You have done a great disservice by selectively quoting Tarikh-i-SherShahi (and have a s**t translation) written by Abbas Khan Sarwani (pathan) who was a a waqia-navis under Mughal emperor Akbar, detailing the rule of Sher Shah Suri. The book does not mention any of the tribe leaders of roh or their tribes but refers to them as a single entity because they were insignificant and not given much importance. They have rarely figured in the book. Pathans came to now UP and Punjab in large numbers with a huge chunk of their tribes and these were the people who played significant role in politics of medieval India. They were proud that they were pathan just as their descendants are now and your (residents of Roh) role in their history is close to non-exsistent. Most of the time when the word Afghan is used it is used in the context of afghans living in hind and bordering regions of sir-hind and whenever afghans from roh are mentioned they specifically say so. Though their names are not mentioned.
They dissociated themselves from that land and lived in Hind, Bengal and Sirhind and became natives of that land. You people of roh are only distantly connected to their history and then you claim that their descendants have to get your certificate to claim their glorious past and to claim the lineage of their ancestors. Funny how racist small minded bigots like you work.
I never said he looked down on pathans don't put words in my mouth. Patahns of Hind are proud today as they were back then. When babur came to India loose fractious confederations were formed by Pathans and Rajputs of hind based on their commonalities to gain power. Pathans of roh don't figure much in his history or the history of medieval India. His military generals and fighting armies were mostly composed of Pathans of hind, not of roh who were treated more like hired mercenaries in wars in sind and sirhind and that is how he looked down upon them.
On the nature of these confederations which you call pushton-hood was not really as you describe it. It was a combination of politics and shared identity as pathans (mostly pathans of hind). The pathans only rallied under Sher shah suri once he was powerful enough not before that. You should stop misrepresenting medieval Indian politics.
When Sher Khán heard this intelligence, he entirely gave up all trust in the promises and faith of Humáyún, and said to the envoy: “I have observed all loyalty to the Emperor, and have committed no offence against him, and have not encroached upon his boundaries.
When I got Bihár from the Lohánís, and the King of Bengal formed a design to seize that country, I besought him most submissively to leave me as I was, and not to attempt to deprive me of Bihár. By reason of his large army and forces he would not attend to me, and since he thus oppressed me, the Almighty gave me the victory; and as he coveted the kingdom of Bihár, God wrested away from him also the kingdom of Bengal. The Emperor has only considered the word of the ruler of Bengal, and has overlooked the service I have rendered, and all the force of Afgháns which I have assembled for his service, and has marched against Bengal. When the Emperor besieged Chunár, the Afgháns urged me to oppose him, but I restrained them from declaring war, and said, ‘The Emperor is powerful; you should not fight with him for the sake of a fort, for he is my lord and patron, and when he perceives that, in spite of my powerful forces, I pay respect to him, he will understand that I am his loyal servant, and will give me a kingdom to maintain this large army. The Emperor desired the kingdom of Bihár, and I was willing to surrender it. But it is not the right way to govern a kingdom to separate so large a force from his service, and in order to please their enemies, to ruin and slay the Afgháns.’ But since the Emperor takes no heed of all this good service, and has violated his promise, I have now no hope or means of restraining the Afgháns from opposing him. You will hear what deeds the Afgháns will do, and the march to Bengal will end in repentance and regre
t, for now the Afgháns are united, and have laid aside their mutual quarrels and envyings. The country which the Mughals have taken from the Afgháns, they got through the internal dissensions among the latter.
All mentions of Afghans here refer to pathans of hind. Residents of Roh had no part to play in it and neither they were mentioned. This was a political alliance between the pathans of hind not roh. There was not one pathan of roh of any significance. The 'country' mentioned above refers to lands in Hind not roh. That is what he was fighting for along with other patahans of hind
The Hindus of Hind had a greater role in the pathan confederation than any pathan from roh.
Sher Khán left Ghází Súr and Buláki,* who was the commandant of Chunár, in that fortress, and removed his family and those of his Afghán followers to the fortress of Bahrkunda; but as he had many families with him, that fort could not hold them all.
There existed a friendly connexion between Sher Khán and the Rájá of the fort of Rohtás, and Chúráman, the Rájá's náíb, was on particular terms of intimate friendship and alliance with Sher Khán. This Chúráman was a Bráhman, and was a person of the highest rank, and had formerly shown kindness to the family of Míán Nizám, own brother to Sher Khán, and procured them shelter in the fort of Rohtás; and when all danger had gone by, the family again quitted the fort, and made it over to the Rájá. On the present occasion, Sher Khán wrote that he was in great straits, and that if the Rájá would give him the loan of the fort for a short time, he would be obliged to him all his days, and that when all danger was past, he would again restore the fort. Chúráman replied, “Be of good cheer, I will manage it, so that the Rájá shall lend you the fort.” When Chúráman went to the Rájá, he said, “Sher Khán has asked for the loan of Rohtás for his family. He is your neighbour. This is my advice, it is an opportunity to show kindness; you should admit his family.” The Rájá agreed.
The alliance was very fractious and only consolidated after sher shah was powerful enough but never fully and they were as quick to switch allegiance to new power center. The afghan confederation was to maintain their jagirs and not based on anything like modern day pashtun nationalism.
The enmity between Sher Khán and the Lohánís increased daily, until the latter at last plotted to kill Sher Khán, and they thus took counsel among themselves, saying, “Sher Khán waits every day upon Jalál Khán with a very small retinue; let us pretend that Jalál Khán is ill. Sher Khán will go inside the palace to inquire after him. When he is returning, and has passed through one gate, and before he reaches the other, let us kill him, while thus inclosed between the two gates of Jalál Khán's palace.”
After the Namáz-i ishrák, he went through various business: he paid each man separately, mustered his old troops, and spoke to the newly-enlisted men himself, and questioned the Afgháns in their native tongue. If any one answered him accurately in the Afghán tongue, he said to him, “Draw a bow,” and if he drew it well, he would give him a salary higher than the rest, and said,
“I reckon the Afghán tongue as a friend.” And in the same place he inspected the treasure which arrived from all parts of the kingdom, and gave audience to his nobles or their
vakíls, or to
zamíndárs, or to the envoys of the kings of other countries, who came to his victorious camp; or he heard the reports which came from the nobles who were his '
ámils, and gave answers to them according to his own judgment, and the
munshís wrote them. When two hours and a half of the day were over, he rose up and eat his breakfast with his '
ulama and holy men, and after breakfast he returned and was engaged as before described till mid-day. At mid-day he performed the
kailúla (which is a supererogatory act of devotion), and took a short repose. After his rest he performed the afternoon devotions in company with a large assembly of men, and afterwards employed himself in reading the Holy Word. After that he spent his time in the business described above; and whether at home or abroad, there was no violation of these rules.
The rules for the collection of revenue from the people, and for the prosperity of the kingdom, were after this wise: There was appointed in every pargana,* one amír, one God-fearing shikkdár, one treasurer, one kárkun to write Hindí, and one to write Persian; and he ordered his governors to measure the land every harvest, to collect the revenue according to the measurement, and in proportion to the produce, giving one share to the cultivator, and half a share to the mukaddam;
Where do you think these Afghanis dropped from. They were mostly from hind. Off course he had affinity to pathans as he was a pathan himself but not from roh but from hind. He did not say my first language is Afghan tongue but reckoned it as a friend. His language of use was persian. Another sign of differentiation between the two which only increased over time.
Over time the pathans of hind were totally disassociated from the tribals of Roh and were part of the Ashrafi culture of hind. Even Rohillas who cam in the 18th century very quickly became a part of it. You have no claim over the histories of these people. Claim your own history of tribal warfare and poverty.
Nawab Muhammad Yusef Ali Khan Bahadur, KSI, (5 March 1816 – 21 April 1865) was a Nawab of the princely state of Rampur from 1855 to 1865. During the First War of Independence, he rendered many useful services to the Government of India by keeping the British supply and communication lines to Naini Tal open, rescuing fugitives and securing the town of Moradabad. For his service, he was granted extensive lands in Bareilly by the Viceroy of India, Lord Canning, was knighted in 1861 and given a 13-gun salute along with the style of
His Highness. Finally, he was made a member of the Viceroy's Council. Despite this multitude of honours, Sir Yusef continued to preserve the Mughal artistic tradition by inviting musicians, scholars and artists of Bahadur Shah Zafar II's court to resettle at Rampur, including the great poet Ghalib. Dying at 49 in 1865, he was succeeded by his son, Sir Kalb Ali Khan Bahadur.[1]
And here are their present day descendents