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My son got bullet for a glass of water”, recalls 26/11 victim

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My son got bullet for a glass of water”, recalls 26/11 victim

IN29_KASAB


PTI
MUMBAI, APRIL 29, 2010 09:38 IST
UPDATED: APRIL 29, 2010 15:48 IST

Fifty-year-old Jamuna Waghela, who escaped death by a whisker on the fateful night of 26/11, recalls with horror how her young son was shot dead after serving a glass of water to gun-wielding Ajmal Kasab and wants the Pakistani terrorist hanged without delay.

“Why has Kasab been kept alive? He should not be shown any mercy and hanged without delay,” says an angry Jamuna as she waits for justice to be done to her family five days from now when the anti-terror court is to pronounce its verdict in the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack case.

“What has he (Kasab) gained from killing my son? Why they (terrorists) do all this? He killed my son for giving a glass of water?” asks a livid Jamuna fighting back tears.

According to police, Jamuna’s son Thakur Wagela (32), a sweeper at government-run GT Hospital in south Mumbai, was shot dead by Kasab at his hut located in a lane near Cama Hospital.

On November 26, 2008, Kasab and his accomplice Abu Ismail, along with eight others, came from Pakistan by sea and struck terror at various places including Taj Mahal Hotel, Nariman House, Oberoi hotel and CST terminus, killing 166 people and injuring many more.

Kasab fatally injured Thakur before walking into Cama Hospital where he exchanged fire with security personnel.

Later, outside the hospital he shot dead the then ATS chief Hemant Karkare, DIG Ashok Kamte and encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar.

“At 10 pm, I was standing outside my house while my son and grandson were having dinner. Two persons (Kasab and Ismail) came dashing down the lane outside and one of them, later identified as Ajmal Kasab, stopped near my house when I asked him what he wanted,” recounted Jamuna.

“His associate immediately opened fire at me but luckily the bullets did not hit me. I hid behind a hut as Kasab walked up to my son and asked for water,” said Jamuna, whose husband Budhai (60) too is a sweeper at GT hospital.

“I could see my son offer Kasab a glass of water with trembling hands. The terrorist gulped it down and coolly shot at my son who slumped to the ground as I watched helplessly in horror,” she said clutching Thakur’s photo.

She, however, thanks God for the little mercy shown to her. “Kasab did not see my grandson or he would have got killed too.”

“The whole night I was not informed about my son’s death and told he was undergoing treatment. The next day, when I went to the hospital, I found him dead,” recalls Jamuna.

“My son’s innocent face still haunts me. I get up every night thinking somebody has broken into my house. I feel scared to even sit outside my house late in the evening,” she says.

Thakur has left behind his wife and three children.

Though his wife has been given a sweeper’s job at GT Hospital and a flat in Sion in central Mumbai by the state government their welfare is a source of constant worry, Jamuna added.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/nation...rdquo-recalls-2611-victim/article16373341.ece

 
“I could see my son offer Kasab a glass of water with trembling hands. The terrorist gulped it down and coolly shot at my son who slumped to the ground as I watched helplessly in horror,” she said clutching Thakur’s photo.

Kasab should be given the firing squad treatment.
 
It is a diplomatic ans statergic failure for Pakistan to assist with people for 26/11..For Kashmir issue, at least some section of world community is fine to provide moral support to Pakistan, but Pakistan lost all the goodwill for Mumbai and Osama capture in Pakistan...

I beleive, current set up in Pakistan is more pragmatic...
 
how about the Samjota express bombing done by hindu terrorists?
 
As the country marks the ninth anniversary of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, there is much that has changed and much that hasn't.

Surely, the country is better prepared to face a similar attack with special police units and the National Security Guard. The surveillance systems are much better and we have a central government in place that has refused to be seduced by the 'Asoka syndrome' (burning desire for peace with Pakistan).


But on the other side of the border there is a sense of déjà vu. The mastermind, chief planner and inspirer of the November 26-29, 2008 attacks by Pakistani terrorists in Mumbai, Muhammed Saeed, has just been released from detention, showing that Pakistan is no hurry to either prosecute or even detain the plotters.

The level of religious fanaticism has increased in that country. For nearly a month, an Islamic group has been blocking the highway near the capital demanding the resignation of its law minister Zahid Hamid for the 'sin' of omitting a reference to Prophet Mohammed in a constitutional bill, and the Pakistani government and its all-powerful army are either unable or unwilling to take any action.

It is well known it is the army that rules Pakistan. I and most Indian professional military men will admit that the Pakistani armed forces are an efficient and tactically proficient organisation, and an effective killing machine armed with modern weapons.

Despite India's numerical superiority, a military conquest of Pakistan is beyond its means. With the nuclear dimension, an all-out war will certainly result in major damage for India, even if Pakistan may well cease to exist. There is no tangible gain in this course of action.

I will not be divulging any national secret by asserting that neither the political nor the military leadership of India has any such plans. And the Pakistani army lacks the strength to win against India.

During the 1990 Kashmir crisis, then CIA chief Robert Gates visited Pakistan and told the military there that the Americans have carried out hundreds of computer simulations of India-Pakistan war and in each and every scenario the end result was Pakistan's defeat.

But unlike India, Pakistan's military believes that India is too divided and will disintegrate. Pakistan mistakes the din and noise of democracy for internal weakness. Right from Ayub Khan in the 1950s, this has been an article of faith for Pakistan's military.

This still leaves the issue of annexing Kashmir. Irrespective of morality or otherwise, the material fact is that no amount of internal unrest in the border state can loosen India's grip so long as the rest of the country continues to support the Kashmir policy.

Be it Vietnam, the liberation of Bangladesh or the takeover of Afghanistan from Najibullah by the Taliban, the final blow needed an intervention by regular armed forces.

Pakistan has tried to wrest Kashmir from India in 1947, 1965 and 1999 (through the Kargil skirmish) and failed. Yet, Pakistan's professional army and its military establishment continue on the path of conflict with India despite knowing that victory is not achievable.

History offers a clue to this apparent contradiction. In its deepest convictions and mindset, Pakistan considers itself to be an heir to the Delhi sultanate and Mughal empire.

In a broad brush view of the Middle Ages, the army was at the centre of Muslim rule in north India. The rulers ruled with help of their military might and were never concerned with seeking public support.

With the notable exception of two rulers, Sher Shah Suri and Akbar who carried out some works of public benefit, the rest were never concerned with the welfare of their subjects.

Constant warfare, either in Afghanistan or in campaigns of conquest in south India, marked their rule. There was never a period when the armies were not fighting.

Chanakya has cynically defined peace as an interlude between two wars, but in case of Muslim rule in India, peace was not even an interlude.

Is it any wonder that their 800-year rule in parts of India produced no scientific or economic advance or any work of public welfare?

The State of Pakistan seems to be faithfully following this model. In the last 20 years or so, as external conflict has been of less intensity, Pakistan has been busy killing its own people.

Fighter aircraft, artillery and tanks have been regularly used in campaigns in north and south Waziristan. In these wars, over 80,000 Pakistanis have been killed (these figures are valid till 2015), including 5,400 soldiers, the latter figure nearly equal to those killed in the 1971 War.

Ultimately, besides all these political factors, it appears that the religious dimension is an equally important reason for Pakistani hostility towards India. The Hadith, a record of the traditions and sayings of Prophet Mohammed, makes a reference to Ghazwa e Hind, or conquest of India, in the Book of Jihad, which is often used to infuse terrorism directed at India with religious hues.

General Pervez Musharraf in a candid moment once remarked that even if the Kashmir issue was resolved, peace between India and Pakistan was not possible. Peace talks with Pakistan are like accepting a dinner invitation from cannibals and hoping to return alive.

Once India understands the permanent nature of Pakistani hostility and its logic, we can work out our strategies to deal with it. The nine years post 26/11 ought to teach us a lesson that peace with Pakistan is not possible due to structural and ideological reasons.

The best course for India is to wait out the implosion that is bound to take place sooner than later. We have to be prepared to ensure that the fallings debris from a collapsing State do not damage us.

Colonel Anil A Athale (retd) is a military historian
 
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