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BigDaddyWatch

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The Turkish government continues to arrest and imprison Kurdish activists who are fighting for the rights of their people.

Turkey’s Kurdish prison journalist speaks out

Rozh Ahmad | openDemocracy

In this interview conducted in Diyarbakir, the unofficial Kurdish capital in Turkey, Aydin Yildiz tells the story of his imprisonment without trial and his time as a journalist reporting from inside his prison cell.

Rozh Ahmad: You spent 11 months and 13 days behind bars simply for being a journalist. How did you first get arrested?

Aydin Yildiz: It was on October 1, 2011, I was in Mersin working as a reporter for Dicle News Agency (DIHA), which is an independent media organisation. The elections were about to get under way and I reported on the pre-election campaigns. It was a normal day, I was walking on the streets with another friend of mine when suddenly the police jumped out on me and arrested me. On the day I was arrested another 41 people had also been arrested in Mersin alone. They took all of us to a police station in Gazi Antep, where we all found out that we had been arrested allegedly for being members of Koma Civaken Kurdistan, (Kurdistan Communities Union or KCK), an outlawed Kurdish organisation in Turkey. I was the only journalist among the arrestees; others included civil society activists, members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and individuals who had nothing to do with politics, but were arrested for alleged links with the KCK. We were then tried and though the trial did not reach a conclusion and the judges did not sentence us, yet the police divided us into groups and we were all sent to different prisons for incarceration. That way, I spent nearly one year behind bars merely for being a journalist.

Q/ When you say you were all tried, do you mean they tried all of you in the same courtroom?

A/ Yes, they tried us just like that although we had dissimilar jobs and we were all of different occupations and ages. Among us were some elderly people aged 70 or so, but all of us were accused of being KCK members. So, they tried all of us at once. No one was sentenced; but we were imprisoned. I was jailed for 11 months and 13 days before being released to wait for yet another trial outside prison. I still have to go to court. The other day I had to attend another hearing, but my lawyers refused saying the whole hearing is unlawful, so we did not go. We are protesting the whole case from outside the courts, because you cannot really defend yourself inside Turkish courts.

Q/How did they treat you at the court you attended, why weren’t you allowed to defend yourself?

A/ The Turkish "legal" system looks at Kurds as ‘"terrorists", they call you "terrorists’" in the courts, so the supposed "legal" system is biased to begin with and they do not recognise Kurds. If that is the perspective of the so-called "legal" system, then what justice can you expect? We talked in Kurdish during the trial, but they told us to shut up angrily and the judge said to us: "there is no such thing as Kurds or the Kurdish language." He told us directly that they do not recognise our language: it is the language of "terrorists" he later added, although that contradicted his previous denial of its existence. They treat you like an enemy: that is how they treat you at the Turkish courts.

Q/ Turkey’s Kurds often claim that being Kurdish is an enough ‘crime’ to get arrested, but was there no other reason for your arrest?

A/ I worked as a journalist for DIHA like I said. It is an independent agency and our crime is that we write about the conflict in the Kurdish southeast. Since independent journalism was established in Kurdistan and the rest of Turkey the Turkish state had done all it could to stop it.

In the 1990’s journalists working for DIHA’s predecessor organisations and publications were killed. Some were assassinated while working as a reporter. Our offices were fire bombed. In 1993, the headquarters of the Ozgur Gundum newspaper was bombed to bits, we lost all of our archives and a journalist who was in the building at the time was killed. The Kurdish and Turkish publications that were independent from the state and the private companies had to change their names continuously, because the state had placed them under a ban, and, whenever they were banned, the staff had to rename them to keep going.

The only crime my colleagues and I have committed in the eye of the state is that we are working for independent media. We say the public, Turkish and Kurdish, have the right to fair and balanced information, especially about the thirty-year-long war in the Kurdish southeast. Kurds and Turks alike are killed because of this war on daily basis. So people have the right to know about why, when, where and how their sons and daughters are killed on both sides. However, the state does not accept that, which is why they arrest journalists reporting about the conflict. And, it was why I was arrested. The court said I shall not continue my journalism, and I said this is my job, but they weren’t having any of that.

I found out in prison that 25 other independent journalists from other media outlets had also been arrested several days prior to my arrest. They too had reported on the PKK-Turkish conflict and were arrested for the same reason. The KCK link is only an excuse the Turkish state uses to arrest anyone who does not work according to the state’s official line on the war in Kurdistan, because this journalism makes the Turkish state’s war propaganda inadequate and useless, thus the state hates it.

Q/ How were you treated inside prison, was there any torture?

A/ There was no physical torture, that must be clearly stated. But there was psychological torture. Well, being in prison for crimes you haven’t committed is serious psychological torture in itself. Moreover, they stopped us from contacting our families and friends. They blocked our correspondence, restricted our connections and you could not contact anybody outside, this was a psychological pressure they used against us. Also, we were 13 people in one small room; we all lived in one small room and in that way they tried to make life difficult for us even inside the prison. But the most disgraceful punishment of all was when they put us in solitary confinement, for having shouted out slogans and the like.

For instance, on Newroz (Kurdish New Year on March 21st) we celebrated and shouted slogans. For that gesture of solidarity they put each of us in solitary confinement and that was very bad. I mean if you are restricted in your own room and you cannot leave to visit the outside world, how bad would that be? So, imagine being imprisoned and then forced into a solitary confinement in that prison? I suppose it is unimaginable unless you have gone through it yourself. But yes, it is something that can haunt you for quite a while even after being released.

Q/ You’re renowned for having reported from inside prison while you were a prisoner, how did that happen?

A/ The Kurdish liberation movement in Turkey brought about a unique paradigm for prison struggle. Although it is often the case that once you are put in prison then your struggle is ended - the whole world sees it like that - the Kurdish movement has changed that paradigm. The struggle has to continue even inside prisons and I wanted to practice that approach. The state arrested me and the court asked me to stop my job. But in defiance, I continued working as a journalist from inside prison. My job had to be done anyway because the Turkish mainstream media, those belonging to the state and those privately owned by companies, were publishing false information about prison life for political prisoners due to their own political and economic interests. Thus, I did what had to be done to get the truth out there for the public.

Q/ What were your news reports about? Could your reports help in your release?

A/ No, they weren’t written with the intention to help my release. I reported about life inside prison, the situation and how we were treated inside there. Also, I sent my agency quotes from the political prisoners who were there with me, which were then used by the editors for their news reports. I continued working to show that nothing will stop me from being a journalist unless they were going to kill me. And, every time I worked it kept my morale high and helped me to keep going and continue with the resistance. My job had to be done because the Turkish state media on one hand and the privately owned media on the other, to protect their own interests, had distorted what was happening inside these prisons. So, I felt the need to report about what was happening in opposition to what was being published in the mainstream Turkish media about political prisoners and Kurdish prisoners arrested on alleged KCK links.

Q/ Now the Turkish-Kurdish peace talks are under way and the PKK has begun to withdraw from Turkish soil, do you have hope for Kurdish prisoners and your colleagues still in prison?

A/ We must always have hope no matter what happens. I always have hope. When the secret talks, ( known as Oslo talks) between the PKK and the Turkish state failed in Norway in 2010, Kurdish activists, journalists, elderly and children were arrested en masse across Turkey’s Kurdistan. Now the Kurdish population does not trust the Turkish state nor the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to bring about peace in Turkey and Kurdistan. That is why, in order for the Kurds to believe the Turkish state, they must first release all the political prisoners. Also, the so-called "anti-terrorism" law that defines Kurds as ‘terrorists’ must be removed, so that the mentality of the Turkish public changes too toward the Kurds.

The state has now understood that the Kurds will not give up no matter what, and, given that the Kurdish liberation movement is doing all it can to make peace and for the people of Turkey to live side by side in a democratic republic, one can see that a peaceful solution may be found soon enough to end this war and tragedy haunting Turkey and Kurdistan for the last three decades. But again, it is now in the hands of the government because the Kurdish people have shown themselves committed to make a long-lasting peace. So, we wait to see what the state and the government of AKP can do for peace. Although I have my doubts as a journalist, but I am always hopeful that victory is possible if only because truth and freedom will always win.

Q/ What did you take away from the prison you left?

A/ I read a lot and carried out a lot of research during those 11 months in prison, which otherwise I wouldn’t have had the time to do. I thoroughly studied the Kurdish question; democratic con-federalism and how an alternative system to modern capitalism is possible if the people keep up the struggle to create that alternative. The experience has also given me the will to continue no matter what. I believed more in myself when I overcame the psychological torture and I believed more in the democratic will of the Kurdish nation, especially when with all the other prisoners, we celebrated our Kurdish New Year despite the psychological torture, pressure and the restrictions each of us had to face at the hands of those running the prison. Resistance kept our morale high when we were persistent regarding our principles and defending the right of one of the most oppressed nations in the world, the Kurds.

Turkey’s Kurdish prison journalist speaks out | openDemocracy

Police crackdown on Kurdish demostrations. Wasn't Turkey suppose to be a democracy ?


 
@Aeronaut @Jungibaaz @Kaan - Please close this thread !

The internal affairs of Turkiye are none of our concern & threads such as these end up being a sh*t storm later on !
 
Turkey is allowing the Kurds to vote but only on parties they approve. So all the claims of democracy for the Kurds is a sham.

Turkey Bans Kurdish Party

Turkey’s constitutional court disbanded the only pro-Kurdish party in Parliament on Friday, a move that could threaten efforts to resolve the conflict with the Kurdish minority by peaceful means.

The court in Ankara ruled that the Democratic Society Party was undermining national unity and cooperating with the PKK, the Kurdish rebel group that has been fighting for autonomy in southeastern Turkey since the early 1980s.

The court ejected two party leaders from Parliament, including the party’s chairman, Ahmet Turk, and barred them and 35 other party members from politics for five years.

“No political party has the right to make use of acts and rhetoric of violence,” the chairman of the court, Hasim Kilic, said Friday in a televised press conference. “It has to make a distinction between peaceful language, suggestions and acts of violence.”

Mr. Kilic did not cite the specific allegations that led to the verdict, which is expected to be published in full next week. But he said the party had become “a focal point of the activities against the country’s integrity” and that it had ties to a “terrorist organization.”

Responding to the decision, Mr. Turk, the party chairman, said that while he still held out hope for a peaceful and democratic resolution of the Kurdish conflict, the ban would be counterproductive.

“Turkey is going through a painful period, and of course blocking democratic politics deepens the sense of hopelessness,” he told reporters outside party headquarters in Ankara. “Turkey cannot resolve this conflict by party closures but only through the use of reason, logic and dialogue.”

The decision appeared to be a setback for the government’s efforts to bring Kurds into the political system. Last month, the government presented a landmark plan calling for the free use of the Kurdish language in the media and in political campaigns, restoring Kurdish names to towns that had been given Turkish ones, and a new committee to fight discrimination.

The Kurdish party, known as the DTP, applauded those efforts but has refused to join the government and other lawmakers in calling for the Kurdish rebels to lay down their arms, a position many analysts believe led to the court’s ruling on Friday.

The DTP has also refused to denounce the PKK as a terrorist organization, as it has been classified by Turkey, the United States and the European Union.

Such positions show that the DTP “has not absorbed the constitutional principles well and cannot refrain from supporting anti-democratic tendencies,” Emre Kongar, a professor of political science, said on NTV, a private television station. But others said the ruling would do little to end the violence that has taken more than 40,000 lives in the last three decades.

“In today’s environment armed conflict still continues,” said Sezgin Tanrikulu, the former head of the bar association in Diyarbakir, largest Kurdish city in Turkey. “The exclusion of legitimate actors from political grounds will destroy the already weak belief among Kurds that the conflict can be resolved through political means.”

The court’s decision could also damage Turkey’s prospects for joining the European union, which has warned Turkey against banning political parties.

While the government, led by the Justice and Development Party, has tried to work with the Kurds, who make up nearly 15 percent of the population, the more conservative state establishment, which includes the judiciary, has generally considered their political movement a threat to national unity.

The government’s efforts have also been complicated by a recent surge of unrest in the Kurdish regions, which has fed the anger of nationalists.

Widespread Kurdish street protests broke out two weeks ago when rumors circulated on the Internet that the imprisoned PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan, had been mistreated. Since then, the Interior Ministry says, 799 people have been detained, 119 arrested and hundreds have been injured in clashes between the police and Kurdish demonstrators.

The Justice Department said the rumors were false and published photos of Mr. Ocalan’s cell, hoping to stem the unrest.

But the violence escalated Monday when a Kurdish student was killed by the police in Diyarbakir and seven Turkish soldiers were killed in an ambush near Tokat, in the north-central part of the country.

A radical wing of the PKK claimed responsibility for the attack.

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/12/world/europe/12istanbul.html?_r=0

What ever the Turks may say how well they treat the Kurds it seems that the Kurds disagrees with that notion.

The never-ending oppression of the Kurds?

The life of the Kurdish people has been dominated by numerous conflicts for decades. The Kurdish landscape has always been a region where armed struggles have been launched and the Kurdish people have fought against colonizing powers for a very long time. Several uprisings have been launched in the past 200 years such as Rewandûz, Bedirhan Bey, Yezdan Şêr, Agirî, Dêrsim, Simko Şikak, Ubeydullah, Koçgirî and so on. Consequently, the Kurdish people haven’t turned a blind eye and did not remain silent when they had been deprived of freedom. The oppression continues, and so does the resistance. Resistance has become a part of their life. Still, the Kurdish issue is awaiting a solution.

Even though Turkey is acclaimed as a democratic role model in the Middle East, the ruling Turkish AKP (Justice and Development Party) government is continuing to deny the Kurdish peoples civil rights. AKP has failed with its so called “democratic opening/Kurdish initiative”, because it hasn’t played with honest cards. Turkey began its witch hunt after the local elections in Turkey in April 2009 when pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) won 99 municipalities in the local elections in March 2009. More than 10,000 Kurds have been jailed in the last 3 years. Many solicitors, mayors, journalists, human right defenders, BDP members, unionists, students, mothers and children have been arrested within the scope of KCK (The Union of Communities in Kurdistan). About 181 Kurdish children have been killed since AKP came to power in 2002.

The Turkish government is systematically repressing the Kurds. It is engaged in a campaign of silencing the Turkish mainstream media to cover the events in the Kurdish region of southeastern Turkey. The Turkish government continues to practice state terror to extinguish Kurdish aspirations. Civil disobedience have become a regular event in Turkey.

On 12th of September Kurdish political prisoners decided to start a hunger strike. Today there are more than 780 Kurdish political prisoners on a indefinite and irreversible hunger strike in Turkish jails and the strike is expanding across Turkey. Kurdish political inmates’ strike enters 54th day as their health condition is deteriorating. They urge the Turkish government to end the isolation of the Kurdish PKK leader leader Abdullah Ocalan to negotiate a peaceful settlement, end the repression against the Kurdish people and the right to use their mother tongue in public spheres, which also includes the court. So far, no steps have been made by the Turkish government to fulfill the strikers’ demands and stop the hunger strikes. Kurds and political activists in eastern Kurdistan (Western Iran) have also launched hunger strikes in solidarity with the ongoing hunger strike in Turkish jails.

A legislative proposal about the right to speak in your native language is about to be introduced. The pro-Kurdish BDP enforced this proposal when the other three parties (AKP, MHP and CHP) rejected it in the parliament. Turkish AKP changed its mind one week after the BDP had introduced the bill. AKP friendly actors mean that the first step is to introduce eligible courses in Kurdish, and that it could possibly lead to that Kurdish can be spoken freely. This point will be actualised due to a strong Kurdish opposition in the Turkish system.

Turkey is continuing to conduct major crimes against the Kurdish people and the government is hiding its actions in southeastern Turkey. Roboski (Uludere) victims are still waiting for the Turkish government to try those ones who are responsible for the death of 34 Kurdish civilians who were killed in a Turkish airstrike on 28th of December 2011. And we all know that the Turkish military leadership and Erdogan’s government bear responsibility for the slaughter of Roboski. Eleven months have passed and the village of Roboski still waits for justice. Their voices are rarely heard.

The clashes between HPG (armed wing of PKK) and the Turkish Armed Forces began on 23 July 2012 in Şemdinli (Şemzînan). The Turkish army has deployed thousands of soldiers and military vehicles in the southeastern part of Turkey. Still, the army can’t finish the PKK. And the war continues in the southeastern region. Turkish government keep on spinning tales and fabricate spectacular victories that only exists in Turkish mainstream media. Turkish army has already lost southeastern Turkey to the superior HPG guerrillas. The retired major general Osman Pamukoğlu shocked Turkey when he said that “Turkey has lost Hakkari Province” on Turkish television (HaberTürk). Turkish PM Erdogan’s comment was the following:

“The prime minister indirectly criticized the leader of the Rights and Equality Party (HEPAR), retired Maj. Gen. Osman Pamukoğlu, by saying that some retired generals were saying on television that Turkey had lost Hakkari Province. Erdoğan accused Pamukoğlu of speaking nonsense and in a way that supports the PKK’s claims. “Why does he speak like that?””

Turkish army is lying about their exact casualties, but its made big losses and it also exaggerates the death toll of PKK members and their own losses. PKK continues to carry out its actions undisturbed. It is obvious that the PKK has changed its strategy. Before it used to “hit and leave”, but now the PKK “hit and control . The PKK has set up check-points and control the roads. It has stopped dozen of vehicles and torched some of them. Truckers and drivers have not been held as a hostage. The PKK has arrested some Turkish politicians, but later on released them. Notice that the movement has not abducted the politicians, it has in fact arrested them and judged them in KCK courts according to KCK laws. Operation Revolution continues.

As I am writing this, Deniz Kaya, spokesman for prisoners sentenced in PKK and PAJK cases has announced in a written statement that the hunger strike is taken to a higher level. Kaya stated that 10,000 more Kurdish political prisoners are going to join the ongoing indefinite and irreversible hunger strike on 5th of November 2012. He also stated that they are ready to pay any price for their freedom, leader and people and that the honourable resistance continues…

But why does the international community remain silent? Why not start a consultation process in order to end this war and further bloodshed? Why not solve this issue with the stroke of a pencil? End the oppression, give them the right to speak and defend themselves in their native language and end the isolation of the Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan. Just give the Kurdish people their freedom.

The never-ending oppression of the Kurds? | Alliance for Kurdish Rights
 
Guys please can't we just have a discussion without these kinda threads.
 
Kurds are the largest nation to be denied the basic right of living free in their own country. But Middle East is too complex, an independent Kurdistan might become a huge problem for Turkey and Iran.
 
If the mods are going to close down this thread then the mods should also close down the Uiygher support thread.
Before they do that.I just wanna know if you took any offense at my post there.If you did I'll delete it.
 
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