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India’s interest compromised in Siachen


If Pakistan violates a de-militarisation treaty, it would enjoy easier access to Siachen, leaving India at a disadvantage. New Delhi wants international guarantee against any violation. Pakistan resists “authentication” as a pre-requisite to de-militarisation.

This is the reason why we won't de-militarize.

Right now Pakistanis are desperate for demilitarization because they are losing ground and in a decade's time if this position continues, they will collapse.

We hve all the time in the world to wait and hold ground.

tick tock tick tock... the clock is ticking...:D
 
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STOP, CHIEF
Sly moves are afoot to withdraw AFSPA from Jammu and Kashmir.

By N.V. Subramanian

Whilst military writers are justifiably exercised over suggestions of track 2 peaceniks to pullout from Siachen, their anger must simultaneously focus on the army chief, General Bikram Singh, and his alleged shenanigans with the Jammu and Kashmir chief minister, Omar Abdullah, to withdraw the Armed Forces’ Special Powers Act (AFSPA) incrementally from the state.

AFSPA provides legal cover to the army in counterinsurgency operations. Under AFSPA, army personnel cannot be prosecuted for their actions without the consent of the Central government, which is rarely given. In J and K (as in Punjab and Assam earlier), it is the army which has contained terrorism. There was a time in the early 1990s when the Centre had given up on the state, when the first of the “pro-azadi” groups had spread its influence rapidly. It is the army which retrieved the situation when Central intelligence failed and the local police sided with the insurgency. AFSPA was amended and applied to J and K, and all told, it has assisted the state to keep on top of the terrorism situation.

AFSPA has been a bugbear for Omar Abdullah for no other reason than that he has been a failure as J and K’s chief minister and finds it politically expedient to demand its withdrawal. Omar has excellent communications skills but zero vision, in which he resembles the dynasts in power in Delhi and Lucknow. To boot, he has a fiery opposition leader in Mehbooba Mufti of the PDP who has an accommodative relationship with the insurgent elements of the state. When young and misguided Kashmiri stone-throwers two summers ago almost seemed to get the better of Omar Abdullah, another dynast, Rahul Gandhi, threw him a lifeline, on which basis he continues as chief minister.

Early in his tenure, Omar cooked up a bizarre scheme with the then Union home minister, P.Chidambaram, to hand over the paramilitaries’ anti-insurgency tasks to the local police, which is both mixed up with the separatists and otherwise inadequate for a bigger fighting role against them. Framed-up rape charges against some paramilitary troops in Shopian (later disproved) became the reason to seek the ouster of the paramilitaries from the Valley, nearly bowing to which demand Omar Abdullah and Chidambaram played into the hands of the terrorists, until this writer explained the insidious psy-war (Commentary, “Bad news”, 3 July 2009). Omar Abdullah’s demand for AFSPA’s withdrawal from Jammu and Kashmir has predated that crisis and grown stronger since.

Omar Abdullah believes AFSPA’s removal would open the Kashmiri floodgates of love and affection for him. Not true. Sheikh Abdullah was an iconic leader of Kashmir, and Kashmiris were willing to forgive him quite a lot. His son and Omar’s father, Farooq, is a bit of a buffoon, with no vision for Kashmir, but he is a genial mixer. Farooq gets on easily with his people, even though they may not agree with his politics. Omar Abdullah, on the other hand, is the least sociable of the Abdullah clan. He prefers running Kashmir with a handful of officials from the safety and security of his chief minister’s bungalow. He is distant with his own party colleagues and has little interaction with the people. There is no connect between Omar Abdullah and Kashmiris. He might as well be administrating the state from Delhi.

Omar Abdullah knows he is on a very weak wicket in J and K, and that he will be thrown out in the next election. He needs something -- anything -- to befuddle and bamboozle Kashmiris. Kashmiri politicians in their engagements with the Centre have traditionally played the Kashmir card, which in substance means, “After me, the Deluge.” With Kashmiris, these same politicians pose as being anti-Centre. Being politically savvy, the Kashmiris have seen through this game long ago. But Omar Abdullah, all the same, cannot give up posing, and in one of those poses, he wants AFSPA to be rolled back from Kashmir.

No army chief or field commander has supported Omar Abdullah. In his own inoffensive way, the defence minister, A.K.Anthony, has rejected Abdullah’s demand. In its confused libertinism, the Manmohan Singh government may yet agree to AFSPA’s withdrawal, but the rest of the political class, and particularly the BJP, will object. The strategic community will not stand for it. Faced with a wall, Omar Abdullah seemed to have reconciled to the continued operation of AFSPA, but the appointment of a new army chief, General Bikram Singh, appears to have given him a new unexpected opportunity.

The chief hurdle that General Singh faced in his appointment was a case of alleged human rights’ violation in 2001 in Anantnag in a place called Janglat Mandi. As a brigadier, he is supposed to have killed a beggar in a false encounter. A relatively unknown J and K NGO filed a PIL against him, which in turn became the basis for a second PIL in the Supreme Court against General Singh’s appointment as army chief, which was rejected. The Kashmir NGO, however, is pursuing its PIL in the state high court, and press reports allege a section of the army is trying to hush the matter in the interest of the chief.

There is new intelligence that suggests the army chief has allegedly pressed on Omar Abdullah to somehow bring the false encounter case to a closure. In return, General Bikram Singh has reportedly assured that the army will not oppose his demands on AFSPA as before. Except that a crucial army commander who has to author and initiate this changed line has refused, saying that any dilution of AFSPA will lead to a successful terrorists’ disruption of the 2014 general elections in the state, a key aim of Pakistan to internationalize the Kashmir issue all over again. General Bikram Singh has allegedly threatened the obdurate army commander with a transfer to a lesser command, but he remains unfazed. The army chief has now plans to get a supine army commander who will agree with his scheme to weaken and eventually remove AFSPA from Jammu and Kashmir.

All to save his skin.

General Bikram Singh has been bad news for the Indian Army from the start. That it would get so worse still comes as a surprise. Next you know he will signal a withdrawal from Siachen. This man must be stopped.
 
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Siachen: India must offer Pak a dignified solution

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Myra MacDonald with Pakistan army officers in the Gyari sector in 2004

Amidst alarmist rumours that track-two parleys between India and Pakistan are urging India to 'give up Siachen', Myra MacDonald tells Shivam Vij in an e-mail interview why resolving Siachen without resolving the Jammu and Kashmir dispute may not be easy.
Myra MacDonald is a London-based journalist with Reuters and a long-time observer of South Asia.

She tracks the turning points in Pakistan politics at the Reuters Pakistan blog

MacDonald is best known for her book on the Siachen conflict, Heights of Madness: One Woman's Journey in Pursuit of a Secret War. Published in 2007, the research for the book took her to both sides of the conflict, on helicopter and on ground.

She was bureau chief of Reuters in India between 2000 and 2003.

She then took leave of absence to research the Siachen conflict, becoming one of the very few people to visit the war zone on both the Indian and Pakistani sides. She has given presentations on Siachen to the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst and to the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London.

Amidst alarmist rumours that track-two parleys between India and Pakistan are urging India to 'give up Siachen', MacDonald tells Shivam Vij in an e-mail interview why resolving Siachen without resolving the Jammu and Kashmir dispute may not be easy.

The idea of demilitarising Siachen is being seen by some in India as a demand to hand Siachen over to Pakistan, or at the very least, to 'lose' the territory for which Indian soldiers have made great sacrifices.

Do you agree with such an interpretation of demilitarising the glacier? Do you think India has real strategic advantage with its occupation of the glacier?

The first thing to understand is that the conflict has not been fought over the glacier itself, but for control of the passes on the Saltoro ridge which overlooks Siachen and separates it from Baltistan.

Pakistan has no troops on the glacier itself, and India controls most of the higher positions. There is no strategic advantage in controlling these passes and never has been -- the idea sometimes floated that the Pakistan army could use these to link up with China and threaten India makes no sense when you see how difficult the terrain is.

That said, it is understandable that the Indian Army, having fought so hard for control of the higher positions in the region, would not want to give these up without some kind of guarantee from Pakistan that it would not occupy posts which India had vacated.

Siachen was an un-militarised, un-inihabited glacier until 1984.

In both Indian and Pakistani narratives it is the other side that is responsible for the April 1984 skirmish that began the Siachen conflict.

While the Pakistanis say India was the aggressor, Indians says it had to occupy Siachen because Pakistan was conducting mountaineering expeditions there.

What is the truth? Can the responsibility of having started the Siachen conflict be fixed on one side?

Both sides bear some responsibility for the events that led to the outbreak of war in Siachen in April 1984, but on balance India has a greater share of the blame for setting those events in motion.

The origins of the conflict go back to before 1978, when Pakistan authorised foreign mountaineering expeditions to the Siachen glacier.

This was not unreasonable -- access to the glacier historically was far easier from the Baltistan side, across the Bilafond-la, the main pass through the Saltoro.

At some point, foreign maps began wrongly to mark Siachen as Pakistani territory, and this was used as an excuse by India to send a military mountaineering expedition to explore the glacier.

As India continued to send military mountaineering expeditions each summer to the glacier, Pakistan in turn became alarmed, sending its own men to investigate, and in the atmosphere of distrust in South Asia, mountaineering expeditions morphed into military patrols.

Reading the protest notes sent at the time, it is clear that Pakistan genuinely believed India was intruding on its territory -- it is also clear that with dialogue, the problem could have been resolved.

Instead, India decided to send troops in the summer of 1984 to occupy the passes; Pakistan, worried about Indian intentions, prepared its own plan to move in; and India -- by bringing forward its operation to April managed to get there first.

135 Pakistani soldiers and civilian staff died in an avalanche in the Gyari sector near Siachen earlier this year, but heavy costs in terms of life and limb have also been paid by the Indian Army in Siachen.

Why then do you think the Pakistanis rather than the Indians are keener for a quick resolution to Siachen?

Before the avalanche at Gyari, there was no practical reason for Pakistan being keener than India for a quick resolution to Siachen.

Since India occupies the higher positions, it has longer supply routes and is more dependent on helicopters for supplies -- it is therefore costlier for India to keep the war going and tougher on its troops.

The reasons for Pakistan wanting the conflict solved are political -- or even emotional -- rather than practical.

Pakistan has always seen the Indian occupation of Siachen in 1984 as an act of aggression in breach of the Simla agreement which states that no attempt should be made to change the Line of Control by force.

The LoC had been demarcated only as far as map grid reference point NJ9842, from where it was to continue 'thence north to the glaciers.'

Pakistan believes the LoC should continue to join up with the Karakoram Pass, giving it control of most of Siachen; India says it should follow the natural watershed -- the Saltoro ridge, giving it control of the glacier.

While it is possible to argue both claims, it is certainly fair to say that by occupying the passes, India did try to change the direction of the LoC by force -- thus making it the guilty party in breaching the Simla accords.

This is important in the context of the mindset of the Pakistan army, which is keen to assert that it is not wrong in seeing India as a threat.

The fact that India moved into Siachen first is also frequently cited by Pakistanis as justification for its subsequent military operation across the Line of Control in Kargil in 1999 -- for which they were internationally, and they say, unfairly, criticised.

The Indian Army insists that demilitarising Siachen must be preceded by recording existing troop positions, but the Pakistani point of view is that that would amount to legitimising Indian control of a disputed territory.

For a short-term demilitarisation without prejudice to the eventual settlement of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, do you think the Indian position is a reasonable one?

India has shifted over the years towards a maximalist position of insisting Pakistan recognise its control over Siachen and the passes before any withdrawal.

Recently, I have seen some articles extending this further -- arguing that since India claims all of the former kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir, including Baltistan, it had every right to occupy Siachen.

Were Pakistan to accept this, it would be, in its eyes, acknowledging India's right to change the Line of Control by force and exonerating it from an act of aggression.

For comparison, it is worth looking at draft agreements floated as far back as 1989, under which both sides would agree a withdrawal and the Indian positions marked only in an annex to the main accord -- a diplomatic finesse which would allow both countries to claim victory.

The Indian position is understandable in as much as it does not want to give up hard-won gains; but is not geared towards finding a compromise that would allow Pakistan to withdraw with a modicum of dignity.

Although a ceasefire was declared in Siachen only in 2003, New Delhi and Islamabad came close to an agreement in 1992 to make Siachen a 'zone of disengagement.'

But India, and two years later Pakistan, went back from the proposed solution.

India hardened its position on Siachen in 1998 and especially after the Kargil war of 1999.

Do you think the 1992 draft can still guide a settlement?

The Kargil incursion by Pakistan sought to cut off Siachen from India and thus hardened the Indian Army's stance over Siachen.

In consequence, would any solution of the Siachen conflict be beholden to the larger J&K dispute?

After Kargil, it seems impossible to agree a withdrawal without a framework agreement on the larger J&K dispute.

There are practical reasons for this -- over the years the Siachen battlefield has sprawled outwards, so much so that posts eventually linked up with those in the Kargil sector of the Line of Control.

Any agreement to demilitarise Siachen would now require a similar willingness to demilitarise the LoC.

The 2008 attack on Mumbai has also further reduced Indian readiness to make any territorial concessions.

However, some small steps could be taken as a show of goodwill. The most obvious would be for India and Pakistan to run joint scientific expeditions in Siachen to establish how much the environment has been damaged by the war and by climate change.

The Gyari disaster should be a warning to both sides that their troops are more vulnerable to an unpredictable increase in avalanches.

Joint expeditions would at least get India and Pakistan working together and, perhaps more importantly, provide an important signal that both countries still consider the Siachen region as 'disputed.'

Otherwise, we are in danger of slipping in Siachen into the same deadlock that prevails over J&K as a whole, which Pakistan says is disputed territory and India says is not disputed.

 
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Aman ki Asha seminar to discuss Sir Creek, Siachen

NEW DELHI: Leading Indian and Pakistani experts would gather here on Sunday for a two-day strategic seminar to discuss possible solutions to the Sir Creek and Siachen issues between the two countries besides defining a road map to tackle the more contentious Kashmir problem.

The Times of India and Pakistan's Jang Group are organizing the seminar as part of their efforts to work towards practical solutions to bilateral problems under the Aman Ki Asha (AKA) initiative.

An AKA communique said the experts would present civil society's solutions to the issues and then hope to drum up popular support for them. "... solutions (would be) presented ... to the respective governments for their consider(ation)," it said.

"For the past 65 years, there has been a lot of rhetoric between the governments ... on resolving contentious issues, but unfortunately not many solutions have emerged. We have not really moved forward on the thorny issues."

Pakistani delegates attending the seminar are National Security Advisor Mahmud Ali Durrani, ex-high commissioners to India Shahid Malik, Aziz Ahmad Khan, journalists Najam Sethi, Cyril Almeida, Ejaz Haider, retired naval officer Hasan M Ansari and Tehreek-e-Insaf's Shafqat Mahmood. Indian experts include ex-foreign secretary Shyam Saran, former high commissioner to Pakistan G Parthasarthy, ex-ambassador to the US Naresh Chandra, Vice Admiral (R) BR Rao, journalist-academic Raja Mohan, academic Radha Kumar, Lt Gen (R) BS Pawar and Srinath Raghavan of New Delhi's Centre for Policy Research.

The two countries had surveyed the 100-km Sir Creek estuary in 2007, but the Mumbai attacks the following year derailed the possible solution to the relatively less contentious issue. The dispute over the estuary—a narrow marshy area between Gujarat and Pakistan's Sindh province—is the longest-running border dispute that has hampered oil and gas exploration.

The dispute has frustrated attempts to demarcate the maritime boundary between the two countries. This continues to lead to the detention of hundreds of Indian and Pakistani fishermen, who end up straying across the poorly-demarcated territorial waters.

India maintains that the boundary of the creek that opens up to the Arabian Sea should be in the middle of the estuary, while Islamabad argues it should lie on the southeast bank.

The death of over 100 Pakistani soldiers after an avalanche buried their posts near Saichen glacier in April renewed calls for the demilitarisation of the world's highest battlefield, where more combatants, deployed at heights of up to 22,000 ft above sea level, have died of harsh weather than in combat.

Around 8,000 soldiers, mostly Indians, have remained stationed around the 79-km glacier, where temperature can plunge to 58 degree below the freezing point, since India captured it in April 1984.

A breakthrough on these relatively low-hanging fruits could have a positive impact of the resolution of the more intractable Kashmir problem that has led to two of the three India-Pakistan wars and the 1999 Kargil conflict. Once described as a nuclear flashpoint, the state has witnessed an all-time drop in militant violence since India and Pakistan began a peace process in 2004. This has led many to believe that the situation has never been so conducive for its permanent resolution since the 1971 war.
 
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If nobody is replying in your thread . You do the honors on your own .:rofl:
 
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Auntijy, sab articles aaj hi post kar dogi to kal ke liye kya bachega?
 
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