yavar
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it is Germen company based in there
The end of the deal, hopes, delusions and treasons
- Thread starter mohsen
- Start date
Messerschmitt
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Stryker1982
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mohsen
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manipulated news, he didn't mention the banking system.
عراقچی: مذاکرات روند رو به جلو دارد - ایرنا
Also US denied Araghchi's claim:
U.S. Denies Deal With Iran in Talks to Return to Nuclear Accord - Bloomberg
Sineva
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https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-05-01/iran-deal-talks-resume-next-week-after-indisputable-progress
Funny considering what bloomberg was "reporting" barely a day before.
Frankly it sounds like the parties arent even on the same page,either that or the us has started to backtrack.
TheImmortal
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Draft agreement is already written between working technical groups, there is a recess till Friday for them to go back to respective capitals and discuss it.
The rest (media leaks and interviews) is just political theater for better negotiation and leverage.
There is a decent chance (not certain, but decent) of a interim deal by end of the month (May).
Fmr. Iran nuke chief: Natanz explosion was 5th in recent years
Avertissement de redirection
www.google.com
yavar
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The protection of nuclear sites is now passed to the IRGC IRGC-Intelligence
حفاظت از سایت‌های هسته‌ای به سپاه واگذار شد
www.tabnak.ir
حفاظت از سایت‌های هسته‌ای به سپاه واگذار شد
حفاظت از سایت‌های هسته‌ای به سپاه واگذار شد؟
روابط عمومی شورای عالی امنیت ملی به خبر واگذاری سیستم حفاظتی سایت‌های هسته‌ای به ستاد کل نیروهای مسلح از سوی شورای عالی امنیت ملی واکنش نشان داد.
Dariush the Great
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What a nonsense. Critical infrastructure in Iran is always under the supervision of IRGC intelligence.. airports,army bases,airbases, sea ports, critical factories, nuclear sites etc.The protection of nuclear sites is now passed to the IRGC IRGC-Intelligence
حفاظت از سایت‌های هسته‌ای به سپاه واگذار شد
حفاظت از سایت‌های هسته‌ای به سپاه واگذار شد؟
روابط عمومی شورای عالی امنیت ملی به خبر واگذاری سیستم حفاظتی سایت‌های هسته‌ای به ستاد کل نیروهای مسلح از سوی شورای عالی امنیت ملی واکنش نشان داد.
Stryker1982
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No they don't, since when is IRGC responsible for IRAIF airports, or NEZAJAH bases. They are responsible for things they own but also gather intelligence nationwide
TheImmortal
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Dariush the Great
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I am not talking about IRIAF bases... a regular IRIAF base somewhere in Iran is not that interesting to Israel or the US. Sensitive seaports, critical infrastructure, army bases (both IRGC and Artesh), nuclear sites etc are all under the supervision of IRGC intel. You think IRGC is sitting like barge choghondar letting the country ''be amaane khoda'' ? Anyway even those purely Artesh-ruled infrastructure have atleast one IRGC representative.
Sineva
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Heres one that really shows not only the utter stupidity and hypocrisy,but also the utter contemptability of the eu.
You would think that at a time when the very future of the jcpoa appeared to hang in the balance,in no small part also due to the complete lack of any political will on the part of the eu regimes to abide by their jcpoa obligations as much as to the chump regimes maximum pressure strategy,that the eu would make a deliberate political effort to avoid doing anything that would not only needlessly further increase the political tensions with iran,but would also increase the costs,both political and economic to itself.
Naturally of course,instead of doing something commonsense like that,they decided that they would follow the us example and start sanctioning the irgc,including its commander-in-chief....
EU-Iran relations: Toward a diplomatic confrontation?
http://mei.edu/publications/eu-iran-relations-toward-diplomatic-confrontation
May 4, 2021
Przemysław Osiewicz
When the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took office in December 2019, he emphasized the need to preserve the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and cooperate with Iran. At the same time, he criticized then-U.S. President Donald Trump for maintaining extended sanctions — which in practice prevented leading European firms from concluding large contracts with partners in Iran — and for the U.S.’s withdrawal from the provisions of the treaty. This is not to say that Borrell was not critical of Iran too, on issues including internal human rights violations. The recent decision of the Council of the European Union to extend punitive measures against Iran for a further year in response to the country’s human rights violations only confirmed that Borrell can count on its support, and the EU itself is not willing to compromise on the issue of human rights, even if there are parallel talks taking place that could bring huge profits for European companies.
Negotiating a return to the JCPOA
Joe Biden’s November electoral victory in the U.S. and the resulting change of administration in January opened the way for the country’s return to the JCPOA — and with it the possibility for European companies to profit from working with their Iranian counterparts. The start of negotiations in Vienna was in line with the EU’s interests and aspirations. Yet just as the U.S. administration began negotiating a return to the agreement, the Council of the European Union extended sanctions on Iran that have been in force since 2011. This time around it also blacklisted senior Iranian police commanders and members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) responsible for the brutal suppression of public protests in 2019. In an official communiqué on April 12, it declared, “The Council today also added eight persons and three entities to this sanctions list in view of their role in the violent response to the November 2019 demonstrations in Iran. The list now comprises a total of 89 individuals and 4 entities.” The decision was in line with Borrell’s official declaration of Dec. 8, 2019, in which he stated that “for the European Union and its member states, the widespread and disproportionate use of force against nonviolent protestors is unacceptable.” At that time the EU stuck to making statements, but this time around it decided to move from words to deeds.
Protection of human rights
It should be emphasized that although the EU was not as determined to exert pressure on the Iranian authorities as the Trump administration was, and it defended the provisions of the JCPOA, it nevertheless attached considerable importance to the protection of human rights in the country at all times. The regularly extended decision of 2011 on sanctions is the best example of this. However, one may wonder why the Council decided now was the time to impose new sanctions on individuals, especially given that the decision refers to events that took place in 2019. In addition, these are the first EU sanctions imposed on Iran for human rights abuses since 2013.
Respect for human rights has always been an important element of the EU’s foreign policy. According to the bloc’s official stance, “Sanctions imposed by the EU in view of the human rights situation in Iran, support for terrorism, and other grounds are not part of the JCPOA, and remain in place.” However, the latest decision was implemented at a time when the U.S. is getting closer to rejoining the JCPOA and the related lifting of extended sanctions, which, as in 2015, may open the door to multibillion-dollar contracts for the largest European companies. The negotiations are complex and any wrong move might affect their outcome.
One of the people mentioned in the annex to the decision is the commander-in-chief of the IRGC, Maj. Gen. Hossein Salami. Visa bans and asset freezes were imposed on all sanctioned individuals. The reaction of the Iranian authorities to the EU’s decision was decisive and disproportionate: It decided to suspend cooperation with the bloc in many key areas. It suspended comprehensive talks with the EU, on issues including human rights, terrorism, drugs, and refugees. Most importantly, from the point of view of both the EU and the U.S., Tehran has not decided to abandon or slow talks relating to its nuclear program as of yet. This should not reassure anyone, however. Cooperation between Iran and the EU in the above-mentioned areas, in particular on counter-terrorism and migration-control processes, is very important for European security.
A question of timing
Having good intentions and making the right decisions are always important, but doing so at the right time is equally critical. The EU administration’s decision on Iran is good in substance, but very late or at least badly timed. It can be interpreted as an attempt to exert more pressure on Iran and to gain another bargaining chip for the bloc in the negotiations. For the time being, however, it has not affected the talks on compliance with the provisions of the JCPOA. This may be a testament to both the determination of the Iranian side to reach an agreement and the lack of serious alternatives.
Przemysław Osiewicz is a non-resident scholar at MEI and an associate professor at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan, Poland, specializing in EU policy towards the MENA region, Iran, and Turkey. The views expressed in this article are his own.
You would think that at a time when the very future of the jcpoa appeared to hang in the balance,in no small part also due to the complete lack of any political will on the part of the eu regimes to abide by their jcpoa obligations as much as to the chump regimes maximum pressure strategy,that the eu would make a deliberate political effort to avoid doing anything that would not only needlessly further increase the political tensions with iran,but would also increase the costs,both political and economic to itself.
Naturally of course,instead of doing something commonsense like that,they decided that they would follow the us example and start sanctioning the irgc,including its commander-in-chief....
EU-Iran relations: Toward a diplomatic confrontation?
http://mei.edu/publications/eu-iran-relations-toward-diplomatic-confrontation
May 4, 2021
Przemysław Osiewicz
When the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took office in December 2019, he emphasized the need to preserve the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and cooperate with Iran. At the same time, he criticized then-U.S. President Donald Trump for maintaining extended sanctions — which in practice prevented leading European firms from concluding large contracts with partners in Iran — and for the U.S.’s withdrawal from the provisions of the treaty. This is not to say that Borrell was not critical of Iran too, on issues including internal human rights violations. The recent decision of the Council of the European Union to extend punitive measures against Iran for a further year in response to the country’s human rights violations only confirmed that Borrell can count on its support, and the EU itself is not willing to compromise on the issue of human rights, even if there are parallel talks taking place that could bring huge profits for European companies.
Negotiating a return to the JCPOA
Joe Biden’s November electoral victory in the U.S. and the resulting change of administration in January opened the way for the country’s return to the JCPOA — and with it the possibility for European companies to profit from working with their Iranian counterparts. The start of negotiations in Vienna was in line with the EU’s interests and aspirations. Yet just as the U.S. administration began negotiating a return to the agreement, the Council of the European Union extended sanctions on Iran that have been in force since 2011. This time around it also blacklisted senior Iranian police commanders and members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) responsible for the brutal suppression of public protests in 2019. In an official communiqué on April 12, it declared, “The Council today also added eight persons and three entities to this sanctions list in view of their role in the violent response to the November 2019 demonstrations in Iran. The list now comprises a total of 89 individuals and 4 entities.” The decision was in line with Borrell’s official declaration of Dec. 8, 2019, in which he stated that “for the European Union and its member states, the widespread and disproportionate use of force against nonviolent protestors is unacceptable.” At that time the EU stuck to making statements, but this time around it decided to move from words to deeds.
Protection of human rights
It should be emphasized that although the EU was not as determined to exert pressure on the Iranian authorities as the Trump administration was, and it defended the provisions of the JCPOA, it nevertheless attached considerable importance to the protection of human rights in the country at all times. The regularly extended decision of 2011 on sanctions is the best example of this. However, one may wonder why the Council decided now was the time to impose new sanctions on individuals, especially given that the decision refers to events that took place in 2019. In addition, these are the first EU sanctions imposed on Iran for human rights abuses since 2013.
Respect for human rights has always been an important element of the EU’s foreign policy. According to the bloc’s official stance, “Sanctions imposed by the EU in view of the human rights situation in Iran, support for terrorism, and other grounds are not part of the JCPOA, and remain in place.” However, the latest decision was implemented at a time when the U.S. is getting closer to rejoining the JCPOA and the related lifting of extended sanctions, which, as in 2015, may open the door to multibillion-dollar contracts for the largest European companies. The negotiations are complex and any wrong move might affect their outcome.
One of the people mentioned in the annex to the decision is the commander-in-chief of the IRGC, Maj. Gen. Hossein Salami. Visa bans and asset freezes were imposed on all sanctioned individuals. The reaction of the Iranian authorities to the EU’s decision was decisive and disproportionate: It decided to suspend cooperation with the bloc in many key areas. It suspended comprehensive talks with the EU, on issues including human rights, terrorism, drugs, and refugees. Most importantly, from the point of view of both the EU and the U.S., Tehran has not decided to abandon or slow talks relating to its nuclear program as of yet. This should not reassure anyone, however. Cooperation between Iran and the EU in the above-mentioned areas, in particular on counter-terrorism and migration-control processes, is very important for European security.
A question of timing
Having good intentions and making the right decisions are always important, but doing so at the right time is equally critical. The EU administration’s decision on Iran is good in substance, but very late or at least badly timed. It can be interpreted as an attempt to exert more pressure on Iran and to gain another bargaining chip for the bloc in the negotiations. For the time being, however, it has not affected the talks on compliance with the provisions of the JCPOA. This may be a testament to both the determination of the Iranian side to reach an agreement and the lack of serious alternatives.
Przemysław Osiewicz is a non-resident scholar at MEI and an associate professor at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan, Poland, specializing in EU policy towards the MENA region, Iran, and Turkey. The views expressed in this article are his own.
yavar
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23 May is The end of Western opportunities for fulfilling the JCPOA commitments /after that date IAEA cameras will be removed
سوم خرداد پایان فرصت غربی ها برای اجرای تعهدات برجامی/ دوربین های آژانس خاموش می شود
سوم خرداد پایان فرصت غربی ها برای اجرای تعهدات برجامی/ دوربین های آژانس خاموش می شود
tn.ai
سوم خرداد پایان فرصت غربی ها برای اجرای تعهدات برجامی/ دوربین های آژانس خاموش می شود
سوم خرداد پایان فرصت غربی ها برای اجرای تعهدات برجامی/ دوربین های آژانس خاموش می شود
سوم خرداد پایان فرصت غربی‌ها برای اجرای تعهدات برجامی/ دوربین‌های آژانس خاموش می‌شود- اخبار مجلس و دولت ایران - اخبار سیاسی تسنیم | Tasnim
رئیس کمیسیون امنیت ملی و سیاست خارجی مجلس شورای اسلامی گفت: اگر تا سوم خرداد مذاکرات برجامی به نتیجه نرسد طبق قانون لغو تحریم‌ها دوربین‌های آژانس در مراکز هسته‌ای خاموش می‌شود.
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