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Let him become our PM, then same people will say: Welcome NAMO. :devil::big_boss:

How does it matter if US say welcome or not ? It should matter only if you are an US citizen. 
This public humiliation of PM candidate is ridiculous and avoidable

This is public humiliation of Americans and Republican party members. How is this any relevant to Indian PM candidate ?
 
Heard in a news that in delhi rally PAPPU start talking and people started leaving :p: some one said just listen to what mr gandhi has to say ... Is it true ?
 
Heard in a news that in delhi rally PAPPU start talking and people started leaving :p: some one said just listen to what mr gandhi has to say ... Is it true ?
Owl Baba Rally @ Flop show. :haha:


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Congress thinks, 'Bharat Ratna' is their personal property just like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.....they actually think, India is their personal property....
 
Rahul Gandhi Delhi rally: People leave venue, Rahul winds up speech in 6 minutes

Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi today had to finish his election speech inb six minutes as listeners began leaving the venue as soon as he started speaking.




Rahul's rally was held near Virat Cinema ground in Dakshinpuri, Ambedkar Nagar, a Dalit constituency of Delhi.

In his speech Rahul Gandhi praised the work done by Sheila Dikshit government in the last 15 years and specifically mentioned infrastructural developments that have taken place under Congress rule.

He said, the whole infrastructure in Delhi was transformed. 130 new flyovers have been built apart from Delhi Metro.

,Rahul Gandhi said, Right to information was introduced by UPA and has given power to the people.

Comparing UPA with NDA, he said "UPA has built 3 times more roads in comparison with NDA rule"’. "BJP only talks while Congress believes in action’’, he added.

Rahul Gandhi Delhi rally: People leave venue, Rahul winds up speech in 6 minutes

Pappu is doing more damage to Congress's poll prospects than any of their opponents. Time for Congress to send him on a gardening leave....:omghaha:
 
Heard in a news that in delhi rally PAPPU start talking and people started leaving :p: some one said just listen to what mr gandhi has to say ... Is it true ?

Some one who pleaded is non other then Sheila Dikshit ...

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NDTV is reporting Rahuls rally has just 20% seat occupied ... But Modijis had a Housefull even after audience had to pay 10 rs for entry to listen him...


There is News that Rahul is paying 100-200 Rs for people to attend his rally ...
 
Some one who pleaded is non other then Sheila Dikshit ...

1461007_10200774948967963_1238467658_n.jpg


NDTV is reporting Rahuls rally has just 20% seat occupied ... But Modijis had a Housefull even after audience had to pay 10 rs for entry to listen him...


There is News that Rahul is paying 100-200 Rs for people to attend his rally ...

Just listening to Modi's speech in Bangalore rally. 3,50,000 people paid a tenner each, raising a massive amount of 35 lac rupees towards the construction of statue of unity. You can imagine the strength of Modi's crowd.

On one hand you have people paying to hear Modi... & on the other hand people refusing Rahul's rupees to hear him! wow... what a contrasting situation!
 
Why spooking the voter cannot be his opponents' only strategy
The first person to call me that September morning in 2002 was a friend who had been present at a political (NDA) dinner the previous night and said I was under attack there from many BJP ministers. Apparently, the only ones to rise to my defence instinctively were Sushma Swaraj and Arun Shourie, also members of the Vajpayee cabinet. The first, my friend since 1977 and a distinguished senior on the Panjab University campus but an exact contemporary professionally: she won her first election to the Haryana assembly and became a junior minister almost the same month that I joined this paper as a cub reporter in the same city, Chandigarh. The second, much more than just a friend, philosopher and guide, a teacher through life and to whom I owe, among many good turns, the most wonderful of them all, my tour of duty in the Northeast between 1981-83 for this paper. The conversation at that dinner was about something I was supposed to have said in a speech in Pakistan. And it wasn't nice. L.K. Advani had complained, in particular, that I had boasted that I, and this newspaper, would "sort out" Narendra Modi, so nobody need worry about him. Also, that George Fernandes (then defence minister) had brought it up in the cabinet earlier that week, even passing around some printouts that showed I had described him in Pakistan as a "buddhu rakshas (stupid monster)". The speech was delivered in the course of a series of public events in Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi to mark the launching of the Daily Times, edited by Najam and Jugnu Sethi, among the bravest and most liberal journalists you'd find anywhere, and owned by Salman Taseer (later assassinated by religious thugs). I was only the third and the least significant or eminent of the three speakers invited from India, N. Ram of The Hindu and Arundhati Roy being the other two.

Since Advani is one of our most accessible leaders ever, I called him to check what had caused this. He said, besides whatever else I may have said, two things stood out as objectionable in particular. One, "George was really upset" with my description of him, and that I had boasted I, this newspaper and the Indian media would fix Modi. And then Advani said he wouldn't have been so disappointed if Arundhati or Ram had said such things. "Kintu Shekharji, aap se aisi apeksha nahin thhi... (But we didn't expect this from you)". It was all very polite and dignified and he added that I should also call George.

Which I did at once, and asked George that "buddhu" was alright, but would anybody in Pakistan ever understand the meaning of "rakshas", so why would I describe him as such? He said I had a point, but this is what he had read in an article posted on Rediff.com by Varsha Bhosle (Asha Bhosle's right-wing daughter who died, sadly, in October 2012, allegedly having committed suicide).

Here are the facts of that story. The first offence, the insult to George Fernandes, was all fiction. Somebody in the audience had asked Ram what he thought of his defence minister's idea of a "limited war" with Pakistan. Remember, this was mid-August 2002 and, following the Parliament attack, our forces were massed on the border with live ammunition under Op Parakram. Ram said it was a "stupid" and "monstrous" idea. There is no way he would have used buddhu or rakshas, given that his Hindi is no better than my Tamil. He never used that description for George, and certainly I hadn't even spoken on this. But the second charge, I stood "guilty" of. At least prima facie. And this was also in response to an audience question.

"You keep praising India's democracy all the time," asked this concerned woman, "but what will happen to your democracy if Modi comes to power? Shouldn't we Pakistanis and your Muslims worry?"

"Don't worry about our democracy and Modi, ma'am," I said. "We have institutions to deal with Modi if he threatens our democracy and its values of liberal secularism... we have the judiciary, Parliament, Election Commission, and also us, the free media. You can trust India's institutions to deal with any such challenges now," I said. And then added, in some exasperation, as that question was being asked often on that visit (just months after the Gujarat riots), "You don't worry about Modi. Please leave him to us Indians and our institutions."

That is all there was to that "offensive" statement, and I am quite happy to repeat it even today. Except, I now have to address campaigners of the Congress party who are building their entire 2014 election campaign on a Modi paranoia. That he will come to power and ruin our democracy, break up our country and sully every liberal value the founding fathers built this republic on. It is not for me to take a call on who the people of India should choose to lead them next year. But the fact is, whoever it is will have to work within the parameters of the Constitution and uphold its core values, whether he likes them or not. Because a democracy is neither made nor destroyed by individuals. It is built around institutions that sustain and nurture it, and protect it in case of an assault by any monsters, whether buddhu or wise. Tested by dictatorial individuals and forces, as India was during Indira Gandhi's Emergency, these institutions emerged even stronger, thereby making our democracy even more unassailable. Howsoever formidable Modi may be, he cannot be like the Indira Gandhi of 1975 with a brute majority. And she also failed.

It is because the voters know this well that the Congress party's current, single-point campaign, built on the Gabbar-isation of Modi, is not working. After ruling India for 10 years uninterrupted, you cannot merely scare India into voting for you. Those that fear Modi, notably the Muslims, will vote to defeat him anyway. They do not need a reminder, and Modi is unlikely to be able to calm them unless he finds a way of seeking some sort of closure to 2002, which until now he has shown no inclination to do. But the Congress cannot win a third term just by scaring us all of Modi. Because 2014 is a far cry from 1984. And because we are not scared of Modi, even those who won't vote for him. And surely, we will deal with him, or anybody else, from any party, Congress, BJP, Third Front, who threatens to become a monster. To win power in 2014, you need a much wider, affirmative agenda.



I had taken a few months off on a sabbatical between 1993 and '94 to write a monograph for the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (Adelphi Paper 293, 'India Redefines its Role', OUP, January 1995). This is when the BJP was a rising power post-Ayodhya. I had analysed this in detail and recklessly stuck my neck out to say that while the BJP would come to power, you need have no larger worries as India would make the party change a lot more when it's in power than it would be able to change India. Second, that the BJP was riding a peculiar surge, whereby it looked as if India's large majority of Hindus had acquired a minority complex. Vajpayee flattered me by referring to this argument from the monograph (with due credit and citation) in his brilliant defence of the NDA (although that first government fell in 13 days) and held forth in some detail on why the majority had acquired this minority complex. He talked about how it was important now to challenge this division of the Indian mind between majority and minorities. In his prime ministership, he genuinely wanted to deliver on this promise. But Gujarat 2002 blotted his report card. And he never forgave Modi. Or even himself, for his inability to ensure adherence to rajdharma after talking about it in Ahmedabad.

I would repeat both these points once again now. The more the anti-Modi forces work towards polarisation, the more they bring back the majority's minority complex. It helps their adversary rather than harming him. At the same time, if at all he were to be voted to power next year, India and its institutions would change Modi (and even his BJP) rather than him being able to change India. That's why fear can't be the key to the voters' mind in 2014. It will be a positive, considered choice from the options on offer.


National Interest: Or else, Modi - Indian Express
 
“Walk up the stairs to the balcony, making as little noise possible,” a volunteer cautioned, repeating the warning for latecomers to the controlled harmony of a literary discussion. We are at the Experimental Theatre of the NCPA, where writers Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, Pavan Verma and Tavleen Singh are engaged in a discussion moderated by Ankita Mukerji.


As we tip-toe past sound engineers, volunteers staring wearily at the ceiling and a line of people looking impassively at their phones and animatedly at the panel in turns, there’s a sudden roar of voices. “Has the panel been thrown open to the audience, is it already over,” I wonder. That’s when author Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay’s voice swims over others, saying emphatically, “But he has indeed demonised history.”

Who is ‘he’ here? No prizes for guessing, it’s Narendra Modi. No wonder then that this session of the Tata Literature Festival sounds less like a literary discussion and more a TV news debate.

At a session titled, ‘The Making of Modi: Myth or Magic’, the panelists brought alive a spirited discussion on the appropriateness of the Gujarat chief minister as a national leader. Somewhat mirroring the polarisation that debates on Modi always throw up, the audience – not more than 100 people – was sharply divided.

The panel too was somewhat slanted, with Verma and Mukhopadhyay being strong critics of Modi, and Singh a spirited supporter. The audience couldn’t help but occasionally break into the discussion to voice either approval or disapproval of what was being discussed on stage.

Singh tried to emphasise how the Gujarat CM has been ‘demonised’ by the mainstream media, and Mukhopadhyay retorted by pointing out that Modi, especially in his recent slew of speeches has said and done things that amount to ‘demonising history’. Possibly referring to the several gaffes in historical facts that Modi has made of late and his blatant attempt to declare Vallabhbhai Patel as a leader wronged by the Congress, Mukhopadhyay added that the contention that Modi has moved on from the 2002 riots doesn’t hold water, for several reasons.

Mukhopadhyay referred to Modi’s recent speeches, and deftly pointed out that Modi’s rhetoric still reeks of a blatant disapproval for Muslims. A point raised by others in the past, he said, while launching acerbic attacks on the Congress and its mismanagement of the country, Modi refers to the Gandhi family as ‘sultanate’, and Rahul Gandhi as the ‘shehzada’, thereby immediately aligning what he thinks is wrong and hate-worthy with aspects of Muslim cultural history. Verma asked, “He could have said Yuvraj, or Rajkumar, there are several words that don’t directly refer to the Muslim cultural history to describe dynasty, but he didn’t.”

He added that what Modi has been gunning for, a more balanced Centre-State relationship, where the state governments – both Congress and non-Congress – have an equal say in polic- making, is a demand that has existed for a very long time. Modi’s demands are nothing new in that regard. “Let me be very honest, a 5 year-old-child can stand up and give a speech on the Congress’ failures. That’s no great achievement,” pointed out Verma to a round of applause. And voicing an apprehension that echoes in the minds of fence-sitters and Modi-haters alike, the question about Modi’s national economic model came up.

Singh, at the very beginning of the conversation, had contended that like Nehru, Modi was a leader who has come up with a ‘new economic agenda’. To this, Verma asked what was the nature of that agenda, and while Modi’s vision is a Congress-free government, would he also care to outline what a Congress-free country would imply in terms of new economic policies.

Failing to bolster his claim with facts, Singh fell back upon Modi’s rhetoric to point out that the Gujarat CM has been talking of prosperity as opposed to the UPA’s poverty-alleviation pitch. “That is a compelling argument,” she said. And added, “There are times I think this man doesn’t have a single democratic bone in his body, how is he going to lead a country. At the same time, I am confronted with the dismal state of the nation…”

Expectedly, the discussion around Modi meandered to his culpability in the 2002 Gujarat riots, with Mukhopadhyay and Verma suggesting that though he might not have orchestrated the riots, he never apologised for his government’s failure to rein in the violence. To this, Singh, quipped, “Did the Congress apologise for 1984? In 1984, what happened in Delhi was a pogrom. An organised movement to kill Sikhs and 3000 died, did Rajiv Gandhi apologise?”

Singh didn’t mention that Manmohan Singh, as a representative of the Congress-led government, has apologised to the Sikhs, saying, “I have no hesitation in apologising to the Sikh community. I apologise not only to the Sikh community, but to the whole Indian nation because what took place in 1984 is the negation of the concept of nationhood enshrined in our Constitution.”

However, in the entire exchange for and against Modi, it became mostly clear that most Modi supporters are of the opinion that if the devil has been given a chance to run the country, the deep blue sea can hardly be denied an opportunity. As a result, instead of looking at what could be political alternatives, as a country we are better off choosing from the two equally ugly sides of the same coin.

After the discussion was thrown open to the audience, there were voices that indignantly rose in criticism of Mukhopadhyay and Verma. A lady who identified herself as a Jew said rather angrily that the panelists had no right to liken Modi to Hitler, who is considered a mass murderer in history.

However, it needs to be pointed out that in a section where the rally numbers of Modi were being discussed, Singh was asked if the numbers would translate into votes. “Five lakh people attend every rally,” she said hinting that the nation has struck a chord with Modi.

Verma pointed out that the biggest rallies that history has seen belonged to Hitler and questioned whether this meant he was good for his country.

A slew of other voices expressed their willingness to see Modi as the PM and criticised the media for being ‘unfair’ on him and his supporters. Following which Anil Dharker, founder of the festival asked, “Is 1984 the only reason for voting Modi?” He had just given voice to a criticism that most BJP supporters tend to brush aside.

As the panel ended, two young girls walked up to Tavleen Singh complimenting her for holding fort in anti-Modi tirade, apparently. “Ma’am you should write a book on the real meaning of democracy in India. Everything you said was right. We shouted, we banged the chair and wanted to speak but it seems the microphones were reserved in this event,” they complained.

It’s another story that the only people who got to speak from the audience, except Dharker, were ones who hurled stinging criticism at Mukhopadhyay, Verma and the ‘media’ and vowed to salvage Modi from the wrongs of his detractors. False sense of victimhood, anyone?


Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/a...-for-modi-1234615.html?utm_source=ref_article
 
People planning to go Modi rally- please don't take your women friends etc. with you- Sure you can go ahead and crowd to show your support, but you don't wanna take the risk of him actually 'noticing' your women friends. He might start putting his IG in-charge of stalking them, you may find it difficult to vote for him after that. Let there be a rule in MODI RALLIES from now AND POSTERS WITH DISCLAIMER- ONLY MEN ALLOWED. BRNG WOMEN AT YOUR OWN RISK!!:big_boss::blink:


Amit Shah snooping allegation: Congress attacks Modi, seeks SC probe | Firstpost
 
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MODI cabinet most progressive cabinet. New Inspector General in charge of Snooping and Stalking unmarried women must be a woman to facilitate 'efficiency' of operations!:buba_phone:
 
Feku reaction on this sleaze is that congress is jealous of his popularity, what he did in riots in gujarat and how he goes personal against his opponents, he forgets all this very easily while blaming others

Sins committed in past comes to haunt you in future
 
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