed on the streets of Tunis and in Tahir Square. Why not? Why are the people in Pakistan not revolting against a government that is corrupt, conniving and clearly confused on how to handle the Bin Laden operation? Where is Pakistans youth, the essential drivers of change? Where are the university students, doctors, engineers, rickshaw drivers, musicians and more?
The answer is simple. Pakistan is a divided country that lacks the tools to organize a mass protest, much less a full-fledged, well-organized revolution. The vision for a united Pakistan espoused by the Western-educated, secular founder of the country, Muhammah Ali Jinnah, evaporated when he died on September 11, 1948. Pakistan is torn by ethnic, tribal, and religious loyalties. Add terrorists and troublemakers to the mix. Include the mafia and mystics. Suddenly, Pakistan becomes what most refer to as a complex state and society.
As a lecturer on Pakistani topics, I subscribe to the famed axiom that is used to describe the nation: Pakistan is a country of contradictions. I have tried to resist this slogan. But in December 2007, when the respected diva of the Pakistan Peoples Party Benazir Bhutto was killed during a campaign rally, I repeated on CNN what I have learned from Pakistanis themselves. Benazir herself, and the hundreds of Pakistanis who mourned her demise, could not change the political climate. Instead of opting for reform, Pakistanis voted for her widower, the current do-nothing President Asif Zardari, who has become a household joke. Or an American stooge.
To be fair, even within this stifled climate, I have seen extraordinarily devoted Pakistanis fight for human rights, gender equality, individual freedoms, legal transparency, and basic social services, such as roti, kapra aur makanfood, clothing and shelter, the slogan of the current party in power.
Surprisingly, Pakistanis do take to the streets at selective times of crisis. The lawyers movement in 2007 is the most telling example. When the Chief of the Supreme Court Justice Muhammad Iftikar Chaudury was ousted by then-General President Pervez Musharraf, the men in black united to restore their leader. Coupled with intense media coverage, the revolt arguably forced Musharrafs resignation months later. The return of Chaudury was for many Pakistanis a historic and sea-change event that symbolized the return of democracy.
On other occasions, people chant in unison against domestic policies and international incidents, such as inflation and the Danish cartoon controversy. But these revolutionary-like Pakistanis do not represent the interests of the masses. They belong to a select non-profit organization, represent a specific ethnic group, identify with a particular religious doctrine, and choose a political affiliation tied to an ethnic brand. Given this incredibly complex web of identities, Pakistanis revolt as collectives, not as a unified movement.
This explains why small-scale protests have not altered the business of the state nor yielded long-term tangible results for millions of Pakistanismany of whose lives are directly affected by the political, economic and social realities of the country.
The political storm that we witness in Pakistan today over the Bin Laden fiasco is not enough for a snowballing protest movement. Alas, there is no new Jinnah. There is no savior to chant the we-are-all-Pakistanis mantra. Clearly, a leaderless revolution cannot stage a day of rage.
In the current post-Bin-Laden crisis, it would seem like an opportune time for the Pakistani youth to capitalize on anti-state rhetoric. An agitated population could demand an overhaul of the elites who have little to no accountability or authenticity. This is the time for Pakistanis to seize the momentum and ally with longtime opposition leaders and groups to stage a revolution. And yet, Pakistanis lack the imagination and intuition to join together for a common cause. If Pakistans citizens miss their chance to transform the country, then their crowning moment may never come.
Farhana Qazi is a Pakistani-American and a former counter-terrorism analyst in the U.S. government. She currently lectures on Islam and Pakistan to the international community. She can be reached at farhana331@gmail.com.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The word traitor and imbecile comes to mind.
Her email is included in this news story, would some folk on this site who are well versed in history of the country give her a nice reply.
Pakistan does not need a revolution, not now and not in the future, its exactly what the US wants. It gives them an opportunity to insert their puppets into the decision making positions amid the chaos and completely infiltrate the country. They have done this all across the Mid East and have done so in the past. This must not happen at any cost.
It is imperative the country remains unified with themselves and their institutions, back the military and intelligence services. If a revolution occurs we are at the mercy of India and the US and we will lose land.
This woman who wrote this article is a f***ing moron, does not surprise me she has worked for the US government. People like this would sell their mothers for a bit of recognition!
