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Militia exercise with AR-15. The light recoil and flat trajectory make them easy to attain a high degree of accuracy even on not well trained units compared to AK. Maintaining them is more time - consuming and require lots of effort though.

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US Brigadier General Viet Luong. 1st Cavalry Division Headquarters.

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U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter visits Kandahar Airfield, Afghanistan, greeted by Luong, commander of Command South Group.
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South China Sea


Can China’s charm offensive mend its fractured ties with communist neighbour Vietnam?

Vietnamese Prime Minister given red carpet treatment in Beijing amid frosty relations between two nations over sovereignty disputes in South China Sea

JIANGTAO.SHI@SCMP.COM
PUBLISHED : Thursday, 15 September, 2016


eee36cbe-7af4-11e6-aba3-c12eb464ff87_1280x720.jpg

China’s Premier Li Keqiang (left) at a welcoming ceremony for Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc (right) in Beijing. Photo: Xinhua


China has launched a charm offensive over the past week to woo Vietnam’s visiting Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc as part of a diplomatic bid to ease simmering tensions with its Asian neighbours over sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea.

But analysts cautioned that relations between Beijing and Hanoi remain difficult despite the positive appearance projected over the past week.

Diplomatic observers said Phuc’s trip to China, which ended on Thursday, shows Beijing values the geopolitical importance of Hanoi, a key rival claimant to waters in the South China Sea.

Beijing is also trying to use chequebook diplomacy and economic incentives to mend frayed ties between the two nations, analysts said.

Setting aside their bitter differences on maritime disputes, Beijing rolled out the red carpet for Phuc, the first Vietnamese leader to visit China since a major reshuffle in Hanoi earlier this year.

In an unusual gesture to showcase the special relationship between the Communist neighbours, Phuc was received by five out of seven Politburo Standing Committee members during his six-day trip, including President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang.


bd912070-7af4-11e6-aba3-c12eb464ff87_660x385.jpg
President Xi Jinping (right) meets Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc in Beijing. Photo: Xinhua


Phuc, who took a tougher stance towards China in the wake of the South China Sea ruling in July by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, also markedly toned down his rhetoric and pledged that ties with Beijing would remain Hanoi’s top diplomatic priority.

In return, Chinese leaders promised to further deepen trade ties and increase investment in Vietnam, which is poised to become China’s top trading partner in Southeast Asia this year.

Mutual interests outweigh our differences, Chinese President Xi Jinping tells visiting Vietnamese PM

Xu Liping, a reseacher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said Phuc’s trip marked a new chapter for the Sino-Vietnamese relations as “both sides reached an understanding that they could not afford to enter into conflicts over the maritime row”.

“Considering their ever close trade ties, it’s obvious that their common interests far outweigh their differences. It’s about time both nations look beyond the South China Sea dispute and rebuild their trust,” he said.

Gu Xiaosong, a Vietnam expert at the Guangxi region’s academy of social sciences, said that even though the two nations’ political relations were still marred by the maritime dispute and ideological differences, their leaders were keen to ease tensions and forge close business and economic ties.

“Clearly peace and stability in the South China Sea is in the interests of both nations and China-Vietnam ties will stabilise for a while,” he said.

The easing of tensions between China and Vietnam will also help cool other strained relations in the region over maritime dispute, Gu added.

The question facing Vietnam’s PM on his first China visit: how close to get to Beijing

Analysts noted that President Xi has pledged to promote maritime cooperation between the two nations in disputed waters claimed by both nations.

China and Vietnam launched a joint inspection in December of the terrain and geological conditions near the mouth of the Beibu Gulf, also known as Gulf of Tonkin in Vietnam.


e138a714-7af4-11e6-aba3-c12eb464ff87_660x385.jpg
Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc (fourth, left) meets President Xi Jinping (third, right) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing with other delegation members. Photo: EPA


Other analysts, however, said relations between the two sides have been severely damaged by their sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea and efforts to mend ties would prove difficult.

Alexander Vuving, a professor at the Asia-Pacific Centre for Security Studies in Honolulu, said their relations passed a point of no return in 2014 with the crisis triggered by China’s deployment of an oil rig in disputed waters, which plunged ties to a new low.

“The positive appearance in relations between China and Vietnam serves the interests of both nations, but it belies the reality of their relationship,” he said.

“Since then, despite efforts by both sides to arrange more talks between their leaders, mutual trust remains low. What China has done since in the South China Sea has only deepened Vietnamese mistrust,” he said.

China ‘may need a rethink’ as Vietnam moves closer to US

He also noted that China was unlikely to drop its assertive stance in the South China Sea, which means tensions may escalate again between China and Vietnam and other Southeast Asian nations.

Professor Carl Thayer, an expert in Southeast Asia at the University of New South Wales in Australia, said Vietnam’s prime minster was determined to obtain a Chinese commitment to respect the status quo and not engage in further militarisation in the South China Sea.

“All Phuc’s visit can hope to accomplish is to keep working level meetings related to maritime disputes between the two sides on track and to increase confidence building measures.

“Vietnam is keen to ensure the regional environment remains conducive to its economic development. Vietnam views China as one of the major powers that form an important constellation for framing Vietnam’s foreign policy,” he said.

While easing tensions with Beijing, Hanoi has in recent months also sought to improve ties with the United States and upgraded its relationship with other major powers such as Japan, India and France.

“After the visit of Vietnam’s Communist Party leader Nguyen Phu Trong to the United States in 2015, and the visit of US President Obama to Vietnam this year, many in the Vietnamese leadership now trust the United States more than they trust China. This is the reverse of what was the case just a few years ago,” said Vuving.
 
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The T-54M3 project is indeed better than basic T-54B and T-55. However, the capabilities couldn't justify the high cost. so only one prototype was made, while the rest would be upgraded to AMV standard (new FCS, ERA, wind sensor, laser rangefinder, 2nd gen passive night vision etc.)..

I would say the current upgrade is very cost effective considering the limitations of the tank. The T-54M3 was too expensive for marginal capability. Vietnam is using those tanks mainly for infantry support and the main gun, whether 100 or 105mm is unlikely to penetrate the armor of the best MBTs, so the current AMV upgrade gives a lot of bang for the money. Doing more would be spending a lot more for little extra capability.
 
. . .

South China Sea


Can China’s charm offensive mend its fractured ties with communist neighbour Vietnam?

Vietnamese Prime Minister given red carpet treatment in Beijing amid frosty relations between two nations over sovereignty disputes in South China Sea

JIANGTAO.SHI@SCMP.COM
PUBLISHED : Thursday, 15 September, 2016


eee36cbe-7af4-11e6-aba3-c12eb464ff87_1280x720.jpg

China’s Premier Li Keqiang (left) at a welcoming ceremony for Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc (right) in Beijing. Photo: Xinhua


China has launched a charm offensive over the past week to woo Vietnam’s visiting Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc as part of a diplomatic bid to ease simmering tensions with its Asian neighbours over sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea.

But analysts cautioned that relations between Beijing and Hanoi remain difficult despite the positive appearance projected over the past week.

Diplomatic observers said Phuc’s trip to China, which ended on Thursday, shows Beijing values the geopolitical importance of Hanoi, a key rival claimant to waters in the South China Sea.

Beijing is also trying to use chequebook diplomacy and economic incentives to mend frayed ties between the two nations, analysts said.

Setting aside their bitter differences on maritime disputes, Beijing rolled out the red carpet for Phuc, the first Vietnamese leader to visit China since a major reshuffle in Hanoi earlier this year.

In an unusual gesture to showcase the special relationship between the Communist neighbours, Phuc was received by five out of seven Politburo Standing Committee members during his six-day trip, including President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang.


bd912070-7af4-11e6-aba3-c12eb464ff87_660x385.jpg
President Xi Jinping (right) meets Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc in Beijing. Photo: Xinhua


Phuc, who took a tougher stance towards China in the wake of the South China Sea ruling in July by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, also markedly toned down his rhetoric and pledged that ties with Beijing would remain Hanoi’s top diplomatic priority.

In return, Chinese leaders promised to further deepen trade ties and increase investment in Vietnam, which is poised to become China’s top trading partner in Southeast Asia this year.

Mutual interests outweigh our differences, Chinese President Xi Jinping tells visiting Vietnamese PM

Xu Liping, a reseacher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said Phuc’s trip marked a new chapter for the Sino-Vietnamese relations as “both sides reached an understanding that they could not afford to enter into conflicts over the maritime row”.

“Considering their ever close trade ties, it’s obvious that their common interests far outweigh their differences. It’s about time both nations look beyond the South China Sea dispute and rebuild their trust,” he said.

Gu Xiaosong, a Vietnam expert at the Guangxi region’s academy of social sciences, said that even though the two nations’ political relations were still marred by the maritime dispute and ideological differences, their leaders were keen to ease tensions and forge close business and economic ties.

“Clearly peace and stability in the South China Sea is in the interests of both nations and China-Vietnam ties will stabilise for a while,” he said.

The easing of tensions between China and Vietnam will also help cool other strained relations in the region over maritime dispute, Gu added.

The question facing Vietnam’s PM on his first China visit: how close to get to Beijing

Analysts noted that President Xi has pledged to promote maritime cooperation between the two nations in disputed waters claimed by both nations.

China and Vietnam launched a joint inspection in December of the terrain and geological conditions near the mouth of the Beibu Gulf, also known as Gulf of Tonkin in Vietnam.


e138a714-7af4-11e6-aba3-c12eb464ff87_660x385.jpg
Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc (fourth, left) meets President Xi Jinping (third, right) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing with other delegation members. Photo: EPA


Other analysts, however, said relations between the two sides have been severely damaged by their sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea and efforts to mend ties would prove difficult.

Alexander Vuving, a professor at the Asia-Pacific Centre for Security Studies in Honolulu, said their relations passed a point of no return in 2014 with the crisis triggered by China’s deployment of an oil rig in disputed waters, which plunged ties to a new low.

“The positive appearance in relations between China and Vietnam serves the interests of both nations, but it belies the reality of their relationship,” he said.

“Since then, despite efforts by both sides to arrange more talks between their leaders, mutual trust remains low. What China has done since in the South China Sea has only deepened Vietnamese mistrust,” he said.

China ‘may need a rethink’ as Vietnam moves closer to US

He also noted that China was unlikely to drop its assertive stance in the South China Sea, which means tensions may escalate again between China and Vietnam and other Southeast Asian nations.

Professor Carl Thayer, an expert in Southeast Asia at the University of New South Wales in Australia, said Vietnam’s prime minster was determined to obtain a Chinese commitment to respect the status quo and not engage in further militarisation in the South China Sea.

“All Phuc’s visit can hope to accomplish is to keep working level meetings related to maritime disputes between the two sides on track and to increase confidence building measures.

“Vietnam is keen to ensure the regional environment remains conducive to its economic development. Vietnam views China as one of the major powers that form an important constellation for framing Vietnam’s foreign policy,” he said.

While easing tensions with Beijing, Hanoi has in recent months also sought to improve ties with the United States and upgraded its relationship with other major powers such as Japan, India and France.

“After the visit of Vietnam’s Communist Party leader Nguyen Phu Trong to the United States in 2015, and the visit of US President Obama to Vietnam this year, many in the Vietnamese leadership now trust the United States more than they trust China. This is the reverse of what was the case just a few years ago,” said Vuving.

I'd say that the answer to the title of the article is "For sure not".

Chinese do cheap talk but their actions talk a lot louder and give the opposite message.
 
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I would say the current upgrade is very cost effective considering the limitations of the tank. The T-54M3 was too expensive for marginal capability. Vietnam is using those tanks mainly for infantry support and the main gun, whether 100 or 105mm is unlikely to penetrate the armor of the best MBTs, so the current AMV upgrade gives a lot of bang for the money. Doing more would be spending a lot more for little extra capability.
Penetration of the frontal armor might not be possible. But the side and rear armor is still vulnerable to more modern 100mm ammunition, not to mention several sensors on the turret and tracks themselves.

So a castatrophic kill might not be practical, but mobility kill or firepower kill is possible.
 
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I believe the upgrade package intends to give it a better "first shot first kill" capability though. Given a close enough distance and good camouflage, a T-54/55 can open fire and damage modern MBT with its 100mm rounds.
Penetration of the frontal armor might not be possible. But the side and rear armor is still vulnerable to more modern 100mm ammunition, not to mention several sensors on the turret and tracks themselves.

So a castatrophic kill might not be practical, but mobility kill or firepower kill is possible.

Yes, but for the money you can armor Vietnam's best military asset, its soldiers. Reducing casualty rates by a small 10% is still worth it. For every 800k that go into upgrading a tank, you can armor 400 soldiers even if one unit of armor costs 2k each. That has a lot more value than upgrading an antique.

Arm those soldiers with RPG-29 and they'll do a better job at destroying a tank.
 
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Why Vietnam has India in its sights
http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2016/09/15/Why-Vietnam-has-India-in-its-sights.aspx

Narendra Modi is easily one of the India's most travelled prime ministers. His trip to the US in June, where he addressed Congress in English, was beneficial and ended with the declaration that India was now a 'major defense partner' of the US however more recently Modi stopped off in Vietnam on the way to the G20. What came of that visit might prove to be more substantive if less immediately noteworthy: after 10 years of strategic partnership India has become Vietnam's third comprehensive strategic partner.

So, why has Vietnam chosen to elevate India to its highest echelon of cooperation, up with China and Russia, and not, say, the US? Despite the publicity generated in May when President Obama visited Vietnam and lifted the arms embargo, the US remains on a lower rung of co-operation, a comprehensive partner and only that since 2013 when President Obama met his then-counterpart Truong Tan Sang. According to current president Tran Dai Quang (note: the President is actually the least powerful of Vietnam's governing troika) the last step on the full normalisation of ties came with the lifting of the arms embargo, a Cold War relic that dates back to 1964. Analysts seem to agree this improvement in Vietnam-US relations was hastened by China's aggression in the South China Sea and its island building projects. China also, of course, moved its HY981 oil rig into Vietnam's EEZ in 2014, which essentially froze relations until President Xi's visit in November 2015.

Right now Vietnam's other two comprehensive strategic partners, Russia and China, are engaged in joint patrols in the South China Sea, in a non-alliance worrying much of Southeast Asia, Eastern Europe and of course, the United States. These patrols will likely annoy Hanoi (which has acquired Russian submarines partly in response to Chinese aggression). It seems shared China worries may have also helped push India and Vietnam closer together.

The new high-level partnership works well for both nations. A tenet of Vietnamese foreign policy is multilateralism and that has become particularly clear of late. diverse partnerships. Even as China flexes its terrritorial muscles, Vietnam's historic pull toward that remains strong. Recently both Vietnam's defense minister and PM have headed to China, and the two nations have talked widely on traditional friendship and ties, and a solution to maritime issues. Yet the current climate has also been pushing Vietnam to increase its ties across the board (it also forged a strategic partnership with the Philippines in 2015, the third such partnership after the US and Japan), reducing is reliance on just a few nations.

India is a good and rather obvious choice for stronger ties. There is a long history of friendship between the two (as there is between Russia and Vietnam), and the nations have had diplomatic relations for 45 years. India opposed the invasion of Vietnam and its founding of the Non-Aligned Movement earned it points in Vietnam, which has been a member since 1976. There has been good defense cooperation for some time. Vietnam's trade with India is higher than with Russia (US$5.6 billion versus US$4 billion), and the two also signed an agreement on cooperative oil exploration in the South China Sea five years ago, a move that upset China. On India's part, its old friend Vietnam is an important spot in India's own 'pivot', its Act East Policy, a point underlined in the joint statementissued during the recent visit to Hanoi

New Delhi also 'wants to build relations with states like Vietnam that can act as pressure points against China. With this in mind, it has been helping Hanoi beef up its naval and air capabilities', wrote the London-based, Indian academic Harsh Pant in The Diplomat in July, just before the Hague ruling. In a carefully worded statement after the Hague ruling, India said it 'supports freedom of navigation and overflight, and unimpeded commerce, based on the principles of international law, as reflected notably in the UNCLOS'.

Unlike Vietnam's Cold War links to Russia and the former Soviet Republics, or the then-Czechoslovakia, with India there was no history of labour export programmes to prop up educational and people-to-people connections. Older generations of Vietnamese speak Russian and those born after often have some Czech; that tie has led to Czech beer halls across Vietnam and many Vietnamese restaurants in Prague. There isn't anything comparable in Hindi and though the old Champa empire in central Vietnam has roots in India it's a real stretch to put that under the banner of 'culture' today (in fact today's Vietnamese largely descend from the Dai Viet who pushed out the Champa). However, a cultural history of comradeship matters less in the face of a US$500 million line of defence credit that was part of the recent agreement (a five-fold increase). There hasn't been final agreement on sales of the joint venture India-Russia BrahMos missile to Vietnam, however, despite talks since 2011, though it appears the sale is not far off. India no longer seems to care if this will antagonise China.

In total the two nations signed 12 agreements with the most important concerning the line of defense credit. Much of the rest is non-military in nature, such as IT, cyber security, cooperating on UN Peacekeeping measures and, article one, the ' Framework Agreement on Cooperation in the Exploration and Uses of Outer Space for Peaceful Purposes'. Article 12 is about the sale of patrol boats.

Some have suggested that Vietnam is now to India what Pakistan is to China: a good way to cosy up to a competitor's competitor or enemy. Looking at one relationship through the lens of another though can come at the cost of a deeper understanding; at this point the improved partnership with India will provide opportunities for cooperation and a way for Vietnam to further diversify ties. Not everything need feed paranoia.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user Chen Wu

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Not So Lonely at the Top: Vietnam’s Next Step in Power Balancing
http://thediplomat.com/2016/09/not-so-lonely-at-the-top-vietnams-next-step-in-power-balancing/
On his way to the G20 Summit in Hangzhou, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Vietnam, where he met all the key players of local politics – the so-called four pillars. Modi went through the ceremonial motions, visited Ho Chi Minh’s mausoleum, fed the late leader’s carps, and spared no compliment to bilateral ties, referring to a mutual history of as long as 2,000 years.

It was no sideline event for the two countries’ relations and even less so for Vietnamese foreign policy. Not only did the parties sign a dozen of documents, but they also announced that their relations now carry the title of a “comprehensive strategic partnership” – a level previously achieved in Vietnam only by China and Russia.

For India, the visit was an important element in the Act East policy promoted by Modi. Coming right after a high-level visit to Myanmar, Modi’s Vietnam trip is a much-anticipated step in Delhi’s involvement in Southeast Asia – a maritime buffer between India and China, as well as a promising area of economic engagement in its own right. Modi opened a credit line of $500 million for the needs of bilateral defense cooperation, which has become an important element in Vietnamese military build-up. In 2014, India set out to provide four patrol boats to Vietnam and appears to be keen on selling the hypersonic BrahMos anti-ship missiles to the Vietnamese Navy. This is apart from the training program that India offers for Vietnamese crews that are to serve on the six Russia-built Kilo-class submarines.

Though the practicalities of Vietnam-India relations show immense potential for bilateral cooperation, the upgrade of the partnership to a comprehensive strategic one is a crucial step for Vietnam’s overall foreign policy. With a dramatic history of participating in bloc confrontation during the Cold War, Vietnam is now pursuing a policy of non-alignment and diversification as manifested by the “three nos” principle and the da dang hoa da phuong hoa concept. According to Vietnamese political thinking, a wide network of partnerships is the only way to hedge against overdependence on any one state.

This policy is still in the making. Vietnam is only departing from excessive dependence on China and still suffers from an immense trade deficit. But Hanoi has managed to shift external reliance in other spheres to a number of partners: the United States is the country’s largest export market, Russia is the key arms seller, Japan is there for ODA, and South Korea is there for investment. Now India has become the latest addition to the in-group of strategic comprehensive partners and is likely to play an important role in Vietnam’s military modernization, cooperate in oil extraction projects, and perhaps serve as another counterbalance to China’s overpowering influence.

The big question is whether this strategy will work. China’s concern with Vietnam is particularly this kind of ‘stray off’ and the Vietnamese leadership will have to find a way – using American foreign policy rhetoric – to turn a “pivot” into a “rebalance.” As soon as Beijing feels that Vietnam’s ties with other major partners may bring an irreversible shift to the strategic environment, Hanoi’s policy will become self-defeating. That is why reassuring gestures, like the recent visit by Vietnamese Defense Minister Ngo Xuan Lich to China, are of crucial importance.

What kind of news is that for Russia? Moscow took real pride in how history has led Russia and Vietnam to a special kind of relationship. Now that Russia is not alone at the top of Vietnam’s friend list, it is becoming clear that there is a race for influence on Vietnam, a pivotal state in the East Asia power equation. A promising economy, stable political system, well-trained military, and strategic location are drawing attention to Vietnam on behalf of great and middle powers from within and without the region. Bilateral relations have been on the rise, but the competition never sleeps. It’s not about how fast you run, but about who’s running faster.

Anton Tsvetov is an Expert at the Center for Strategic Research, a Moscow-based think tank. He tweets on Asian affairs and Russian foreign policy at @antsvetov. The views expressed here are the author’s own and do not reflect those of CSR.
 
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Yes, but for the money you can armor Vietnam's best military asset, its soldiers. Reducing casualty rates by a small 10% is still worth it. For every 800k that go into upgrading a tank, you can armor 400 soldiers even if one unit of armor costs 2k each. That has a lot more value than upgrading an antique.

Arm those soldiers with RPG-29 and they'll do a better job at destroying a tank.
Step by step, the budget is not huge and equipping half a million soldiers with body armor is not an easy task. But tanks still have their role in a conflict, that is covering the infantry troops themselves. Without the capable tanks, the troops will be annihilated, with or without armor. RPG-29 is not an invincible weapon, it has drawbacks and not every situation is suitable.

That doesn't mean we don't have those sweet armor vest. Border Guard troops and Commando operatives are now equipped with indigenous Type-IIIA armor, the same with Public Security forces. These vests can stop 9x18mm rounds from K-59 (Makarov) pistol, inserting the trauma plate allows it to stop 7x62x39mm round from AKM rifle.

zFxzJwi.jpg
 
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Step by step, the budget is not huge and equipping half a million soldiers with body armor is not an easy task. But tanks still have their role in a conflict, that is covering the infantry troops themselves. Without the capable tanks, the troops will be annihilated, with or without armor. RPG-29 is not an invincible weapon, it has drawbacks and not every situation is suitable.

That doesn't mean we don't have those sweet armor vest. Border Guard troops and Commando operatives are now equipped with indigenous Type-IIIA armor, the same with Public Security forces. These vests can stop 9x18mm rounds from K-59 (Makarov) pistol, inserting the trauma plate allows it to stop 7x62x39mm round from AKM rifle.

zFxzJwi.jpg

Ahhh. Very nice.

Do you know how much it costs per vest?
 
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