LOL....knew it.
............well suspected it. Hard to keep track of you. 
covert indeed. ...... cant keep a good man down.Indian Political Corner | General Election 2014, All Updates & Discussions.
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LOL....knew it.
............well suspected it. Hard to keep track of you. covert indeed. ...... cant keep a good man down.
LOL....knew it.
Gives you a handle with Pakistanis.... and then puncture their pretensions with a veil of legitimacy ... shakes their confidence in the brotherhood of Ummah.
GURU DUTT
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ranjeet
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bhai tu aur main ek jaisa kaise soch lete hain
Kaam dev ke pujari hai bhai hum to !!!!
BJP : what about inflation in the country?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue !!
BJP : What about declining growth?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about the falling rupee vis a vis dollar?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about CWG corruption?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about Coal Gate?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about riots in which scores of sikhs were killed?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Adarsh ghotala?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Bofors ghotala?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Vadra land deals?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
And thats how folks Congress plan to win this election!
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue !!
BJP : What about declining growth?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about the falling rupee vis a vis dollar?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about CWG corruption?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about Coal Gate?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about riots in which scores of sikhs were killed?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Adarsh ghotala?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Bofors ghotala?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Vadra land deals?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
And thats how folks Congress plan to win this election!
GURU DUTT
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BJP : what about inflation in the country?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue !!
BJP : What about declining growth?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about the falling rupee vis a vis dollar?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about CWG corruption?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about Coal Gate?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : what about riots in which scores of sikhs were killed?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Adarsh ghotala?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Bofors ghotala?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
BJP : What about Vadra land deals?
Congress: Godhra riots is the issue
And thats how folks Congress plan to win this election!
well the truth lies here
http://www.defence.pk/forums/members-club/280439-why-aap-congress-hate-bjp-modi.html
![[Bregs]](/data/avatars/m/148/148509.jpg?1491816884){kind=avatar}
[Bregs]
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[MENTION=148509][Bregs][/MENTION] - with all due respect - Your posts are almost like what Sandeep would call 'not technically dirt but a se*** stain'. I would not go that far with my assessment. Your thinking, your right.
You hate Modi/love Modi/kiss Modi - I don't care but don't let your obsession and paranoia label other members as BJP/Fenku fans etc. Repeated name calling is pathetic. If you think you need to reply in harsh words let our dear Mods do that. The report button is also available to you.
But please avoid calling elected CM fenku or stuff like that. Kinda shows India in bad light. Unless that's exactly what youWANT to do
In any case - for the record, my state has no BJP presence (except in Jammu) and I have never voted for BJP either...so next time you throw such labels at me - you know what I will do
i do not have any deliberate reason to call modi with names but advice to modi fans that when they abuse PM is abused then too its not good for India at international
clapping is with both hands bro i joined PDF a month back and found all sort of modi worshiping and abuses to other parties and personal abuses too
i am trying to fix the gap
[Bregs]
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Karan Thapar September 29, 2013
The persistent ringing of the telephone sounded familiar. It was Pertie after months of silence. "What do you make of the Gen VK Singh controversy?"
His casual question made me think carefully about all I've heard and read. One can absorb details without necessarily asking what they add up to. Pertie made me do that.
My conclusion is you have to answer five key questions to appreciate what you've been told and understand its significance. Let's take them one by one.
First: is the report of an inquiry by a Board of Officers set up by the Army Chief and headed by the Director General of Military Operations, Lt Gen Vinod Bhatia, credible and factually accurate or manipulated and motivated?
To put it differently, is there a possibility Gen Bikram Singh designed this inquiry to deliberately target his predecessor because he believes Gen VK Singh attempted to thwart his appointment as Army Chief?
Few serving or retired officers would doubt the report's credibility. The fact that it carries the imprimatur of the DGMO guarantees that. Otherwise one would have to conclude there is a conspiracy at the very top of the army, involving the Chief and the DGMO, to malign and defame Gen VK Singh.
That has to be an unlikely conclusion.
Prima facie, Gen VK Singh's startling admissions - considered by one former Chief "preposterous and foolish" - seem to confirm the facts in the DGMO's report leaving only the interpretation to be questioned.
The second question concerns the government's silence. Six months have lapsed since the report was handed to the Defence Secretary. Does the government's inaction suggest it doesn't take the report seriously or could it be the case that this is a sensitive issue, affecting both the institution of the Army Chief's office and the Army's good name, and the government decided it might be better not to take the matter further?
Given that Gen VK Singh has retired and the Technical Support Division disbanded could you not conclude discretion was the better part of valour?
The third question concerns the leak: is it a coincidence it happened days after Gen VK Singh appeared on a platform alongside Narendra Modi or is it an attempt to undermine him because some people think he's about to join the BJP?
The timing, I have to admit, smells. But, then, leaks are always motivated. That's why they happen.
This leads to a fourth and, perhaps, more difficult question. What's more important: suspicion about the timing of the leak or concern about the content of the report authored by the DGMO and, presumably, vetted by the Army Chief?
Gen VK Singh's supporters have focused on the timing. His critics on the content. That, of course, was expected. But which of the two matters more?
I would say the content for one simple reason. The report carries the official stamp of the DGMO. It's the outcome of an inquiry done by a Board of Officers and not a single individual.
It was formally presented to the Defence Minister by the Army Chief. It, therefore, has the sanction of the Indian Army.
Finally, has this embarrassed the Army? Of course it has. Has it damaged the Army Chief's office? Unfortunately, yes. Why else have eight former Chiefs - comprising all Gen Singh's living predecessors - issued a statement refuting his claims?
It's been a bad week for Gen VK Singh. It hasn't been a good week for the Indian Army either.
Views expressed by the author are personal
No good for VK Singh or for the Army - Hindustan Times
The persistent ringing of the telephone sounded familiar. It was Pertie after months of silence. "What do you make of the Gen VK Singh controversy?"
His casual question made me think carefully about all I've heard and read. One can absorb details without necessarily asking what they add up to. Pertie made me do that.
My conclusion is you have to answer five key questions to appreciate what you've been told and understand its significance. Let's take them one by one.
First: is the report of an inquiry by a Board of Officers set up by the Army Chief and headed by the Director General of Military Operations, Lt Gen Vinod Bhatia, credible and factually accurate or manipulated and motivated?
To put it differently, is there a possibility Gen Bikram Singh designed this inquiry to deliberately target his predecessor because he believes Gen VK Singh attempted to thwart his appointment as Army Chief?
Few serving or retired officers would doubt the report's credibility. The fact that it carries the imprimatur of the DGMO guarantees that. Otherwise one would have to conclude there is a conspiracy at the very top of the army, involving the Chief and the DGMO, to malign and defame Gen VK Singh.
That has to be an unlikely conclusion.
Prima facie, Gen VK Singh's startling admissions - considered by one former Chief "preposterous and foolish" - seem to confirm the facts in the DGMO's report leaving only the interpretation to be questioned.
The second question concerns the government's silence. Six months have lapsed since the report was handed to the Defence Secretary. Does the government's inaction suggest it doesn't take the report seriously or could it be the case that this is a sensitive issue, affecting both the institution of the Army Chief's office and the Army's good name, and the government decided it might be better not to take the matter further?
Given that Gen VK Singh has retired and the Technical Support Division disbanded could you not conclude discretion was the better part of valour?
The third question concerns the leak: is it a coincidence it happened days after Gen VK Singh appeared on a platform alongside Narendra Modi or is it an attempt to undermine him because some people think he's about to join the BJP?
The timing, I have to admit, smells. But, then, leaks are always motivated. That's why they happen.
This leads to a fourth and, perhaps, more difficult question. What's more important: suspicion about the timing of the leak or concern about the content of the report authored by the DGMO and, presumably, vetted by the Army Chief?
Gen VK Singh's supporters have focused on the timing. His critics on the content. That, of course, was expected. But which of the two matters more?
I would say the content for one simple reason. The report carries the official stamp of the DGMO. It's the outcome of an inquiry done by a Board of Officers and not a single individual.
It was formally presented to the Defence Minister by the Army Chief. It, therefore, has the sanction of the Indian Army.
Finally, has this embarrassed the Army? Of course it has. Has it damaged the Army Chief's office? Unfortunately, yes. Why else have eight former Chiefs - comprising all Gen Singh's living predecessors - issued a statement refuting his claims?
It's been a bad week for Gen VK Singh. It hasn't been a good week for the Indian Army either.
Views expressed by the author are personal
No good for VK Singh or for the Army - Hindustan Times
Sugarcane
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And that's enough to refute the claims
[Bregs]
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Pappu Nirala wears a new look, appears more energetic and is brimming with hope. The half sleeve kurta (mens upper garment) is his new fashion statement. After all, this is the top Narendra Modi wears. A few months ago, thirty-year-old Nirala was thinking of quitting the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and leading an apolitical life. Now he is once again fully behind the party, which he believes will win 300 of 545 seats in the next parliamentary elections.
The anointment of hardline Hindutva (literally: Hinduness) leader and Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi as the face of the right-wing party has brought a new sense of optimism to the organization, which had been in a state of drift after losing two consecutive general elections since 2004.
Its the best thing to happen to the BJP and we will scale new heights under the leadership of Modi, Nirala tells The Diplomat. Recently appointed an office bearer of the Delhi wing of the BJP, he is not alone. BJP cadres in the office and beyond have never been as enthusiastic as they are now.
If the admiration for the new leader knows no bounds, there is a growing antipathy towards party veteran Lal Krishna Advani, who is popularly believed to oppose the ascension of Modi.
Advani has done a great disservice to the party. He is playing into the hands of the rival parties, Santosh, a young BJP cadre who does not take opposition to Modi well, tells The Diplomat. Time has come for him to retire and rest. He is a liability for the BJP.
There is irony in the present situation: Advani, the architect of the modern day BJP and Modis long-time mentor, is becoming increasingly irrelevant. Although the partys leadership tries to appear deferential, they are not willing to listen to him. Modi has upstaged Advani, rendering the latter effectively persona non grata in the organization.
Who is Modi? Why is he so popular among the BJP? What does he mean for the party and the nation? Why does liberal and secular India see him as a danger to the very idea of the nation?
Modi was infamously embroiled in the communal strife that broke out in the state of Gujarat between Hindus and Muslims in 2002. His administration is popularly held responsible for playing a partisan game that led to the killing of more than 1,000 minority Muslims. The Supreme Court appointed a commission that did not hold him directly responsible. However, several court cases are pending against his ministers and party cadres.
One of his senior ministerial colleagues was found guilty and sent to jail for life. Several human rights reports directly hold Modi responsible for what they call the Gujarat pogrom. Until last year the European Union denied him a travel visa, while the U.S. only came around earlier this year.
For the incident in 2002 the Gujarat CM never apologized or tried to correct course. On the contrary, he used the polarization as a ladder to consolidate the Hindu vote in subsequent elections.
During a recently televised debate, senior political journalist and a BJP observer Neena Vyas argued that Modi represents a hardcore Hindutva leader and that is why he is the favorite of the Hindutva constituency. His prominence in the BJP means marginalization of moderates and a clear consolidation of the right wing agendas under the direct supervision of the RSS.
The RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or National Volunteer Organization) is the parent body and ideological fountainhead of all Hindu right-wing organizations around the country. It has a clear agenda to establish a majoritarian society where minorities would be subservient to the Hindutva. Before coming to the BJP, the Gujarat CM was a member of the RSS. This suggests his parent organization played a proactive role in persuading the BJP leadership to front Modis name as the partys prime ministerial candidate.
Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, who wrote a biography on Modi recently, tells The Diplomat, For Gujarats Chief Minister it's a significant development. He is by far the most charismatic leader and the best bet for the party. He has the capacity to attract not only the partys support, but also the support from outside and attract new voters.
Mukhopadhyay adds, He has the potential to reverse the fate of the right-wing group which has been in decline since 2004. For his pro-liberalization image he is also the favorite of the corporate world.
Modis image as a hardcore Hindutva leader who does not compromise on ideology makes him a favorite of the RSS. In a recent article for the Indian Express, Christophe Jaffrelot writes, In 2004, the RSS attributed the BJP's electoral defeat to the dilution of its ideology and Advani, as party president, was openly criticised by RSS chief K. Sudarshan.
Jaffrelot also writes that the BJP became an acceptable party to other allies only when it agreed to shed its core Hindutva ideology. This dilution in the agenda paved the way for the first BJP government in the late-1990s under the grand coalition, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
An expert on right-wing Hindu nationalism, Jaffrelot thinks that the rise of Modi in the BJP limits the growth of the party. Further, he thinks it is uncertain that the BJP will win the elections on its own at a time when coalitions are necessary.
He writes, But a Modi-led BJP which has recently lost its only state in the south will remain far from an absolute majority, even with the backing of the urban dwellers. By the way, the limitations of Imran Khan in Pakistan show that urban voters are not yet in a position to decide the fate of governments in South Asia.If the BJP is to govern again, it will be in a coalition, as Advani keeps telling and Modi is not a coalition man.
A similar sentiment is echoed by Sudhir Kulkarni, a former BJP leader and an advisor to the former Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and his deputy, Advani. He publicly opposed the elevation of Modi and dissociated himself from the party. In a recent article, Kulkarni warns of the consequences of the RSSs growing grip on the party. He writes, The BJP's progress has been slow, halting and even riddled with reversals. This is because the unlearning pertains to the socially restrictive Hindutva ideology of the RSS.
He continues, Given the people's strong mood for change at present the BJP has a good chance. For this to happen, however, it has to stop being the political wing of the RSS. It has to learn many more earnest lessons in the classroom of secularism.
Modi has been trying to change his image in recent years. He has been projecting himself as a messiah of economic development and tries to showcase his state of Gujarat as the model of growth. He has also been trying to reach out to the Muslim minority by organizing rallies and seminars.
However, his image as a hardcore right-wing Hindu leader remains anathema to the idea of liberal and secular India. Further, Muslims fear the worst under his leadership and see him as a threat to their community. Unsurprisingly, some of the nations most progressive writers and thinkers have come out very strongly against his anointment.
One India News notes that popular litterateur, U R Ananthamurthy has said that he will leave India if Narendra Modi becomes its prime minister. The report goes on to quote Ananthamurthy, who said, Modi can neither reflect the ancient India nor can he build a model India. I will have no belongingness to India represented by Modi. I, in fact will not like to live in India during that period.
A similar opinion has been expressed by English writer Amitabh Ghosh, who feels that the politics of Hindu nationalism is destroying Hindu religion. For someone with that past to occupy the highest position in this land would be, I think, deeply destabilizing.
India, therefore, stands divided over the name of Modi.
The recent religious riots in Muzaffarnagar in the western part of the state of Uttar Pradesh have been attributed to this political polarization. In its fact-finding report published Tuesday, the Delhi-based think tank, Centre for Policy Analysis (CPA), notes that the Bharatiya Janata Party has been actively involved in the violence and could emerge when the embers die down as the major gainer.
The majority of the victims in this unprecedented violence have been minority Muslims. Several local BJP leaders have been arrested for perpetuating riots in an area that has never seen this kind of communal strife in the past.
Despite these negative reports, Nirala and other BJP supporters like him are hopeful for the BJP in 2014. The party became a national force in the 1990s, when the Ayodhya movement was launched and called for the building of a Hindu temple at the site of the 16th century Babri Mosque. It sees in Modi a new opportunity to reclaim old ground.
Liberal and secular India would despair at that outcome.
Source: Modi: Hope for the BJP, Despair for Secular India | The Pulse | The Diplomat
The anointment of hardline Hindutva (literally: Hinduness) leader and Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi as the face of the right-wing party has brought a new sense of optimism to the organization, which had been in a state of drift after losing two consecutive general elections since 2004.
Its the best thing to happen to the BJP and we will scale new heights under the leadership of Modi, Nirala tells The Diplomat. Recently appointed an office bearer of the Delhi wing of the BJP, he is not alone. BJP cadres in the office and beyond have never been as enthusiastic as they are now.
If the admiration for the new leader knows no bounds, there is a growing antipathy towards party veteran Lal Krishna Advani, who is popularly believed to oppose the ascension of Modi.
Advani has done a great disservice to the party. He is playing into the hands of the rival parties, Santosh, a young BJP cadre who does not take opposition to Modi well, tells The Diplomat. Time has come for him to retire and rest. He is a liability for the BJP.
There is irony in the present situation: Advani, the architect of the modern day BJP and Modis long-time mentor, is becoming increasingly irrelevant. Although the partys leadership tries to appear deferential, they are not willing to listen to him. Modi has upstaged Advani, rendering the latter effectively persona non grata in the organization.
Who is Modi? Why is he so popular among the BJP? What does he mean for the party and the nation? Why does liberal and secular India see him as a danger to the very idea of the nation?
Modi was infamously embroiled in the communal strife that broke out in the state of Gujarat between Hindus and Muslims in 2002. His administration is popularly held responsible for playing a partisan game that led to the killing of more than 1,000 minority Muslims. The Supreme Court appointed a commission that did not hold him directly responsible. However, several court cases are pending against his ministers and party cadres.
One of his senior ministerial colleagues was found guilty and sent to jail for life. Several human rights reports directly hold Modi responsible for what they call the Gujarat pogrom. Until last year the European Union denied him a travel visa, while the U.S. only came around earlier this year.
For the incident in 2002 the Gujarat CM never apologized or tried to correct course. On the contrary, he used the polarization as a ladder to consolidate the Hindu vote in subsequent elections.
During a recently televised debate, senior political journalist and a BJP observer Neena Vyas argued that Modi represents a hardcore Hindutva leader and that is why he is the favorite of the Hindutva constituency. His prominence in the BJP means marginalization of moderates and a clear consolidation of the right wing agendas under the direct supervision of the RSS.
The RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or National Volunteer Organization) is the parent body and ideological fountainhead of all Hindu right-wing organizations around the country. It has a clear agenda to establish a majoritarian society where minorities would be subservient to the Hindutva. Before coming to the BJP, the Gujarat CM was a member of the RSS. This suggests his parent organization played a proactive role in persuading the BJP leadership to front Modis name as the partys prime ministerial candidate.
Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, who wrote a biography on Modi recently, tells The Diplomat, For Gujarats Chief Minister it's a significant development. He is by far the most charismatic leader and the best bet for the party. He has the capacity to attract not only the partys support, but also the support from outside and attract new voters.
Mukhopadhyay adds, He has the potential to reverse the fate of the right-wing group which has been in decline since 2004. For his pro-liberalization image he is also the favorite of the corporate world.
Modis image as a hardcore Hindutva leader who does not compromise on ideology makes him a favorite of the RSS. In a recent article for the Indian Express, Christophe Jaffrelot writes, In 2004, the RSS attributed the BJP's electoral defeat to the dilution of its ideology and Advani, as party president, was openly criticised by RSS chief K. Sudarshan.
Jaffrelot also writes that the BJP became an acceptable party to other allies only when it agreed to shed its core Hindutva ideology. This dilution in the agenda paved the way for the first BJP government in the late-1990s under the grand coalition, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
An expert on right-wing Hindu nationalism, Jaffrelot thinks that the rise of Modi in the BJP limits the growth of the party. Further, he thinks it is uncertain that the BJP will win the elections on its own at a time when coalitions are necessary.
He writes, But a Modi-led BJP which has recently lost its only state in the south will remain far from an absolute majority, even with the backing of the urban dwellers. By the way, the limitations of Imran Khan in Pakistan show that urban voters are not yet in a position to decide the fate of governments in South Asia.If the BJP is to govern again, it will be in a coalition, as Advani keeps telling and Modi is not a coalition man.
A similar sentiment is echoed by Sudhir Kulkarni, a former BJP leader and an advisor to the former Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and his deputy, Advani. He publicly opposed the elevation of Modi and dissociated himself from the party. In a recent article, Kulkarni warns of the consequences of the RSSs growing grip on the party. He writes, The BJP's progress has been slow, halting and even riddled with reversals. This is because the unlearning pertains to the socially restrictive Hindutva ideology of the RSS.
He continues, Given the people's strong mood for change at present the BJP has a good chance. For this to happen, however, it has to stop being the political wing of the RSS. It has to learn many more earnest lessons in the classroom of secularism.
Modi has been trying to change his image in recent years. He has been projecting himself as a messiah of economic development and tries to showcase his state of Gujarat as the model of growth. He has also been trying to reach out to the Muslim minority by organizing rallies and seminars.
However, his image as a hardcore right-wing Hindu leader remains anathema to the idea of liberal and secular India. Further, Muslims fear the worst under his leadership and see him as a threat to their community. Unsurprisingly, some of the nations most progressive writers and thinkers have come out very strongly against his anointment.
One India News notes that popular litterateur, U R Ananthamurthy has said that he will leave India if Narendra Modi becomes its prime minister. The report goes on to quote Ananthamurthy, who said, Modi can neither reflect the ancient India nor can he build a model India. I will have no belongingness to India represented by Modi. I, in fact will not like to live in India during that period.
A similar opinion has been expressed by English writer Amitabh Ghosh, who feels that the politics of Hindu nationalism is destroying Hindu religion. For someone with that past to occupy the highest position in this land would be, I think, deeply destabilizing.
India, therefore, stands divided over the name of Modi.
The recent religious riots in Muzaffarnagar in the western part of the state of Uttar Pradesh have been attributed to this political polarization. In its fact-finding report published Tuesday, the Delhi-based think tank, Centre for Policy Analysis (CPA), notes that the Bharatiya Janata Party has been actively involved in the violence and could emerge when the embers die down as the major gainer.
The majority of the victims in this unprecedented violence have been minority Muslims. Several local BJP leaders have been arrested for perpetuating riots in an area that has never seen this kind of communal strife in the past.
Despite these negative reports, Nirala and other BJP supporters like him are hopeful for the BJP in 2014. The party became a national force in the 1990s, when the Ayodhya movement was launched and called for the building of a Hindu temple at the site of the 16th century Babri Mosque. It sees in Modi a new opportunity to reclaim old ground.
Liberal and secular India would despair at that outcome.
Source: Modi: Hope for the BJP, Despair for Secular India | The Pulse | The Diplomat
