A fly in China's Russian ointment
By M K Bhadrakumar
China would know that climbing the greasy pole of global power politics isn't easy. Rivals play rough. But China couldn't have expected to see Russia among them.
The backdrop is poignant. Russia-China strategic coordination has touched a high level. Beijing has been joyful about the prospect of Vladimir Putin returning to the Kremlin as president in early May after a spell as premier. Beijing sees Putin as the best thing that ever happened to "post-Soviet" Russia. Maybe it was
sheer naivety, or brilliant guile, but China preferred to see Putin as a one-dimensional figure consumed by a hatred of the West. Beijing saw a dark Western conspiracy to discredit him as he reclaimed power in the Kremlin.
Therefore, Russian natural gas company Gazprom's announcement on April 6 that it had signed a deal to take a minority stake in the development of two gas projects off the coast of Vietnam would have a Shakespearean touch about it - Et tu, Brute?
The Gazprom deal was certainly Putin's decision. Gazprom will explore two licensed blocks in the Vietnamese continental shelf in the South China Sea. It takes a 49% stake in the offshore blocks, which hold an estimated 1.9 trillion cubic feet of natural gas and more than 25 million tons of gas condensate.
Beijing is apparently taken aback. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Weimin was guarded in his response: "China hoped companies from countries outside the South China Sea region would respect and support efforts by directly concerned parties in resolving disputes through bilateral negotiations."
Beijing was left guessing as the bear waded into the choppy waters of the South China Sea. True, the two exploration blocks are within Vietnam's waters and for Gazprom it is a lucrative business deal. But Gazprom is a state-owned company and is widely regarded as one of Russia's "geopolitical tools".
Chinese commentaries have signaled that Beijing doubts Moscow's intentions. The Global Times pointed out:
Vietnam and the Philippines are both trying to seek help from countries outside the region, making the bilateral negotiations into a multilateral confrontation. China cannot be too cautious about any other superpower involvement in the South China Sea region. Russia should not send any wrong or ambiguous signals about the South China Sea. It will not only make the dispute even more difficult to settle for China, but also raises doubts about Russia's real intentions behind the gas deal.
Besides, Gazprom's gas deal is not a flash in the pan. Russia is systematically rebuilding its Soviet-era ties with Vietnam (which tapped into shared antipathies toward China), especially since 2009 when Putin told his Vietnamese counterpart Nguyen Tan Dung that the relationship had assumed "strategic significance".
Moving eastward
Moscow has given an US$8 billion loan for the construction of Vietnam's first nuclear power plant. Russia is Vietnam's most important source of advanced weapon technology. And the weapons systems include the SS-N-25 Switchblade/Kh-35 Uransubsonic anti-ship missile, the Ka-27 naval helicopter, the SU-30 MK multi-role fighter aircraft, upgraded Kilo Class attack submarines, Gepard Class Corvettes, the Molnia/Project 12418 fast attack craft packed with Moskit/SS-N-22 Sunburn supersonic anti-ship missiles, Svetlyak export class patrol boats (originally developed for the KGB's border guards) equipped with anti-aircraft missiles, and so on - all of which help boost Vietnam's capability to defy China.
Russian Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov has promised Moscow's help for Vietnam to build a submarine base for its Kilos, a loan to help Hanoi buy rescue and auxiliary vessels from Russia and planes for Vietnam's navy as well as build a ship repair yard that will also service visiting Russian navy ships.
Moscow hopes to regain access to its Soviet-era military base in Camh Ran Bay. An editorial in the Chinese daily The Global Times last week said:
All the cooperation ... goes beyond economic interests and is chiefly related to political and security concerns.
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