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India - Pakistan conflict analysis - aims, tactics, strategy, results

16 Punjab suffered 106 fatalities during the war - highest among all Punjab Regiment battalions.

1 Baloch led the counterattack and suffered 30+ dead.
 
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ABOUT 15 INFANTRY DIVISION

With this in front of us, what do we observe about units of the Indian Army, in common?

1. At that time, the Indian Army was strongly oriented to the Infantry. From the march of 5 kms over open fields by 3 Jat to get to their objectives, to using mountain troops to fight on the plains, without any serious anti-tank weapons to talk of, against an adversary with the latest, best tanks, this characteristic comes out very clearly.

2. The corollary is that given armoured support, these infantry formations did well. Examples: the support given by 14 Cavalry to 3 Jat to fend off the Shermans driving the Jats crazy in their bridgehead at Attoke Awan; the support given by 2 Independent Armoured Brigade to 96 Brigade, helping that brigade to capture the bridge at Bhaini-Dhilwan.

3. The PAF was very active, and troubled the 13 Punjab during their march to their jumping off point; actually rendering it ineffective as a fighting force for a little while; it troubled other IA units considerably during the conflict, most notoriously 50 Independent (Para) Brigade.

4. The IAF was absent during the early stages of this engagement. General Harbaksh Singh traces it back to his Chief of Staff, Major General Jogindar Singh, who apparently allowed the IAF to retire to remote locations without informing the GOC-in-C. That made nonsense of the prior arrangement of 24 sorties in support of the division. However, it is reported that they were very effective later.

5. Since the IA had war-gamed these situations, as stated by Jogindar Singh, it is odd that we find units arriving at the battlefield from very remote locations, as far as Ambala, and immediately being deployed, sometimes with vital pieces of equipment missing. 3 Jat went into action without its wireless set and lost contact with its Brigade HQ at a vital time, and thanks to the lack of communications between forward-deployed units and its brigade headquarters, nearly 500 troops died.

I believe there is a logical explanation for almost everything....


1. At that time, the Indian Army was strongly oriented to the Infantry. From the march of 5 kms over open fields by 3 Jat to get to their objectives, to using mountain troops to fight on the plains, without any serious anti-tank weapons to talk of, against an adversary with the latest, best tanks, this characteristic comes out very clearly.

1965 war caught the IA in the midst of its post 1962 re-org and expansion. Since IA was still raising new formations, especially mountain divisions, therefore some mountains division did have the dual role....NEFA as well as Pakistan...... which is followed even as we speak. Rest of course the organization and training of mountain divisions is not suited for anything other than mountains.....they were used despite these disadvantages.

2. The corollary is that given armoured support, these infantry formations did well. Examples: the support given by 14 Cavalry to 3 Jat to fend off the Shermans driving the Jats crazy in their bridgehead at Attoke Awan; the support given by 2 Independent Armoured Brigade to 96 Brigade, helping that brigade to capture the bridge at Bhaini-Dhilwan.

Firepower.....doctrines of that time, of both sides, emphasized use of firepower instead of mobility of tanks. Presence of artillery and tanks always proved to be a booster for infantry except in some rare instances when infantry managed well without them.....

3. The PAF was very active, and troubled the 13 Punjab during their march to their jumping off point; actually rendering it ineffective as a fighting force for a little while; it troubled other IA units considerably during the conflict, most notoriously 50 Independent (Para) Brigade.

IA columns on roads presented good enough targets for PAF.

Something which normally everyone misses are the effects of PA SSG ops against IAF airfields in 1965 (like readers miss the great effects of Gibralter, term it a failure and move on). A number of IA formations were employed to hunt for PA SSG paratroopers, their clogged vehicles on roads were also found by PAF and heavy casualties were inflicted.

Even till now, both PA and IA are not properly trained to conduct ops of all types in the face of heavy air attacks....hence we have seen that normally in our region, air power tips the balance. In my opinion, it should not be the case. Highly trained troops can adopt lot many measures to negate the effect of enemy air superiority. China (1950) and North Vietnam (60s/70s) are some major examples.

5. Since the IA had war-gamed these situations, as stated by Jogindar Singh, it is odd that we find units arriving at the battlefield from very remote locations, as far as Ambala, and immediately being deployed, sometimes with vital pieces of equipment missing. 3 Jat went into action without its wireless set and lost contact with its Brigade HQ at a vital time, and thanks to the lack of communications between forward-deployed units and its brigade headquarters, nearly 500 troops died.

Such things are part of normal drills and procedures. However, as mentioned before as well, IA was under great pressure to open the front quickly on international border due to the bad situation in Akhnur. Therefore, many IA formations attacked from the line of march, without stopping, without coordinating basic things with their supporting units, without recce.....
 
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He can't respond, he is banned. Perhaps someone else from the Indian camp...

Doesn't have to be; this is intended to be a bi-partisan account. After finishing the whole narrative, and receiving PanzerKiel's comments, it is hoped to make this a 'neutral', bi-partisan narrative; both sides' points of view should be reflected.

More than ten years ago, there was a similar exercise done on 1962 with my friend @chauism. It went very well, because we trusted each other, and it turned out to be entirely irrelevant which of the amendments was by the Chinese partner, and which by the Indian partner. It was liked by all, even by the hard-core Indian partisans, who were very active even in that day and age, this being before the surgical strike by @waz.

It can be done.
 
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7TH DIVISION AND THE BATTLE OF BARKI

Having considered the entire history of the 15 Division, it is time to consider the efforts of 7 Division, deployed immediately to the south of 15 Division, in the centre of the broad attack by XI Corps on the Pakistani line of defence on the locus of the Ichhogil Canal.

A reminder: the broad plan of action for XI Corps was to attack through its constituent divisions, 15 Division, 7 Division and 4 Division, towards the bridges and crossings over the Ichhogil Canal. 7 Division was given the task of attacking the crossing over the Canal at the village of Barki, in a south-east to north-west direction, on the road to Lahore; this was the task of 48 Brigade, while 65 Brigade was to capture the crossing at Bedian, to secure the left flank of the 48 Brigade attack from counter-attack by the PA.

It is sad to see that this part of the offensive got bogged down fairly early, was forced back onto the front foot by firm pressure from divisional command, lost soldiers in frontal attacks, and finally ended in the Battle of Barki. This battle had a tragic aftermath, and that will come into the narrative when looking at the actions of 4 Mountain Division.

PRELIMINARY MOVEMENTS

Before the attack commenced on 6th September, 7 Division was arranged on a north-east to south-west axis, almost 90o to the line of advance planned; so, Divisional HQ was at Narla (north-west of Bhikhiwind), 48 Brigade was further forward on the road to Lahore, and 65 Brigade was further on that NE-SW line, south of the Lahore Road, in the Marimegha area. The plan was for 17 Rajput to detach itself from the 65 Brigade concentration point, and secure the Bedian bridge by 18:00 HRS that evening (6th September evening). In front of 65 Brigade, 48 Brigade would advance along the road, supported by Central India Horse and artillery, and take Barki, by the same time, 18:00 HRS that evening.

Like 15 Division, 7 Division also achieved early successes. Before dawn, the border outposts were cleared. By 05:30 HRS, the Brigade (48 Brigade) advanced down the road; in front was 6/8 Gorkhas, backed up by 19 Maratha LI and 5 Guards. When they came close to an intermediate water bearing body called the Hudiara Drain, the opposition opened fire. The Gorkhas were pinned down, but recovered, and cleared the village Hudiara, lying north of the Lahore Road, by 10:30, and landed up facing very strong enemy positions across the Drain and on the Drain (meaning, to its east), so they dug in South of the village.

Across the Road was the village of Nurpur; 5 Guards was asked to clear that, cross was promptly foiled by the PA sensing the intentions of 5 Guards moving into Nurpur; they pre-empted the move, retreated to the other side of the Drain and blew up the bridge. The Guards continued, cleared Nurpur, and by 17:00 HRS on the 6th, had crossed the Drain and swung right, northwards, to cut off the new Pakistani positions on the west bank. The Pakistanis retreated to their strong point at Barki, which was very well fortified. The target of 18:00 HRS was clearly not going to be achieved.

At this stage, the Divisional HQ decided that 65 Brigade was to pass through 48 Brigade, already astride the Drain, cross the Drain over a Bailey Bridge, to be built by the Engineers and clear Barki. However, the PAF had other ideas, and attacked the road and formations in and around the starting point of the planned attack. The Engineers were badly delayed, and finally the Bailey Bridge came up on the Drain only by PM on the 7th September.

Meanwhile, 17 Rajput had got bogged down, literally, in its attempt to capture Bedian. First, its armoured adjunct, the troop from CIH that was to help its advance, got stuck in the slushy ground; Alone, by itself, 17 Rajput failed to take the Pakistani positions, defending Bedian with exactly the opposite strength of one infantry battalion and armour, so they dug in east of the Bridge. The enemy counter-attacked at night, but was driven back, and decided to slow down any possible attack by flooding the area by cutting the Upper Bari Doab Canal. So that put paid to that, at least for the time being.

Back on the roadside and on the Drain, the Engineers had struggled through artillery and air attacks and put up the Bailey Bridge by the afternoon of the 7th. This left 65 Brigade free to deploy two component battalions, 9 Madras and 16 Punjab, to attack and capture a village on the west side of the drain, 3 kilometres west, named Barka Kalan that same evening.

On the 9th, Lt.Gen. Dhillon visited Divisional HQ and wanted relentless action, including the use of armour at night, that had been done so successfully at Dera Baba Nanak immediately before that. That night, Barka Khurd, another village north of the Lahore Road, was cleared and occupied.

On the 9th evening, therefore, elements of 65 Brigade – 9 Madras and 16 Punjab* – were sitting at Barka Kalan, 3 kms west of the Hudiara Drain, on the Ichhogil Canal due south of Barki; another element was in occupation of Barka Khurd, on the west of the Drain, East-South-East of Barki. That Brigade’s third battalion, 17 Rajput, was left at Bedian, watching against any sudden attack by the opposition.

48 Brigade was in echelon behind 65 Brigade, on the Lahore Road, occupying Nurpur south of the Road (5 Guards) and Hudiara to the north (6/8 Gorkhas). 19 Maratha LI were in reserve.

* In a twist of fate, the Pakistani 16 Punjab and the Indian 16 Punjab were both involved in the 1965 conflict. Sadly, the Pakistani 16 Punjab suffered the heaviest casualties of any Punjab Regiment during the conflict, as pointed out by Cuirassier earlier.

@Cuirassier

THE BATTLE

The Battle of Barki itself was remarkable from the Indian point of view for one formation’s excellent performance, and for the sad fact that this performance led to that unit getting decimated soon afterwards. But we are running ahead.

There was a great deal of anxious preparation for the actual attack on Barki, scheduled for the night of 10th/11th September. A new battalion had joined 7 Division, and this battalion, 4 Sikh, was assigned the task of attack along with Central India Horse. The attack was to have been in two phases – this, incidentally, seems to have been a particular favourite of the Brigade Commander, for a forward battalion to capture a point, and for a follow-up formation to ‘pass through’ and move towards the next objective. So 16 Punjab was the follow-up formation to 4 Sikh’s attack on Barki.

Barki proved to be a very tough nut to crack. Much on the lines of the house-by-house fighting last seen at Dograi, Barki was protected by pill-boxes, and entrenchments at each house. Even more, the PA 155 mm howitzers covered the Lahore-Wagah axis, and engaged the field artillery attached to 7 Division, just at 19:30 HRS, when the 4 Sikh commenced their attack, but the Sikhs pressed hard, in spite of losing nearly 150 men in their battalion, and in spite of the troubles that their armoured back-up, the CIH, went through, losing 4 tanks in very short order in a minefield. The regiment also lost its CO to injuries to which he succumbed later.

By 20:45 HRS, 16 Punjab were able to pass through to the Ichhogil Canal, along with surviving elements of the CIH, only to find that the PA had already prudently blown up the bridge.

This was indubitably success, but at a very high cost, a cost that was to be multiplied in the most stupid move that was made soon afterwards, affecting 4 Sikh.

Still on 7 Division’s front, however, 48 Brigade sought to make the most of the situation by attacking a village on the other side from Bedian, but failed the first time, on the 10th September.

There was a change of command then, and Brigadier Sahaney was posted out and Brigadier Pyara Singh took over.

The attack on the village, Jahman, was renewed, and it was taken a few days later, on the 15th.

At this stage, as part of the re-shuffling of forces that took place around 15th September, 48 Brigade was sent off in support of the beleaguered 4 Mountain Division, and that marked the end of 7 Division actions in the 65 conflict.
 
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This leaves us with two and a half matters to examine: XI Corps in the southernmost part of its domain, and 4 Mountain Division's actions; I Corps and that sad story, presented with a markedly Indian twist, of the dog that barked in the night; other events in the deep south at Munnabao.

At least 4 Mountain Division will be presented tomorrow, and I Corps, if it can be done.
 
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7TH DIVISION AND THE BATTLE OF BARKI

Having considered the entire history of the 15 Division, it is time to consider the efforts of 7 Division, deployed immediately to the south of 15 Division, in the centre of the broad attack by XI Corps on the Pakistani line of defence on the locus of the Ichhogil Canal.

A reminder: the broad plan of action for XI Corps was to attack through its constituent divisions, 15 Division, 7 Division and 4 Division, towards the bridges and crossings over the Ichhogil Canal. 7 Division was given the task of attacking the crossing over the Canal at the village of Barki, in a south-east to north-west direction, on the road to Lahore; this was the task of 48 Brigade, while 65 Brigade was to capture the crossing at Bedian, to secure the left flank of the 48 Brigade attack from counter-attack by the PA.

It is sad to see that this part of the offensive got bogged down fairly early, was forced back onto the front foot by firm pressure from divisional command, lost soldiers in frontal attacks, and finally ended in the Battle of Barki. This battle had a tragic aftermath, and that will come into the narrative when looking at the actions of 4 Mountain Division.

PRELIMINARY MOVEMENTS

Before the attack commenced on 6th September, 7 Division was arranged on a north-east to south-west axis, almost 90o to the line of advance planned; so, Divisional HQ was at Narla (north-west of Bhikhiwind), 48 Brigade was further forward on the road to Lahore, and 65 Brigade was further on that NE-SW line, south of the Lahore Road, in the Marimegha area. The plan was for 17 Rajput to detach itself from the 65 Brigade concentration point, and secure the Bedian bridge by 18:00 HRS that evening (6th September evening). In front of 65 Brigade, 48 Brigade would advance along the road, supported by Central India Horse and artillery, and take Barki, by the same time, 18:00 HRS that evening.

Like 15 Division, 7 Division also achieved early successes. Before dawn, the border outposts were cleared. By 05:30 HRS, the Brigade (48 Brigade) advanced down the road; in front was 6/8 Gorkhas, backed up by 19 Maratha LI and 5 Guards. When they came close to an intermediate water bearing body called the Hudiara Drain, the opposition opened fire. The Gorkhas were pinned down, but recovered, and cleared the village Hudiara, lying north of the Lahore Road, by 10:30, and landed up facing very strong enemy positions across the Drain and on the Drain (meaning, to its east), so they dug in South of the village.

Across the Road was the village of Nurpur; 5 Guards was asked to clear that, cross was promptly foiled by the PA sensing the intentions of 5 Guards moving into Nurpur; they pre-empted the move, retreated to the other side of the Drain and blew up the bridge. The Guards continued, cleared Nurpur, and by 17:00 HRS on the 6th, had crossed the Drain and swung right, northwards, to cut off the new Pakistani positions on the west bank. The Pakistanis retreated to their strong point at Barki, which was very well fortified. The target of 18:00 HRS was clearly not going to be achieved.

At this stage, the Divisional HQ decided that 65 Brigade was to pass through 48 Brigade, already astride the Drain, cross the Drain over a Bailey Bridge, to be built by the Engineers and clear Barki. However, the PAF had other ideas, and attacked the road and formations in and around the starting point of the planned attack. The Engineers were badly delayed, and finally the Bailey Bridge came up on the Drain only by PM on the 7th September.

Meanwhile, 17 Rajput had got bogged down, literally, in its attempt to capture Bedian. First, its armoured adjunct, the troop from CIH that was to help its advance, got stuck in the slushy ground; Alone, by itself, 17 Rajput failed to take the Pakistani positions, defending Bedian with exactly the opposite strength of one infantry battalion and armour, so they dug in east of the Bridge. The enemy counter-attacked at night, but was driven back, and decided to slow down any possible attack by flooding the area by cutting the Upper Bari Doab Canal. So that put paid to that, at least for the time being.

Back on the roadside and on the Drain, the Engineers had struggled through artillery and air attacks and put up the Bailey Bridge by the afternoon of the 7th. This left 65 Brigade free to deploy two component battalions, 9 Madras and 16 Punjab, to attack and capture a village on the west side of the drain, 3 kilometres west, named Barka Kalan that same evening.

On the 9th, Lt.Gen. Dhillon visited Divisional HQ and wanted relentless action, including the use of armour at night, that had been done so successfully at Dera Baba Nanak immediately before that. That night, Barka Khurd, another village north of the Lahore Road, was cleared and occupied.

On the 9th evening, therefore, elements of 65 Brigade – 9 Madras and 16 Punjab* – were sitting at Barka Kalan, 3 kms west of the Hudiara Drain, on the Ichhogil Canal due south of Barki; another element was in occupation of Barka Khurd, on the west of the Drain, East-South-East of Barki. That Brigade’s third battalion, 17 Rajput, was left at Bedian, watching against any sudden attack by the opposition.

48 Brigade was in echelon behind 65 Brigade, on the Lahore Road, occupying Nurpur south of the Road (5 Guards) and Hudiara to the north (6/8 Gorkhas). 19 Maratha LI were in reserve.

* In a twist of fate, the Pakistani 16 Punjab and the Indian 16 Punjab were both involved in the 1965 conflict. Sadly, the Pakistani 16 Punjab suffered the heaviest casualties of any Punjab Regiment during the conflict, as pointed out by Cuirassier earlier.

@Cuirassier

THE BATTLE

The Battle of Barki itself was remarkable from the Indian point of view for one formation’s excellent performance, and for the sad fact that this performance led to that unit getting decimated soon afterwards. But we are running ahead.

There was a great deal of anxious preparation for the actual attack on Barki, scheduled for the night of 10th/11th September. A new battalion had joined 7 Division, and this battalion, 4 Sikh, was assigned the task of attack along with Central India Horse. The attack was to have been in two phases – this, incidentally, seems to have been a particular favourite of the Brigade Commander, for a forward battalion to capture a point, and for a follow-up formation to ‘pass through’ and move towards the next objective. So 16 Punjab was the follow-up formation to 4 Sikh’s attack on Barki.

Barki proved to be a very tough nut to crack. Much on the lines of the house-by-house fighting last seen at Dograi, Barki was protected by pill-boxes, and entrenchments at each house. Even more, the PA 155 mm howitzers covered the Lahore-Wagah axis, and engaged the field artillery attached to 7 Division, just at 19:30 HRS, when the 4 Sikh commenced their attack, but the Sikhs pressed hard, in spite of losing nearly 150 men in their battalion, and in spite of the troubles that their armoured back-up, the CIH, went through, losing 4 tanks in very short order in a minefield. The regiment also lost its CO to injuries to which he succumbed later.

By 20:45 HRS, 16 Punjab were able to pass through to the Ichhogil Canal, along with surviving elements of the CIH, only to find that the PA had already prudently blown up the bridge.

This was indubitably success, but at a very high cost, a cost that was to be multiplied in the most stupid move that was made soon afterwards, affecting 4 Sikh.

Still on 7 Division’s front, however, 48 Brigade sought to make the most of the situation by attacking a village on the other side from Bedian, but failed the first time, on the 10th September.

There was a change of command then, and Brigadier Sahaney was posted out and Brigadier Pyara Singh took over.

The attack on the village, Jahman, was renewed, and it was taken a few days later, on the 15th.

At this stage, as part of the re-shuffling of forces that took place around 15th September, 48 Brigade was sent off in support of the beleaguered 4 Mountain Division, and that marked the end of 7 Division actions in the 65 conflict.

7 Div ops...

Firm base was established by 65 Brigade during night 5/6 Sep....this way 7 Div lost surprise....moreover it was a time consuming process of establishing a firm base...even though there was no requirement of making it in INDIAN territory which was already secured....

48 Bde took the lead, advanced and contacted PA defences on Hudiara Drain...later capturing Nurpur and Hudiara...however Hudiara bridge was partially blown by PA.

On 7 Sep, 65 Bde took over the advance from 48 Bde, with 4 Sikh in the lead....however, there was a communication failure within 48 Bde and its units....Barki was captured on 10 Sep, however, Barki bridge was destroyed by the defenders.....

7 Div offensive then stopped, with troops moving towards Khem Karan....
 
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7 Div ops...

Firm base was established by 65 Brigade during night 5/6 Sep....this way 7 Div lost surprise....moreover it was a time consuming process of establishing a firm base...even though there was no requirement of making it in INDIAN territory which was already secured....

48 Bde took the lead, advanced and contacted PA defences on Hudiara Drain...later capturing Nurpur and Hudiara...however Hudiara bridge was partially blown by PA.

On 7 Sep, 65 Bde took over the advance from 48 Bde, with 4 Sikh in the lead....however, there was a communication failure within 48 Bde and its units....Barki was captured on 10 Sep, however, Barki bridge was destroyed by the defenders.....

7 Div offensive then stopped, with troops moving towards Khem Karan....

Many thanks.

It did seem redundant for 65 Brigade to create a firm base on a flank with so much activity giving away their intentions just to lunge for the bridge the next morning. The fierce fire received by 48 Brigade constituent battalions 6/8 Gorkhas and 19 Maratha LI the next morning was only to be expected. It is also a painful thing reading again and again of frontal attacks delivered without artillery support (or none mentioned) or tank fire as a substitute, some in broad daylight. Also, everyone seems to have marched to their targets all the way; not just the last mile, but all the way from their rail-head.

This has been covered, on the lines narrated; I started last night arranging the material segregating 47-48, 65 and 71, with your remarks on these as introductions to each chapter. The discussion on the individual actions is being presented as an afterword to each chapter. Once it looks fair and equitable and balanced on both sides, I will try - this in the medium time range after all the narrative is there in PDF - to put in citations; for which purpose, I have asked jbgt90 for the books he has to be sent to me urgently.

7 Div ops...

Firm base was established by 65 Brigade during night 5/6 Sep....this way 7 Div lost surprise....moreover it was a time consuming process of establishing a firm base...even though there was no requirement of making it in INDIAN territory which was already secured....

48 Bde took the lead, advanced and contacted PA defences on Hudiara Drain...later capturing Nurpur and Hudiara...however Hudiara bridge was partially blown by PA.

On 7 Sep, 65 Bde took over the advance from 48 Bde, with 4 Sikh in the lead....however, there was a communication failure within 48 Bde and its units....Barki was captured on 10 Sep, however, Barki bridge was destroyed by the defenders.....

7 Div offensive then stopped, with troops moving towards Khem Karan....

Naturally my focus is on finishing the narrative; now 4 Mountain Division and I Corps at hand, all the rest described above to follow, once we have your critique of actions narrated.
 
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Before posting the next narration, of the doings of 4 Mountain Division, an apology to all readers.

My sources are all written from the point of view of the same side. The narrative lacks balance.Until I get access to the masterpieces that have been written in Pakistan, this tendency to incline to one side will continue. Please bear with me through this set, and through the rest.
 
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FOREWORD

At that time, Pakistan had its 12 Division in Kashmir, 7 Division in Chhamb, hastily raised 6 Armored Division and 9 Division as reserves located in the Sialkot sector, 15 Division at Sialkot, 10 Division at Lahore, 11 Division at Kasur along with crack 1 Armored Division nearby, 8 Division in Sind, and 14 Division in East Pakistan. The 11 Division, like the 6 Armored, had been hastily raised. The two armored divisions on strength belied the reality that Pakistan had actually converted its 106 100 Independent Armored Brigade into a division by breaking out reserve tanks without US permission, by diluting tank crews in other regiments and by incorporating its self-propelled tank destroyers into new armored regiments. This hodge podge arrangement meant that Pakistan’s armor was much less effective than a seasoned armored division and an independent armored brigade.

Pakistan’s 7 Division had to be pulled back to the Sialkot-Lahore sector when Indian Xl corps crossed the international border. Its 6 Armored Division and 15 Infantry Division were opposing the advance of Indian 1 Corps from Kathua- Samba. Its 10 Division was opposing the advance of Indian 15 Division out of Amritsar. Its 8 Division was opposing Indian 11 Division in the desert, plus an independent brigade. That left its reconstituted 7 and previously uncommitted 9 Divisions as reserves, and the 1 Armored and an Infantry Division opposed by Indian 4 Division and 2 Independent Armored Brigade.

Because Pakistan had almost reached Akhnur and because it had made a shallow penetration at Khem -Karan, it could declare itself it was winning. Particularly since its Navy had just smacked the nose of the much more powerful Indian Navy by shelling Dwarka, and its compact, efficient air force had inflicted disproportionate casualties on the larger, more diffuse, and still under raising Indian Air Force.

But now lets look at the line-up from the Indian side.

In the north India had 3 Infantry Division out of Leh, which could spare two brigade to attack the Pakistan northern areas. In Kashmir India had bigger 19 and 25 Divisions compared to just one large 12 division for Pakistan.

In the stretch between Akhnur and Pathankot India had no less than five divisions, equal to half of Pakistan’ s entire army. These divisions were 10 Division (Akhnur), 26 Division (Jammu) and I Corps with 1 Armored, 6 Mountain and 14 Divisions. Plus Jammu held the 3 Independent Armored Brigade. In the Punjab India had three divisions and an independent armored brigade under Xl Corps. But another division, 23 Mountain, had moved up and was entering action. And Pakistan’s 1 Armored Division had been rendered almost ineffective at Khem Karan. India had nine divisions including one armored and two independent armored brigades between Akhnur and Ferozepur while Pakistan was left with almost six divisions including one armored.

India also had the equivalent of another division in loose brigades, one under formation, and seven mountain divisions in the east. Of these seven, at least one could have been spared without weakening the Northeast defenses.

This would have given India an effective one armored and ten infantry divisions, plus one armored brigade (leaving aside 2 (I) Armored Brigade which we deduct on account of casualties, as we have deducted Pakistan 1 Armored Division). On Pakistan’s side there were 1 armored and 5 infantry divisions.

If we assign an infantry division a value of 1, an armored division a value of 3, and the independent armored brigade a value of 2 (as being more than half as strong as an armored division) we get a total of 15 for India and 8 for Pakistan. Using Lanchester’s equation, we square each side’s combat power and get 225 for India and 64 for Pakistan, or a 3. 5 to 1 superiority.

Assume further that after another two weeks of fighting India loses the equivalent of three infantry divisions and an independent armored brigade, whereas Pakistan loses two infantry divisions and half its remaining armored division. (India’s losses would be greater because it was attacking.) Then India’s combat power reduces to 100 and Pakistan’s to 20; or a 5:1 superiority. In the next two weeks this could have meant defeat for Pakistan.

Yes, none of this was going to happen overnight. The two countries had been at war for a little over two weeks, and probably another two weeks would have been required for the state of attrition described above to come about on land and in the air. So give another two weeks after that, say six weeks in all, Lahore and Sialkot would surely have fallen.

But of course, when India barely managed to psychologically hold out in a two-week war, with an extra few days added for the initial defence of Chhamb-Akhnur, then there was no question of a six-week war.


THE THIRD PRONG – 4TH MOUNTAIN DIVISION

Having seen 15 Division and 7 Division in action, it remains to observe the action of the southern-most division, 4 Mountain Division, of XI Corps.

A mountain infantry division is not intended to fight armour or mechanised infantry in the plains. It is intended to defend mountain territory against an enemy similarly equipped, not against an enemy who might have armoured elements, or heavy artillery deployed against it in the open. Its organisation in battalions and companies is different; it has no anti-tank weaponry (at the time of the events we are discussing, normal plains infantry divisions had the 106 mm recoilless rifle, or the less effective 57 mm recoilless rifle.

It is a measure of the times that the 4 Mountain Division was alerted early in September; issued 4 instead of the regulation 6 recoilless rifles per battalion; entrained at 02:00 HRS on 5th of September in the Simla hills and detrained at 22:00 HRS near Valtoha, where 4 Mountain Division had set up its HQ. That was a 370 kms train journey. The troops then marched 10 to 12 kms to their forming-up places for the attack, which was to start at 05:30 HRS on the 6th September.

The division also got the Deccan Horse, which joined the division at Ambala, and travelled with it 320 kms by road.

The divisional line-up was:
  • 4 Mountain Infantry Division
      • Deccan Horse
    • 7 Mountain Infantry Brigade – Brig. D. S. Sidhu
      • 1/9 Gorkha Rifles
      • 4 Grenadiers
      • 7 Grenadiers
    • 62 Mountain Infantry Brigade – Brig. H. C.Gehlaut
      • 9 Jammu & Kashmir Rifles
      • 13 Dogras
      • 18 Rajputana Rifles
THE TERRAIN

The layout of the actions that took place can be described simply, and concentrating on the Indian side, starts with the town of Valtoha, where 4 Mountain Division had set up HQ.

  • About 22 kms away, in the West by South West direction, lay Kasur in Pakistan, one of the primary targets.
  • Waigal, on the Rohi Nullah, was 14 kms away from Valtoha, in a West by North West direction;
  • Bedian was 17.5 kms away, north west of Valtoha.
  • Ballanwala, on the India-Pakistan border was 15 kms away, West by South West, more or less in the exact same compass bearing as Kasur, further behind within Pakistan.

62 Brigade was mustered 10 to 12 kms forward from Valtoha, so these intimidating distances from Valtoha need to be reduced by the radial distance between Valtoha and their locations; very approximately –

Waigal - 3 kms

Bedian - 6.5 kms

Ballanwala - 4 kms
 
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@Joe Shearer it was 100 Ind. Armoured Brigade that was converted to 6th Armd . Division not 106. And was it 57mm RCL or 3.5 in SUPER Bazookas issued as infantry at weapons to IA formations?
 
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@Joe Shearer it was 100 Ind. Armoured Brigade that was converted to 6th Armd . Division not 106*. And was it 57mm RCL or 3.5 in SUPER Bazookas issued as infantry at weapons to IA formations?

I am following Praval, Indian Army After Independence, pg 348. You may be right, but I am faithfully going by Praval unless contradicted by a more detailed source.

3.5" Bazooka is around 89mm and has not found a place in Praval's narration. He mentions only 57 mm and 106 mm recoilless rifles. Perhaps you could take a closer look and help us to correct this detail.

* @PanzerKiel - for kind perusal
 
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I am following Praval, Indian Army After Independence, pg 348. You may be right, but I am faithfully going by Praval unless contradicted by a more detailed source.

3.5" Bazooka is around 89mm and has not found a place in Praval's narration. He mentions only 57 mm and 106 mm recoilless rifles. Perhaps you could take a closer look and help us to correct this detail.
Ok the book states it’s standard for mountain divisions so it may differ from normal infantry division.
* @PanzerKiel - for kind perusal
I got it from ‘A History of the Pakistan Army’by Brian Cloughley. Regarding the bazooka I got it from Brig Haydes’ book where he mentions it. I’m not sure about it but guess at weaponry should be standard across units.
Okay Praval states it’s standard for mountain divisions so I guess it differed from normal infantry divisions.
 
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THE TERRAIN

The layout of the actions that took place can be described simply, and concentrating on the Indian side, starts with the town of Valtoha, where 4 Mountain Division had set up HQ.

  • About 22 kms away, in the West by South West direction, lay Kasur in Pakistan, one of the primary targets.
  • Waigal, on the Rohi Nullah, was 14 kms away from Valtoha, in a West by North West direction;
  • Bedian was 17.5 kms away, north west of Valtoha.
  • Ballanwala, on the India-Pakistan border was 15 kms away, West by South West, more or less in the exact same compass bearing as Kasur, further behind within Pakistan.

62 Brigade was mustered 10 to 12 kms forward from Valtoha, so these intimidating distances from Valtoha need to be reduced by the radial distance between Valtoha and their locations; very approximately –

Waigal - 3 kms

Bedian - 6.5 kms

Ballanwala - 4 kms

When we looked at 7 Division, we were faced with an additional obstacle in front of the Ichhogil Canal, the Hudiara water obstacle. Here, too, we have the Rohi Nulla, or the Kasur Nalla. This Nulla came in from India into Pakistan, and flowed parallel to the Ichhogil Canal for some distance. It was aligned with a bund; a bund is a double wall aligning a water course, one wall on each side that holds in the waters of that water course. The water course flows between the parallel lines of the bund.

OBJECTIVES

In line with the general XI Corps objective to position the units under its command along the Ichhogil Canal and use it as a defensive barrier turned against the Pakistan Army, the plan for 4 Mountain Division, brought in to plug the gap between 7 Division and the 67 Infantry Brigade at Hussainiwala, was to use one brigade, 62 Brigade, to capture the crossing points over the Rohi Nulla at two locations and form a plug to prevent any Pakistani advance from those points.

In this first phase, 62 Brigade was to capture the bridge over the Nulla on the Khem Karan-Kasur Road and another crossing over the Nulla further south, on a road from Khem Karan to Ganda Singh Walla.

They also needed to form a ‘plug’.

Just to insure against any irruption from those two bridges, the brigade was under orders to form a firm base more or less between the two axes, from which any entry from either side could be contested. In addition to its constituent battalions, 9 J&K Rifles, 13 Dogra and 18 Rajrif, 62 Brigade was given the Deccan Horse and 1/9 Gorkha Rifles.

In the second phase, the other brigade, 7 Brigade, was to fan out and use its two battalions remaining (1/9 Gorkhas having gone to 62 Brigade) to attack the three points on the Rohi Nulla mentioned earlier, Bedian to the north, Waigal in the centre and Ballanwala to the south.

62 Brigade were to move forward from its positions on the Nulla, secure the east bank of the Canal, and destroy all bridges in their sector (the entire divisional sector).
 
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