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Turkey, Indonesia Team up in Defense, Enhance Military Ties

18 Agustus 2017


Anka armed drone (photo : gzt)

Collaboration between Turkey and Indonesia in the defense industry and the military is increasing as the two countries are engaged in joint production of tanks, drones, submarines, weapons and radar systems.

High-level diplomatic sources in Ankara told Daily Sabah that Ankara and Jakarta have recently intensified efforts to jointly develop defense industry mechanisms and share military experience.

Medium Tank

In this respect, a prototype for the Turkish-Indonesian tank has already been created and is set to partake in an official military parade in Jakarta in October. The sources did not provide the number of tanks that would be produced, but demand will be a determining factor.


Kaplan MT medium tank (photo : pentapostagma)

Defense industry experts said the tank will weigh around 35 tons, and will have a 700-horsepower engine. There will be two tanks in the first leg of production, one for Turkey and one for Indonesia. The development cost for the medium-weight tank is estimated at $11.5 million. The FNSS, a subsidiary of Nurol Holding, which operates in the industry, eyes the production of 40 tanks, while that number could go up to 200 if Indonesia is satisfied.

The KAPLAN MT tank is expected to make a powerful contribution due to its firepower and large ammunition options as well as its superior agility. A CMI Cockerill 3105 tower, equipped to fire high-pressured 105mm shells, provides the tank's firepower.


Type 214 - 1.800 tonnes AIP submarine (photo : TKMS)

Submarine

One of the striking points in the joint venture is the production of submarines. The senior sources stressed that Indonesia wants to gain know-how and the deal is near completion. Experts said that the Turkish defense industry is producing six submarines in Turkey's Gölcük shipyard under the license of ThyssenKrupp. The first submarine is set to be delivered in 2021.

An Indonesian delegation has already paid a visit to Turkey to inspect the production process. There are only a small number of issues to be resolved before the two sides ink the deal, sources said. The first two submarines will be built in Turkey and the rest are planned to be jointly produced by an Indonesian company, experts said.

The sources said a Turkish delegation, including company representatives, will be in Indonesia next week to discuss the latest details regarding the submarine deal and other projects. An Indonesian delegation will be in Turkey in early September.


N-245 aircraft (photo : AIN)

Drones and Aircraft

Ankara and Jakarta have set their sights high, as the two countries are also engaged in projects to produce Turkish-Indonesian drones. Experts said Indonesia is willing to work on a model like the domestic drone produced in Turkey.

Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) has also recently reached a framework agreement with Indonesia's PT Dirgantara Indonesia aerospace company to design a 50-seat aircraft.

Joint weapons production is not off the table, either. The two sides have not ruled out cooperation in the production of defense industry mechanisms.

While the two countries find various areas of cooperation, radar systems have been a significant example of what a Turkish-Indonesian alliance can achieve. The sources said a radar system produced by Turkish companies is already in use on Indonesia's borders.

The presidents of both countries portray a promising future for Turkish-Indonesian relations. "We agreed to expand our cooperation regarding submarine and drone building, and it will be followed up by teams from both countries," Indonesian President Joko Widodo said during a visit to Ankara in July. The Indonesian president asserted that Indonesia and Turkey are two countries with great potential to improve cooperation.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan also stressed the importance of improving bilateral ties when he was in Indonesia in the summer of 2015. Emphasizing that the two countries are in harmony at different international platforms, Erdoğan said strong political, social and economic ties forged between the two countries would benefit the people of Turkey, Indonesia and the world.

See full article Daily Sabah
 
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Will it still (only) be PAL or will it be another local company partnering with Turkey for submarine making?
 
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Lapan to develop amphibious version of N2019 aircraft
Kamis, 17 Agustus 2017 15:23 WIB - 954 Views

Bandung, West Java (ANTARA News) - The National Space and Aviation Institute (Lapan) said it plans to develop amphibious version of the countrys new aircraft product N219 to enable it to land on small islands.

"We want this aircraft to serve short distance routes between small islands which have no airstrips. The amphibious N2019 aircraft could land on the beach," Lapan Chief Thomas Djamaluddin said here on Wednesday, when watching the aircraft landing safely after a successful flight test at the Husein Sastranegara airport of Bandung.

Thomas said he was proud that the aircraft was assembled by state-owned aircraft maker PT Dirgantara Indonesia with technicians all Indonesians.

"This is assembled by Indonesian engineers unlike N250 aircraft, which is assembled in cooperation with foreign technicians," he said.

Chief Executive of PT Dirgantara Indonesia Budi Santoso said the success in the flight test is "very" important for the company and Indonesias aviation industry as it proves the the capability of the country in designing, testing, certification up to production of aircraft.

"There is no foreign technical assistance . It is the result or a brainware after years of hard work of Indonesian engineers," Budi said.

The N219 aircraft took to the air in a maiden test flight on Wednesday at the air strip of the Husein Sastranegara airport.

The test flight was held after the aircraft was give the Certificate of Airworthiness from the Transport Ministry.

The two turboprop engine aircraft has a capacity of carrying 19 passengers.(*)
Editor: Heru

COPYRIGHT © ANTARA 2017
 
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Indonesia eyes Black Shark torpedoes for Type 209/1400 submarines

Key Points
  • Indonesia is looking to acquire the Black Shark torpedo for its Type 209/1400 submarines from South Korea
  • Move will equip the new submarines with the same capability as regional submarine operators

Indonesia will acquire the Black Shark fibre optic wire-guided heavyweight torpedo for its fleet of three new Type 209/1400 diesel-electric submarines (SSKs), a senior official from the country’s Ministry of Defence has told a local media.

Comments on the possible acquisition were made by Vice Admiral Widodo, General Secretariat at the defence ministry, during a one-day exhibition on 13 August to showcase the products of indigenous defence companies in Jakarta. The exhibition is being done in conjunction with celebrations to mark Indonesia’s 52nd year of independence, which takes place on 17 August.

“There is a possibility that we will have [the Black Shark torpedo] by the end of this year,” said Vice Adm Widodo, as quoted in a news report on the website of Indonesian 24-hour news channel Metro TV. There was, however, no further elaboration on the weapon’s procurement process, or if a contract has materialised. Vice Adm Widodo was previously deputy chief-of-staff at the Indonesian Navy (Tentara Nasional Indonesia- Angkatan Laut, or TNI-AL) from 2015 to 2016.

According to Jane’s Weapons: Naval , the Black Shark torpedo is designed to be ejected from either surface vessels or submarines, in either ‘push out’ or ‘swim out launch’ configurations, and can prosecute any type of surface or underwater targets. The weapon features a standard diameter of 533 mm for NATO heavyweight torpedoes, and is thus compatible with most western-made tubes. The torpedo has a length of about 6 m, but this will vary depending on whether the round is meant for drills or active service.

http://www.janes.com/article/73172/indonesia-eyes-black-shark-torpedoes-for-type-209-1400-submarines
 
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Will it still (only) be PAL or will it be another local company partnering with Turkey for submarine making?
Right now the most likely candidate is pt.pal as it had already built the submarine production facilities.......
 
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Lapan to develop amphibious version of N2019 aircraft
Kamis, 17 Agustus 2017 15:23 WIB - 954 Views

Bandung, West Java (ANTARA News) - The National Space and Aviation Institute (Lapan) said it plans to develop amphibious version of the countrys new aircraft product N219 to enable it to land on small islands.

"We want this aircraft to serve short distance routes between small islands which have no airstrips. The amphibious N2019 aircraft could land on the beach," Lapan Chief Thomas Djamaluddin said here on Wednesday, when watching the aircraft landing safely after a successful flight test at the Husein Sastranegara airport of Bandung.

Thomas said he was proud that the aircraft was assembled by state-owned aircraft maker PT Dirgantara Indonesia with technicians all Indonesians.

"This is assembled by Indonesian engineers unlike N250 aircraft, which is assembled in cooperation with foreign technicians," he said.

Chief Executive of PT Dirgantara Indonesia Budi Santoso said the success in the flight test is "very" important for the company and Indonesias aviation industry as it proves the the capability of the country in designing, testing, certification up to production of aircraft.

"There is no foreign technical assistance . It is the result or a brainware after years of hard work of Indonesian engineers," Budi said.

The N219 aircraft took to the air in a maiden test flight on Wednesday at the air strip of the Husein Sastranegara airport.

The test flight was held after the aircraft was give the Certificate of Airworthiness from the Transport Ministry.

The two turboprop engine aircraft has a capacity of carrying 19 passengers.(*)
Editor: Heru

COPYRIGHT © ANTARA 2017
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Arsip Foto. Kendaraan yang mengangkut prajurit veteran melaju saat Parade Surabaya Juang di Surabaya, Jawa Timur, Minggu (6/11/2016). Parade tersebut digelar dalam rangka menyambut Hari Pahlawan. (ANTARA FOTO/Zabur Karuru)

Paspampres Gunakan Tactical Drone Jammer Gun
Harus diakui bahwa potensi terbesar gangguan dari udara untuk wilayah Ring 1 berasal dari wahana pesawat nirawak alias drone. Menyadari hal tersebut Paspampres (Pasukan Pengamanan Presiden) memang telah mengoperasikan tactical drone jammer gun. Dan di HUT RI Ke-72, setidaknya terlihat seorang anggota Paspampres bersiaga di depan pagar Istana Negara, lengkap dengan senapan anti drone dan baterai serta perangkat komunikasi lain yang disematkan dalam tas ransel.

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Baca juga: Hadapi Gangguan Drone, TNI Gunakan Tactical Drone Jammer Gun

Berkaca ke HUT RI Ke-71 tahun 2016 lalu, Denhanud Paskhas menempatkan baterai kanon CIWS (Close In Weapon System) Oerlikon Skyshield 35 mm di Lapangan Tugu Monas. Baterai Skyshield disiapkan dalam posisi siaga penuh, berikut sistem Skyshield Fire Control Unit yang di dalamnya terdapat unit sensor dan radar. (Haryo Adjie)
 
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military reform: part I
27 Mar 2013|Gary Hogan


One of the routines of 1950s American stand-up comedian Henny Youngman was to have his sidekick ask: ‘So, Henny, how’s your wife?’ Youngman would face the audience, roll his eyes to the roof and fire back: ‘Compared to what?’

Many critics of post-New Order reform of Indonesia’s National Defence Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, or TNI) could take a leaf from Youngman’s book of one-liners. Those who challenge the nature, extent and pace of TNI reform over the past 15 years mostly frame their judgments in absolute terms, unleavened by context or comparisons. The process of reform is viewed as an end in itself rather than a means of achieving the important goal of military professionalism. Those critics would do well to heed Youngman’s question; compared to what?

Some criticism of TNI reform is entirely valid. Serious contemporary scholarship, particularly out of the ANU, has highlighted Indonesia’s vulnerability to a Thai-type reversal, with Indonesia statistically facing the real chance of experiencing a military coup in the next two decades. While recognising the progress made by Indonesia in sector reform across the board, some analysts point to shortcomings that couldjeopardise the consolidation of democracy in the world’s fourth largest nation.

But much of the criticism of TNI reform is selective and one-dimensional, presents only half a picture and is viewed through a Western liberal democratic lens.

One of the laments is that TNI lacks civilian control. This undersells the authority and reforms over the past decade by civilian defence ministers, professors Juwono Sudarsono and Purnomo Yusgiantoro. It ignores the oversight and budgetary approval function of Commission I of the Indonesian National Parliament. It also fails to grasp the important leadership role of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

True, the chiefs of TNI and the national police occupy seats in Cabinet alongside the defence minister, unlike democracies in the West. Although this differs from the Westminster and Jeffersonian systems, it’s consistent with good government, Indonesia-style.

Criticism is also frequently levelled at the Indonesian Army’s territorial system, whereby the majority of the standing army is assigned throughout the archipelago, across 12 geographic Military Area Commands, comprising both conventional army units and largely locally-drawn, territorial units. This is seen by critics as anachronistic and unwanted by the populace, and a vestige of the oppressive Suharto-era system of internal control. But there are several inconvenient truths about this characterisation.

In the far-flung extremities of Indonesia, the army’s presence is the only tangible manifestation of national government. Contrary to the view of many critics, the overwhelming majority of Indonesians don’t support separatism within their borders andmost Indonesians support their armed forces. In an annual opinion poll by Indonesia’s largest circulation national newspaper, Kompas, which solicits popular views on Indonesia’s various government agencies, TNI is regularly rated by Indonesians among the top two most respected and trusted organs of government.

The ability of the central government to mobilise the Army’s territorial system is also critical in time of natural calamity. When earthquake or floods strike, the president’s first ‘000’ call is to the commander of TNI, not his chief of police. Even with the establishment of a relatively new National Disasters Organization, the territorial system provides the skeletal framework onto which disaster response efforts can be grafted. In late 2010, TNI concurrently deployed some 20,000 troops in response to a tsunami off western Sumatra, an explosive volcano in central Java and major floods in the province of West Papua. This is thanks largely to the territorial system.

Much is made of the ‘impunity’ of TNI members, who don’t fall under the jurisdiction of civil law. This is where most critics stop, implying that soldiers are somehow above and beyond any form of justice or legal censure. There’s little recognition of the fact that Indonesian soldiers, like our own, are subject to disciplinary action under a code of military justice which has legal standing within the hierarchy of Indonesia’s national laws.

Those commentators who recognise the military code of justice rarely credit that nowadays charges are laid, offenders convicted and sentences handed down more than ever before. Some critics complain that courts martial are infrequent, inconsistent and lack transparency. Justice is seen as slow in coming and sentences are slammed as lenient. Compared to what?

If the corollary is that the civil legal system is better equipped and able to mete out justice swiftly and incorruptibly to TNI offenders, this isn’t a perception shared by Joe Citizen across Indonesia. Many Indonesians hold their legal system in very low regard. In a 2010 article, New Straits Timescolumnist John McBeth reported that sentences imposed on TNI soldiers convicted of human rights abuses in Papua were harsher than those imposed by a US court martial on all but three of the eleven military police convicted of torture and abuse at Baghdad’s Abu Ghraib prison.

TNI is still in the business of doing business, much of it camouflaged nowadays as ‘cooperatives’ or ‘foundations’ and an indeterminate proportion of TNI businesses operate illegally. And herein lays another (perhaps legitimate) layer of dissatisfaction with the course of TNI reform. It’s often argued that denying TNI such funding sources will increase civil control, on the grounds that whoever holds the purse strings will necessarily call the shots.

That argument is tenuous. To see why, we need to look no further than the experience of our neighbours in Papua New Guinea and East Timor for lessons on how restive troops can become when they are underpaid, underfed and underemployed. Most of Indonesia’s defence budget is spent on salary increases and on replacing obsolete equipment. The operational budgets of military commanders, which cover everything from barracks maintenance to the training and sustainment of forces, are often, at least to some degree, self-funded. Until this is properly addressed, extracting TNI from business enterprises will be difficult. It’s clear that the inter-ministerial body set up in October 2009 to oversee the takeover of TNI enterprises by other government departments has had little impact. TNI Inc. will likely be around for some years yet.

Most critics concede that the lion’s share of military reform achieved since the start of the reform era has been at the initiative of the TNI leadership itself, notably General Wiranto and General Endriartono Sutarto. When reform was thrust upon it, TNI responded by abruptly withdrawing from all forms of active politics and disassociating itself from the former ruling Golkar Party, by abolishing the system of sinecures in provincial government and civil administration for high-ranking officers, surrendering its one-third of seats in the People’s Consultative Assembly and formulating its own philosophical basis to guide future reforms, known as the ‘New Paradigm’.

But in recent years the pace of reform has stalled and some commentators warn of possible backsliding, noting that military reform is reversible. They’re right, of course, but they’re less accurate in sheeting home blame to TNI for this drift. Instead, the administration and the National Parliament must bear the principal responsibility for enacting and enforcing legislation, which has been painfully slow in all public sectors during President Yudhoyono’s second term.

In my next post, I’ll address what yardsticks we might employ to better gauge the extent of TNI reform.

Gary Hogan is a former Professor of Grand Strategy at the US National Defense University. He was the first foreigner to graduate from Indonesia’s Institute of National Governance (Lemhannas) and was Australia’s Defence Attaché to Indonesia 2009 to 2012. Image courtesy of Flickr user #PACOM
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/henny-youngman-and-indonesian-military-reform-part-i/

Actually a very good article

Indonesian military reform: part II
2 Apr 2013|Gary Hogan


In my last post, I argued that critics of Indonesian military (TNI) reform are taking too narrow a view of its progress. For most critics, the primary yardstick for measuring the success of TNI’s reform agenda has been a 2004 law, which laid out a roadmap and a timetable for recasting the military in line with modern liberal democratic norms. This is considered by many the ‘be all and end all’ metric for TNI reform.

All organisms, physical or organisational, continuously evolve. For example, our own defence force is currently engaged in organisational renewal and is undergoing cultural change. Even if TNI reform has inched forward by some standards, the wider process of post-New Order professionalisation has been progressing apace for 15 years. TNI modernisation and professionalism have been advanced with every TNI unit assigned to UN peacekeeping duties, with every officer trained at overseas staff colleges and with every training exercise involving modern armed forces. To discount this, or to view TNI reform exclusively through a blueprint laid down in 2004, demeans the impressive strides made by the Indonesian people and their body politic throughout the Reformasi era. TNI has largely kept pace with political transformation.

All armed forces are, to a greater or lesser degree, reflections of their wider societies. Just as Indonesia has undergone fundamental change, so too has its military establishment. Assessing TNI reform as if trapped in a time capsule, without considering the shaping and influencing effects of wider societal and organisational developments, misses a fundamental factor in the equation.

In broad terms, we might consider three approaches to evaluating the process of internal reform by TNI since the fall of Suharto. The first is a comparison of TNI with other professional armies around the world. The second is a comparison of TNI today with its Suharto-era predecessor, the Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI). A third approach is to benchmark military reform against the reforms achieved by other organs of Indonesia’s democracy, such as political reform, law and justice sector reform and economic reform.

Though by no means perfect, TNI measures up demonstrably well, by any reasonable standards, against the armies of the world’s most advanced democracies, against its New Order incarnation, ABRI, and also relative to other arms of Indonesian government. For example, TNI performed well compared to other Indonesian government organisations in terms of complaints received in 2010 by Indonesia’s National Human Rights Commission.

To be fair, TNI isn’t the only military force in which rogue elements, in isolated cases, abuse the human rights of civilians in the field. And fault lies not just with under-trained and poorly-led armed forces like the atrocious Bulgarian battalion in early 1990s Cambodia. One only has to recall scandals involving Italian and Belgian units in Somalia, along with abuses in the same UN operation which led to the disbanding of Canada’s elite Airborne Regiment.

In more recent times, the random murder and mutilation of Afghan civilians by self-appointed ‘death squads’ of the US 5th Stryker Combat Brigade, along with images of US Marines urinating on Taliban corpses, are stark and offensive reminders that all conflict can potentially bring out the worst in those waging it. There is absolutely no excuse when unaccountable power is employed malevolently against the helpless. But it happens, and overwhelmingly without official sanction. In the case of TNI, the incidence of such acts is becoming rarer.

The interrogation and torture of two suspected Papuan separatists with a knife and burning stick by TNI elements in 2010 was egregious and rightly drew international condemnation, along with an undertaking by the Indonesian President to bring the perpetrators to justice. But compared to the dozens of civilians killed in a Dili cemetery 20 years before, orchestrated by ABRI forces in East Timor, TNI respect for human rights is unarguably trending in the right direction.

This is rarely recognised by some critics of TNI reform, whose comments invariably focus on the milestones ahead, while failing to credit the path already travelled. So, how has TNI reform fared over the last 15 years? Compared to what? Compared to a range of benchmarks—it has done better than many critics maintain.

Gary Hogan is a former Professor of Grand Strategy at the US National Defense University. He was the first foreigner to graduate from Indonesia’s Institute of National Governance (Lemhannas) and was Australia’s Defence Attaché to Indonesia 2009 to 2012. Image by Flickr user Commander, U.S. 7th fleet.


https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/indonesian-military-reform-part-ii/
 
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Salvonya ngeri

19 Agustus 2017

Kapal latih TNI AL KRI Dewa Ruci (all photos : Garda Nasional)

20 Pati TNI AL Bicarakan Masa Depan KRI Dewaruci

Di hari pertama pelayaran KRI Dewaruci menuju detik-detik Proklamasi Kemerdekaan RI ke-72, Panglima Komando Armada RI Kawasan Timur (Pangarmatim) Laksamana Muda TNI Darwanto, S.H., M.A.P., membuka sarasehan atau diskusi interaktif dengan tema, "KRI Dewaruci Menuju 100 Tahun", bertempat di Geladak KRI Dewaruci, Selasa, (15/08/2017).

Mengawali sambutannya, Laksamana berbintang dua tersebut mengucapkan selamat datang kepada perwakilan lichting Akademi Angkatan Laut (AAL) mulai dari Angkatan 10 s.d. 56 dan 60-61 yang hadir disini berkumpul bersama dalam rangka melakanakan upacara bendera 17-an di Laut. Selain itu Pangarmatim pada pertemuan sarasehan yang juga dihadiri oleh 20 Perwira Tinggi TNI AL baik yang aktif maupun purnawirawan serta pem berbincang-bincang membahas masa depan KRI Dewaruci menuju 100 tahun.

Pangarmatim mengungkapkan kenapa kita mempertahanakan KRI Dewaruci hingga 100 tahun kedepan, tentunya kita tidak boleh melupakan sejarah.KRI Dewaruci ini telah melahirkan ratusan Laksamana yang menjadi pemimpin TNI AL bahkan menjadi pemimpin negeri ini seperti Menteri dan Panglima TNI.



Menurut Pangarmatim yang kedua bahwa, KRI Dewaruci telah memberikan kontribusi positif terhadap bangsa Indonesia khususnya saat KRI Dewaruci bertugas keliling dunia dalam misi Diplomasi. Oleh karena itu, kita harus mempertahankan kapal ini dapat di lihat sekarang hadir mantan Komandan, Palaksa dan crew yang pernah melakukan pelayaran dan pelatihan di KRI Dewaruci ini. Sehingga pertemuan yang bersejerarah menjadi satu suara dan sumbangsih pemikiran untuk bahan saran dan masukan kepada pimpinan TNI AL sesuai dengan kebijakan Presiden RI terkait poros maritim dunia.

Dengan adanya kapal latih KRI Dewaruci ini, bisa kita kembangkan kedepan untuk pelatihan-pelatihan generasi muda bahkan calon pemimpin bangsa dapat kita latih disini. "Karena kalau tidak pernah merasakan berada di laut mungkin tidak ada pandangan tentang laut. Laut merupakan tantangan kita masa depan, inti sumber daya alam kita berada di laut", ucapnya.

Menutup sambutannya Laksda TNI Darwanto mengatakan, keberadaan para mantan Komandan Dewaruci dan masyarakat pemerhati dunia kemaritiman diharapkan bersama-sama bersinergi menjaga dan merawat KRI Dewaruci tetap baik sehingga kedepan dapat dimanfaatkan untuk menjadi contoh sejarah bahwa kapal latih ini yang dibuat sejak tahun 1953 mampu menjadi kebanggaan tidak hanya di Indonesia namun di mancanegara.

Selanjutnya dalam suasana santai dan penuh kekeluargaan salah satu pertemuan menarik yaitu dalam pelayaran ini terdapat Laksda TNI (Purn) Warsono H.P yang merupakan komandan KRI Dewaruci di tahun 1982 - 1985 pernah berlayar muhibah ke Osaka Jepang dan Guam dan pada waktu itu, Laksda TNI Darwanto merupakan Taruna yang mengikuti pelayaran ke negara tersebut.

(TNI AL)
 
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JUMLAH PENERBANG MILITER PESAWAT TEMPUR TNI AU MASIH JAUH DARI TARGET
20 AUGUST 2017 DIANEKO_LC 3 COMMENTS


Penerbang militer pesawat tempur TNI AU masih jauh dari target. Sebab sesuai dengan rencana strategis (Renstra) tahun ini TNI AU akan menambah kekuatan lagi pesawat tempur, yaitu 24 pesawat tempur F16. Sehingga dengan penambahan ini nantinya jumlah pesawat tempur F16 akan menjadi 34 pesawat.

Sebab sebelumnya sudah ada 10 pesawat tempur F16. Padahal sekolah penerbang (Sekbang) TNI AU tahun 2017, hanya mampu menambah 13 penerbang pesawat tempur.

“Dari penambahan 13 penerbang pesawat tempur ini jumlah penerbang pesawat tempur jauh dari target,” ujar KSAU Marsekal TNI Hadi Tjahjanto usai melantik penerbang militer Sekbang Terpadu TNI angkatan 91 di lapangan Jupiter, Lanud Adisutjipto, Yogyakarta, Sabtu (19/8/2017).

Hadi mengatakan, sebagai solusi untuk kondisi tersebut, selain akan memaksimalkan penerbang militer yang ada, juga akan menambah kuota Sekbang, terutama jurusan pesawat tempur. Diharapkan dengan langkah tersebut kebutuhan penerbang pesawat tempur akan terpenuhi. Meskipun untuk pemenuhan kebutuhan itu sesuai dengan renstra dilakukan secara bertahap.

“Karena itu, meminta kepada penerbang militer yang baru dilantik segera menyesuaikan diri dengan alutsista yang akan diawakinya nanti,” terangnya.

Mengenai kelanjutan pendidikan Sekbang terpadu yang melibatkan tiga angkatan, AD, AL dan AU, menurut Hadi, untuk tetap akan dilanjutkan. Sebab yang membutuhkan penambahan penerbang militer bukan hanya AU, namun AD dan AL juga sama.

Pasalnya, di ketiga angkatan tersebut, bukan hanya ada penambahan alutsista pesawat, baik tempur, angkut dan heli. Namun, alutsista yang datang juga lebih canggih, yaitu generasi 4.5.

“Sekbang terpadu tetap akan dipertahankan,” paparnya.

Hadi juga berpesan kepada penerbang pesawat militer muda yang baru dilantik tetap harus mempertahankan airmanship, disiplin dan dapat melaksanakan tugas dengan baik. Apalagi uang untuk membeli pesawat yang harganya cukup mahal itu memakai uang rakyat. Sehingga mereka dituntut dapat menerbangkan pesawat dengan aman dan selamat.

“Yang jelas bertambahnya penerbang pesawat militer ini tentunya akan menjadi kekuatan TNI,” tandasnya.

Sekbang Terpadu angkatan 91, menghasilkan 46 penerbang militer muda. Terdiri dari penerbang militer TNI AU sebanyak 35 orang (14 penerbang militer pesawat angkut, 13 pesawat tempur dan 8 heli), AD 8 orang dan AL 3 orang.

“35 penerbang militer TNI AU akan disebar ke skudron di Indonesia, untuk penerbang militer AD dan AL akan memperkuat kesatuan masing-masing, yaitu di Puspernebad dan Puspenerbal,” tambah Kapentak Lanud Adisutjipto Mayor Sus Giyanto.

Photo : F-16 Fighting Falcon At Bagram Air Base, Afghanistan. (Defense One)

Sumber : Sindonews

Indonesia still lack in number of fighter pilot
 
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