Indonesia Defence Forum

[Nike]

Soon, we will lost a great leader ever after Soekarno and Soeharto, farewell SBY i wish the best for you and your family

 

[katarabhumi]

Happy 68th anniversary Indonesian Air Force.. Swabhuana Paksa

====

Indonesian Army has developed 15 military items together with Surya University to reduce dependency on foreign products. The items range from Nano Satelite, gyrocopter, UAV, Laser gun simulation, to GPS APRS.

news in Indonesian :

Ingin Mandiri, TNI AD Kembangkan 15 Alutsista Sendiri

TRIBUNNEWS.COM, JAKARTA – Sebagai salah satu tumpuan digaris depan, TNI Angkatan Darat (AD) berusaha mengembangkan alat utama sistem pertahanan (alutsista). Selain tak ingi bergantung dengan negara lain, hal itu juga dapat mengirit keuangan negara.

Kepala Staf TNI AD Jenderal Budiman menyebutkan, riset yang dilakukan TNI AD bersama Universitas Surya itu meliputi nano satellite, gyrocopter, UAV (Unmananned Aerial Vehicles) autopilot atau pesawat tanpa awak (drone), simulasi tembak laser, dan GPS Tracking System APRS (Automatic Package Reporting System).

"6 Bulan lalu saya pernah berjanji, bahwa AD akan riset berbagai peralatan dalam rangka meningkatkan alutsista. Ini untuk kemandirian bangsa," kata Budiman di Mabes AD, Jakarta Pusat, Senin (7/4/2014).

Dirinya menjelaskan, selain harga yang miring, keuntungan lainnya adalah meminimalkan kemungkinan penyadapan terhadap alutsista tersebut. Pengembangan teknologi Indonesia ini juga dapat menghindari pembelian peralatan yang mungkin berkualitas lebih rendah dari harga sebenarnya.

"Resiko kalau kita beli di luar, pasti alat terhebatnya dipakai sendiri, layer kedua dia berikan kepada sekutunya, dan layer ketiga baru diberikan kepada kita," jelasnya.
Berikut teknologi alutsista yang dipamerkan TNI AD hari ini.

1. Pusat Penerbangan Angkatan Darat: Gyrocopter

2. Direktorat Perhubungan Angkatan Darat: nano satelit, open BTS, mesh networking communication system, radio VHF produk PT CMI Teknologi, dan battle management system

3. Direktorat Peralatan Angkatan Darat: konversi BBM ke BBG, simulasi modifikasi mobil tempur anti panas, simulasi senjata anti panas

4. Direktorat Perbekalan dan Angkutan Angkatan Darat melaksanakan kegiatan litbang energi mandiri

5. Direktorat Topografi Angkatan Darat: GPS Tracking System Automatic Package Reporting System, multirotor, dan flapping wing air vehicle

6. Dinas Penelitian dan Pengembangan Angkatan Darat: Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) autopilot, simulasi menembak laser gun, dan integrated optronics defence system

7. Dinas Informasi dan Pengolahan Data: migrasi jaringan IPV 4 ke IPV 6.

8. Direktorad Zeni Angkatan Darat: jammer perusak sinyal, penyala ledakan fungsi ganda, alat koreksi perkenaan senapan lapangan, aplikasi Garjas dan pola hidup sehat, serta alat pengendali senjata jarak jauh.

Ingin Mandiri, TNI AD Kembangkan 15 Alutsista Sendiri - Yahoo News Indonesia

.
the gallery :
TNI-AD Pamerkan Hasil Riset

 

[Nike]

@katarabhumi, you've got yourself a monsterkill don't you?

 

[katarabhumi]

@katarabhumi, you've got yourself a monsterkill don't you?

damn.. what happened?.. it gave me error message and all of a sudden I have multiple post.

I've edited it back to normal and delete the rest.. but there is this message "This message is awaiting moderator approval, and is invisible to normal visitors." ... what does it mean?.

 

[Nike]

damn.. what happened?.. it gave me error message and all of a sudden I have multiple post.

I've edited it back to normal and delete the rest.. but there is this message "This message is awaiting moderator approval, and is invisible to normal visitors." ... what does it mean?.

it means you just have to wait for any moderator to approve your actions before, like trying to delete your post and so on because there is no moderator on line right now.

 

[katarabhumi]

it means you just have to wait for any moderator to approve your actions before, like trying to delete your post and so on because there is no moderator on line right now.

I've edited it and it appears back to normal on my screen but that message still came up.. Does it mean the edit only affect my screen while in actuality it's still a mess for other viewer until the mod approve my edit?

Sorry for the inconvenience then.

 

[MarveL]

Happy 68th anniversary Indonesian Air Force.. Swabhuana Paksa

====

Indonesian Army has developed 15 military items together with Surya University to reduce dependency on foreign products. The items range from Nano Satelite, gyrocopter, UAV, Laser gun simulation, to GPS APRS.

news in Indonesian :


.
the gallery :
TNI-AD Pamerkan Hasil Riset

they also have research product on Battle Management System(BMS)

 

[MarveL]

Infra RCS Perkenalkan Radar LPI

Liputan6.com, Jakarta Kecanggihan dan nilai battle proven kapal perang modern tidak terlepas dari persenjataan dan teknologi radarnya. Seperti radar Low Probability of Intercept (LPI), radar yang dirancang untuk menjadikan kapal sulit dideteksi kapal musuh.

Rata-rata teknologinya dari negara besar seperti Scout MK2 buatan Thales Eropa, SPN 730 buatan Selex ES Inggris, dan negara-negara besar lainnya.

Meski tertinggal dalam teknologi persenjataan, Indonesia ternyata sejak 2009 telah membuat radar canggih ini. Namanya LPI Radar-IRCS, radar buatan PT Infra RCS Indonesia ini menggunakan teknologi Frequency Modulated Continuous Wave (FM-CW).

"Dengan teknologi ini maka daya pancar yang digunakan sangat rendah yaitu di bawah 10 watt untuk dapat memperoleh jarak jangkauan radar yang luas. Di Asia belum ada (produsen), apalagi di Asia Tenggara. Rata-rata mereka menggunakan produk negara maju," ucap Technical Advisor PT Infra RCS Indonesia, Dr Mashruri Wahab di Plaza Aminta, Jakarta Selatan.

Dengan menggunakan frekuensi X-band, Doopler speed bisa mencapai maksimal 40 knot membuat radar LPI semakin penting untuk pengawasan rahasia, pelacakan target, dan operasi siluman. Selain radar LPI, PT Infra RCS Indonesia juga telah memproduksi Electronic Chart Display and Information System (ECDIS) dan Electronik Support Measures (ESM).

"Radar kami bersifat Low Probability of Intercept kita jual satu paket dengan ECDIS bisa juga dengan ESM. Alat ini cocok untuk electronic warfare. Radar LPI dia hidup tapi tidak bisa dideteksi oleh musuh menggunakan detektor yang disebut ESM. Keunggulan radar LPI, musuh akan melihat kita sebagai kapal sipil," tutur Mashruri.

Selain untuk kapal laut, Radar LPI juga dikembangkan untuk wilayah perairan seperti portable coastal radar yang bisa digunakan secara mobile. Radar ini memiliki keunggulan yaitu ukuran lebih kecil, jangkauan deteksi cukup jauh, dengan probabilitas rendah membuat radar ini tidak mudah diketahui pihak lain.

"Sementara untuk di wilayah pantai untuk tahun ini kita sedang mengetes radar coastal kerjasama dengan Dislitbang AL. Seperti kita tahu garis pantai kita kan panjang jadi perlu sekali radar pengawas pantai. Karena wilayah kita banyak lalu lintas kapal asing, lalu juga illegal fishing, kecelakaan, penyelundupan dan lain-lain. Seperti di Maluku, Kalimantan, dan lain-lain," ungkap pria lulusan sebuah universitas Australia ini.

Untuk komponen radar, menurut Mashruri, ada beberapa material masih impor dari negara lain karena belum tersedia di dalam negeri. Ia berharap adanya kebijakan dari pemerintah agar nilai komponen lokal pembuatan radar tanah air bisa meningkat.

"Ada yang kita buat sendiri seperti software dan beberapa hardware. Dan memang untuk material ada yang kita impor ya karena di dalam negeri nggak ada," keluhnya.

Sementara di tempat yang sama, Direktur PT Infra RCS Indonesia, Wiwiek Sarwi Astuti, mengatakan saat ini timnya masih berfokus untuk mengembangkan radar Coastal dan ke depan akan mengembangkan Warship Electronic Chart Display and Information System (WECDIS).

"Untuk Infra ini kan punya misi untuk mendukung kemandirian bangsa dalam produk-produk yang sifatnya strategis jadi produk seperti ini kita usung untuk pelanggan atau end user di Indonesia. Sehingga kita support lebih baik dan kita berikan pelatihan tentang penggunaan," jelas Wiwiek.

Apakah akan mencoba menjual ke luar negeri? "Rencana ada, tapi masih fokus untuk kebutuhan dalam negeri dulu. Kalau nggak kita akan bergantung dengan negara lain terus dan ini menjadi tantangan bagi kami untuk memajukan teknologi bangsa," jawab wanita berkerudung ini.

Canggihnya Radar Buatan Indonesia: Tak Terdeteksi Musuh

RCS Introduce Infra LPI Radar

Jakarta. sophistication and value of modern warships battle proven inseparable from weaponry and radar technology . Such as Low Probability of Intercept radar ( LPI ) , the radar is designed to make the boat harder to detect enemy ships .

Average technology of large countries such as the European Thales Scout MK2 artificial , artificial Selex SPN 730 ES UK , and other major countries .Although behind in weapons technology , Indonesia turns since 2009 has made this sophisticated radar .

His name LPI Radar - IRCS , artificial radar Indonesia 's PT Infra RCS uses Frequency Modulated Continuous Wave technology ( FM - CW ) ." With this technology, the transmit power used is very low at under 10 watts to be able to obtain a wide range of the radar . In Asia there has been no ( manufacturers ) , especially in Southeast Asia .

Their average use of the product developed countries , " said Technical Indonesia PT Infra RCS Advisor , Dr. Wahab Mashruri in Plaza Aminta , South Jakarta .By using the X - band frequency , Doopler maximum speed can reach 40 knots making LPI radar increasingly important for covert surveillance , target tracking and stealth operations .

In addition to the LPI radar , RCS Infra PT Indonesia also been producing Electronic Chart Display and Information System ( ECDIS ) and Electronic Support Measures ( ESM ) ." Our Radar Low Probability of Intercept is we sell a package with ECDIS can be by the ESM . Equipment is suitable for electronic warfare . Radar LPI him alive but could not be detected by an enemy using a detector called the ESM . Advantages of LPI radar , the enemy will see us as a civilian ship , "said Mashruri . In addition to ships , radar LPI also developed for coastal waters such as portable radar that can be used by mobile .

This radar has the advantage of smaller size , detection range is quite far , with a low probability of making a radar is not easy to know the other party ." As for the coastal region for this year we are being tested in cooperation with coastal radar Dislitbang AL . As we know we're a long coastline so essential to the regulatory radar beach . Due to our many areas of foreign ship traffic , and also illegal fishing , accidents , smuggling and others. As in Maluku , Kalimantan , and others , "said he graduated from an Australian university .For radar components , according Mashruri , there are some materials are still imported from other countries because it is not yet available in the country .

He hopes that the policy of the government for the value of the local component manufacture could increase the country 's radar ."Some of our own such as software and some hardware . And indeed for the material that we import no yes because nobody in the country , " he complained .While at the same place , Director of Infra RCS Indonesia , Wiwiek Sarwi Astuti , said the team is still focused on developing radar and forward Coastal will develop Warship Electronic Chart Display and Information System ( WECDIS ) . " To the right Infra has a mission to support the nation's independence in products that are positioned so product like this we stretcher for customers or end users in Indonesia .

So we better support and we provide training on the use , " said Wiwiek .Whether to try to sell abroad ? " No plan , but still focused on domestic needs first . If not we will continue to depend on other countries and this is a challenge for us to advance the technology of the nation , " said the veiled woman .

 

[Zarvan]

Soon, we will lost a great leader ever after Soekarno and Soeharto, farewell SBY i wish the best for you and your family

Please tell about your political system how many parties do you have how many seats in parliament what is the selection process

 

[Indos]

Please tell about your political system how many parties do you have how many seats in parliament what is the selection process

12 parties participated in this recent election (yesterday). PDI-P (nationalist secular) has 19,17 percent, Golkar (nationalist) has 15 %, Democrat (nationalist religious) has 9,47 %, Islamic parties (PAN,PKS,PKB,PPP,PBB) has around 33 percent, etc. We have threshold system as well (party that holds seats in parliament less than 3,5 % can not participate in the next election). Actually even though PDI-P can be regarded as nationalist secular, and has fought Anti-**** regulation that has passed in SBY administration, this party is still afraid to fight any policy that has sensitive religious tendency, thats why PDI-P is backing the regulation to allow our Policewomen wearing hijab (out side Aceh/ Aceh uses Islamic Law). So, our democracy is quite different with Turkey (still hijab issue in Turkey can make so much trouble and can make that country get split)

In term of the system quite similar with USA (presidential) since we have different election between parliament (done yesterday) and presidential election (around July I guest), but not quite the same. We also have local election both to choose local parliament and executive (governor (province) and Mayor (city). Many election happens here in Indonesia. We also have senator but quite different with USA style, and has no real power just a consultative power.

For the other info, I leave it to the rest of Indonesian member here.

 

[Zarvan]

12 parties participated in this recent election (yesterday). PDI-P (nationalist secular) has 19,17 percent, Golkar (nationalist) has 15 %, Democrat (nationalist religious) has 9,47 %, Islamic parties (PAN,PKS,PKB,PPP,PBB) has around 33 percent, etc. We have threshold system as well (party that holds seats in parliament less than 3,5 % can not participate in the next election) .

In term of the system quite similar with USA (presidential) since we have different election between parliament (done yesterday) and presidential election (around July I guest), but not quite the same. We also have local election both to choose local parliament and executive (governor (province) and Mayor (city). Many election happens here in Indonesia. We also have senator but quite different with USA style, and has no real power just a consultative power.

For the other info, I leave it to the rest of Indonesian member here.

Tell me when the final results come out and and also need detail of the Special Forces you have in Army and Navy and Air Force

 

[Indos]

Tell me when the final results come out and and also need detail of the Special Forces you have in Army and Navy and Air Force

I dont know when the final result comes, but the result will not be much different with the data I posted earlier (based on quick count (statistic calculation). For special forces, maybe other Indonesian member can help......

 

[MarveL]

The Regional Implications of Indonesia's Rise
As it tallies votes from Wednesday’s election, Indonesia’s economic outlook is strong. What does that mean for the region?

Image Credit: REUTERS/Beawiharta

Despite a mild economic slowdown amidst China’s economic rebalancing and the U.S. Federal Reserve tapering—and despite a dip in Indonesian shares following a surprisingly weak performance by the favorites in Wednesday’s parliamentary election—the general direction of Indonesia’s economy seems clear: onwards and upwards. Since the Asian Financial Crisis and the fall of Suharto, Jakarta has learned lessons, expedited political reforms, and taken economic strides that today constitute a platform from which Southeast Asia’s largest country can continue to build on what it has achieved to date. That’s not to say corruption, infrastructure deficiencies and inequality do not remain problems for whoever takes the political baton after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, but Indonesia’s economic trajectory is bending sharply in the right direction.

Since the turn of the century, Indonesia’s economy has been one of the world’s best-performing and most consistent. Since 2001, the country has averaged 5.4 percent growth, far faster than the global average, despite the shocks of the global financial downturn. That growth has facilitated the fall of gross government debt from 95.1 percent of GDP in 2000 to around 26 percent today, the lowest of any ASEAN member-state except Brunei Darussalam, and enough for Fitch and Moody’s to grant Indonesia’s debt investment grade status. Indonesia has gone from being the world’s 27th largest economy in 2000 (nominal GDP) to the 16th largest today—an impressive leap in just fifteen years.

Much more is expected to come. Indonesia is forecast to have the world’s seventh largest economy by 2030, surpassing the U.K. and Germany according to a report by McKinsey Global Institute, and the fourth largest in 2040 according to a Citibank report, trailing only China, India and the United States. While such projections are often over-reliant on extrapolating current trends, there is little doubt that Indonesia stands to benefit immensely from a rebalancing of the global economy towards the Asia-Pacific and from the demographic dividend of the country’s young population. The former will ensure relatively high ubiquity of capital, technology and demand in Indonesian markets, while the latter will ensure that the workforce will be able to maintain productivity and a low dependency ratio between workers and dependents, thereby setting the foundation for decades of robust growth and healthy public finances.

The regional implications of this economic rise will be very significant, even if gradual.

A bigger and more robust economy means that defense spending will continue to rise, albeit from an extremely low base. Indonesia currently spends less than 1 percent of its GDP on defense, at around $8 billion annually. In comparison, Singapore has a military budget of $12 billion, more than 4 percent of its GDP, while Australia spends $26 billion. By any measure, Indonesia lags well behind its neighbors relative to its size; however, its rapid economic growth has facilitated sharp annual defense budget increases, such as the 9 percent increase announced in August 2013. This much-needed growth comes as Indonesia attempts to increase defense spending to 1.5 percent of GDP by 2015, or a projected $14 billion, as sought by Yudyohono. While this target will not be met by next year, it at least recognizes Indonesia’s military potential and sets a spending benchmark.

Much of this defense budget growth, particularly a $15 billion kit announced in 2010, will be allocated to equipment procurement and modernization. The country’s 2010 Strategic Defence Plan outlined a modernization vision that included 10 jet fighter squadrons, 274 ships and a dozen submarines by 2024—a significant qualitative and quantitative leap from Indonesia’s current military capabilities, even if the targets do not seem entirely realistic. Nonetheless, recent purchases are congruent with the vision, such as the purchase of six Sukhoi Su-30MK2s that were delivered last September and which completed a squadron of advanced air-superiority fighters consisting of sixteen Su-27 SKM and Su-30 MK2 jets. Similar major procurements and orders have included dozens of F-16 and Su-35 fighters, advanced air defense systems from Thales, Boeing AH-64 Apache Longbow gunship helicopters and more than hundred world-renowned German Leopard tanks.

As it bolsters its military, Indonesia’s weight and importance in the region’s balance of power will only grow, particularly with respect to the U.S. and China. As Washington and Beijing seem set for an era of strategic rivalry across the Asia-Pacific, bringing Jakarta into one or the other’s sphere of influence becomes ever more appealing. For the U.S., greater security and economic cooperation with Indonesia, at the relative expense of China, helps strengthen and coalesce a grouping of states—which includes Japan, the Philippines and India—that is wary of China’s rise and territorial claims. China’s recent claim to the Natuna waters that are part of Indonesia’s Riau Islands could convince some Indonesian policymakers to lean towards Washington and hedge against Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. On the other hand, the seeming inevitability of China’s rise to great-power status, amidst the uncertainty of the viability and extent of America’s Asia “pivot” and security guarantees, constitutes a good case for Indonesia to move closer to Beijing and leverage China’s unprecedented economic force and growing military heft.

However, the most likely strategic disposition, to use former Vice President Mohammad Hatta’s expression from 1948, remains having a “free and active” Indonesian foreign policy. As opposed to relatively passive non-alignment during the Cold War, Indonesia—on the back of rapid economic growth and growing power—is increasingly likely to see itself as entitled to a prominent role in the region and the world in its own right, and in light of its own interests and potential. Jakarta is therefore likely to seek prosperity and cooperation equally with both the U.S. and China, as opposed to creating any form of dependency on one power in the face of the other. Moreover, Indonesia might be uniquely positioned in trying to arrest any escalation in the region or prevent the entrenchment of a paradigm of strategic rivalry that could harm its own interests and development priorities.

This independent streak is likely to take Indonesian foreign policy beyond the Asia-Pacific. As recent engagement with the Middle East shows, Indonesia increasingly sees itself as an important actor in the Muslim World. In late January, the country signed a defense cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia—Jakarta’s first such agreement with an Arab state—which covered military industry cooperation, counter-terrorism and joint training. In 2012, Indonesia also co-sponsored UN General Assembly Resolution 67/19 on the statehood of Palestine, with foreign minister Marty Natalegawa delivering a strong speech in defense of the Palestinians’ choices and policies regarding Israel. This seems to be a natural extension of a more confident Indonesia more willing to articulate its population’s solidarity with Middle Eastern causes.

As for Australia, Indonesia’s economic rise will shift the power dynamic and importance of the bilateral relationship. Indonesian GDP, on the basis of purchasing power parity, overtook Australia’s in 2004 and is today thirty percent bigger, and that gap will only expand as Indonesia outgrows Australia by a ratio of 2 to 1, with the IMF predicting 6 percent growth for Indonesia to the end of this decade compared with around 3 percent for Australia. This will not only enhance Indonesia’s economic primacy over Australia and entrench Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s maxim of “less Geneva and more Jakarta,” it will also shift the balance of power within the relationship. Australia’s dominance and transactional approach to the relationship will have to give way to a more balanced and strategic one, as Canberra comes to terms with the fact that a burgeoning Asian power of more than 250 million people cradles Australia’s northern borders.

Indonesia’s economic rise will therefore pave the way for significant geopolitical change. The country’s economic growth engine is of such vigor relative to the rest of the world—perhaps surpassed only by China amongst the world’s twenty largest economies—that a military and strategic dividend for Jakarta is inevitable. Projected timeframes and Indonesian goals will shift with movements in the domestic and regional landscape, but the fact remains Indonesia will have more clout in the future than it’s ever had before.

The Regional Implications of Indonesia’s Rise | The Diplomat

 

[Zarvan]

The Regional Implications of Indonesia's Rise
As it tallies votes from Wednesday’s election, Indonesia’s economic outlook is strong. What does that mean for the region?

Image Credit: REUTERS/Beawiharta

Despite a mild economic slowdown amidst China’s economic rebalancing and the U.S. Federal Reserve tapering—and despite a dip in Indonesian shares following a surprisingly weak performance by the favorites in Wednesday’s parliamentary election—the general direction of Indonesia’s economy seems clear: onwards and upwards. Since the Asian Financial Crisis and the fall of Suharto, Jakarta has learned lessons, expedited political reforms, and taken economic strides that today constitute a platform from which Southeast Asia’s largest country can continue to build on what it has achieved to date. That’s not to say corruption, infrastructure deficiencies and inequality do not remain problems for whoever takes the political baton after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, but Indonesia’s economic trajectory is bending sharply in the right direction.

Since the turn of the century, Indonesia’s economy has been one of the world’s best-performing and most consistent. Since 2001, the country has averaged 5.4 percent growth, far faster than the global average, despite the shocks of the global financial downturn. That growth has facilitated the fall of gross government debt from 95.1 percent of GDP in 2000 to around 26 percent today, the lowest of any ASEAN member-state except Brunei Darussalam, and enough for Fitch and Moody’s to grant Indonesia’s debt investment grade status. Indonesia has gone from being the world’s 27th largest economy in 2000 (nominal GDP) to the 16th largest today—an impressive leap in just fifteen years.

Much more is expected to come. Indonesia is forecast to have the world’s seventh largest economy by 2030, surpassing the U.K. and Germany according to a report by McKinsey Global Institute, and the fourth largest in 2040 according to a Citibank report, trailing only China, India and the United States. While such projections are often over-reliant on extrapolating current trends, there is little doubt that Indonesia stands to benefit immensely from a rebalancing of the global economy towards the Asia-Pacific and from the demographic dividend of the country’s young population. The former will ensure relatively high ubiquity of capital, technology and demand in Indonesian markets, while the latter will ensure that the workforce will be able to maintain productivity and a low dependency ratio between workers and dependents, thereby setting the foundation for decades of robust growth and healthy public finances.

The regional implications of this economic rise will be very significant, even if gradual.

A bigger and more robust economy means that defense spending will continue to rise, albeit from an extremely low base. Indonesia currently spends less than 1 percent of its GDP on defense, at around $8 billion annually. In comparison, Singapore has a military budget of $12 billion, more than 4 percent of its GDP, while Australia spends $26 billion. By any measure, Indonesia lags well behind its neighbors relative to its size; however, its rapid economic growth has facilitated sharp annual defense budget increases, such as the 9 percent increase announced in August 2013. This much-needed growth comes as Indonesia attempts to increase defense spending to 1.5 percent of GDP by 2015, or a projected $14 billion, as sought by Yudyohono. While this target will not be met by next year, it at least recognizes Indonesia’s military potential and sets a spending benchmark.

Much of this defense budget growth, particularly a $15 billion kit announced in 2010, will be allocated to equipment procurement and modernization. The country’s 2010 Strategic Defence Plan outlined a modernization vision that included 10 jet fighter squadrons, 274 ships and a dozen submarines by 2024—a significant qualitative and quantitative leap from Indonesia’s current military capabilities, even if the targets do not seem entirely realistic. Nonetheless, recent purchases are congruent with the vision, such as the purchase of six Sukhoi Su-30MK2s that were delivered last September and which completed a squadron of advanced air-superiority fighters consisting of sixteen Su-27 SKM and Su-30 MK2 jets. Similar major procurements and orders have included dozens of F-16 and Su-35 fighters, advanced air defense systems from Thales, Boeing AH-64 Apache Longbow gunship helicopters and more than hundred world-renowned German Leopard tanks.

As it bolsters its military, Indonesia’s weight and importance in the region’s balance of power will only grow, particularly with respect to the U.S. and China. As Washington and Beijing seem set for an era of strategic rivalry across the Asia-Pacific, bringing Jakarta into one or the other’s sphere of influence becomes ever more appealing. For the U.S., greater security and economic cooperation with Indonesia, at the relative expense of China, helps strengthen and coalesce a grouping of states—which includes Japan, the Philippines and India—that is wary of China’s rise and territorial claims. China’s recent claim to the Natuna waters that are part of Indonesia’s Riau Islands could convince some Indonesian policymakers to lean towards Washington and hedge against Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. On the other hand, the seeming inevitability of China’s rise to great-power status, amidst the uncertainty of the viability and extent of America’s Asia “pivot” and security guarantees, constitutes a good case for Indonesia to move closer to Beijing and leverage China’s unprecedented economic force and growing military heft.

However, the most likely strategic disposition, to use former Vice President Mohammad Hatta’s expression from 1948, remains having a “free and active” Indonesian foreign policy. As opposed to relatively passive non-alignment during the Cold War, Indonesia—on the back of rapid economic growth and growing power—is increasingly likely to see itself as entitled to a prominent role in the region and the world in its own right, and in light of its own interests and potential. Jakarta is therefore likely to seek prosperity and cooperation equally with both the U.S. and China, as opposed to creating any form of dependency on one power in the face of the other. Moreover, Indonesia might be uniquely positioned in trying to arrest any escalation in the region or prevent the entrenchment of a paradigm of strategic rivalry that could harm its own interests and development priorities.

This independent streak is likely to take Indonesian foreign policy beyond the Asia-Pacific. As recent engagement with the Middle East shows, Indonesia increasingly sees itself as an important actor in the Muslim World. In late January, the country signed a defense cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia—Jakarta’s first such agreement with an Arab state—which covered military industry cooperation, counter-terrorism and joint training. In 2012, Indonesia also co-sponsored UN General Assembly Resolution 67/19 on the statehood of Palestine, with foreign minister Marty Natalegawa delivering a strong speech in defense of the Palestinians’ choices and policies regarding Israel. This seems to be a natural extension of a more confident Indonesia more willing to articulate its population’s solidarity with Middle Eastern causes.

As for Australia, Indonesia’s economic rise will shift the power dynamic and importance of the bilateral relationship. Indonesian GDP, on the basis of purchasing power parity, overtook Australia’s in 2004 and is today thirty percent bigger, and that gap will only expand as Indonesia outgrows Australia by a ratio of 2 to 1, with the IMF predicting 6 percent growth for Indonesia to the end of this decade compared with around 3 percent for Australia. This will not only enhance Indonesia’s economic primacy over Australia and entrench Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s maxim of “less Geneva and more Jakarta,” it will also shift the balance of power within the relationship. Australia’s dominance and transactional approach to the relationship will have to give way to a more balanced and strategic one, as Canberra comes to terms with the fact that a burgeoning Asian power of more than 250 million people cradles Australia’s northern borders.

Indonesia’s economic rise will therefore pave the way for significant geopolitical change. The country’s economic growth engine is of such vigor relative to the rest of the world—perhaps surpassed only by China amongst the world’s twenty largest economies—that a military and strategic dividend for Jakarta is inevitable. Projected timeframes and Indonesian goals will shift with movements in the domestic and regional landscape, but the fact remains Indonesia will have more clout in the future than it’s ever had before.

The Regional Implications of Indonesia’s Rise | The Diplomat

One day I would love to see the title that Rising power of Indonesian Military

 

[MarveL]

One day I would love to see the title that Rising power of Indonesian Military

thanks, insyallah. we will.