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China: Baseless Imprisonments Surge in Xinjiang
Harsh, Unjust Sentences for Uyghurs, Other Muslims

A perimeter fence around what is officially known as a” vocational skills education center” in Dabancheng in China's Xinjiang region, September 2018.
Click to expand Image

A perimeter fence around what is officially known as a” vocational skills education center” in Dabancheng in China's Xinjiang region, September 2018. © 2018 Reuters/Thomas Peter
(New York) – The Chinese government has increased its groundless prosecutions with long prison sentences for Uyghurs and other Muslims in recent years in China’s Xinjiang region, Human Rights Watch said today. Since the Chinese government escalated its repressive “Strike Hard Campaign against Violent Terrorism” in late 2016, the region’s formal criminal justice system has convicted and sentenced more than 250,000 people.

While few verdicts and other official documents are publicly available due to Xinjiang authorities’ tight control of information, a Human Rights Watch analysis of nearly 60 of these cases suggests that many people have been convicted and imprisoned without committing a genuine offense. These formal prosecutions are distinct from those arbitrarily detained in unlawful “political education” facilities.

“Although the Chinese government’s use of ‘political education’ camps has led to international outrage, the detention and imprisonment of Xinjiang’s Muslims by the formal justice system has attracted far less attention,” said Maya Wang, senior China researcher. “Despite the veneer of legality, many of those in Xinjiang’s prisons are ordinary people who were convicted for going about their lives and practicing their religion.”

Prosecutions Increase Sharply, Many for Long Sentences

The Chinese government’s official statistics showed a dramatic increase in the number of people sentenced in Xinjiang in 2017, followed by another increase in 2018, as reported by the nongovernmental organization, Network of Chinese Human Rights Defenders, and the New York Times in 2019.
202102asia_china_graph1
Click to expand Image

Source: China Law Yearbooks, Xinjiang Regional Yearbooks and Xinjiang Court Annual Work Reports
According to Chinese government statistics, Xinjiang courts sentenced 99,326 people in 2017 and 133,198 in 2018. The authorities have not released sentencing statistics for 2019.

The Xinjiang Victims Database – a nongovernmental organization that has documented the cases of over 8,000 detainees based on family accounts and official documents – estimates that the number of people sentenced in 2019 may be comparable to those in the previous two years. Of the 178 cases whose year of sentencing is known, the number of people sentenced in 2019 is roughly the average of those of 2017 and 2018.
202102asia_china_graph2
Click to expand Image

Source: Xinjiang Victims Database
A comparable official sentencing figure could mean that tens of thousands more people were sentenced in Xinjiang in 2019.

Another change in 2017 was the dramatic increase in the number of those given lengthy sentences, also according to government statistics. Prior to 2017, sentences of over five years in prison were about 10.8 percent of the total number of people sentenced. In 2017, they make up 87 percent of the sentences.
202102asia_china_graph3
Click to expand Image

Source: Xinjiang Regional Yearbooks
Similarly, the dataset from the Xinjiang Victims Database shows that among the 312 individuals whose prison terms are known, people are being imprisoned for, on average, 12.5 years during the Strike Hard Campaign. That figure excludes six people who have been given life sentences.

Arbitrary Imprisonments Under the Strike Hard Campaign

One case that vividly illustrates the arbitrary nature of Xinjiang’s mass imprisonment of Muslims is that of Jin Dehuai, a Hui Muslim sentenced to life imprisonment for “splittism” in Changji Prefecture in September 2018. In a verdict obtained by Human Rights Watch, the Changji Intermediate People’s Court convicted Jin, 47, for “repeatedly and illegally” organizing trips abroad to study the Quran, inviting religious figures from countries including Bangladesh and Kyrgyzstan to Xinjiang, and holding religious meetings in the region between 2006 and 2014. The authorities accused Jin of encouraging others to take part in Tablighi Jamaat, a kind of transnational movement of Islamic proselytization.

There is no publicly available evidence that Jin’s activities constituted a recognizable criminal offense. Yet the court determined that his activities had “promoted the infiltration of foreign religious forces in China,” “strengthened the idea that Islam will unite the world, ultimately to establish a caliphate,” and thus “endangered the country.”

Jin was sentenced to seven years for “gathering crowds to disturb social order” in 2015 for these same behaviors, but the procuratorate challenged the verdict in 2017 and asked for a heavier sentence, resulting in a retrial that resulted in a life sentence. Prior to this sentence, in 2009, Jin had been imprisoned for 18 months for teaching the Quran to over two dozen Hui and Uyghur children.

Aside from Jin Huaide’s case, the Xinjiang Victims Database found six others, some provided by families:
  • Nebijan Ghoja Ehmet, an ethnic Uyghur, was convicted of “inciting ethnic hatred and discrimination” for telling others “what is haram and halal” (prohibited and permissible in Islam) and sentenced to 10 years in prison;
  • Huang Shike, Hui, was convicted of “illegal use of the internet” for explaining the Quran to others in two WeChat groups and sentenced to two years in prison;
  • Asqar Azatbek, Kazakh, was convicted of “spying and fraud” for showing a visiting Kazakh official around hydraulic projects near the Kazakh-Chinese border and sentenced to 20 years in prison;
  • Nie Shigang, Hui, was originally convicted of “assisting in terrorist activities” and “money laundering” for helping over 100 Uyghurs transfer money to their relatives in Egypt – funds authorities said were used for terrorist activities – and sentenced to 15 years in prison. Upon appeal, however, the court ruled that Nie was not guilty of “assisting in terrorist activities” and reduced his sentence to five years for “money laundering;”
  • Nurlan Pioner, Kazakh, was convicted of “disturbing public order and extremism” for educating over 70 people in religion, and sentenced to 17 years in prison;
  • Serikzhan Adilhan, Kazakh, was convicted of running an “illegal business” for selling cigarettes worth 174,600 RMB (US$27,000) without a license and sentenced to 3 and a half years. The verdict of Serikzhan Adilhan is the only one of the seven available verdicts that is posted on China’s official database of court verdicts.
Other available information concerning 51 cases, including the indictments, incarceration notices, leaked official documents, and official communications with families indicate that most of the Uyghur and Kazakh individuals in these cases have been imprisoned for vague and overbroad offenses such as “inciting ethnic hatred,” “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” and for watching or listening to “extremist” content.

One such document, an indictment detaining the case of four Uyghur family members, illustrates the Chinese government’s perilously over-expansive use of the terms “terrorism” and “extremism.” The four were indicted in January 2019 for travelling to Turkey in 2013 and 2014 to visit another family member. Chinese authorities claimed that the man in Turkey, a university lecturer named Erkin Emet, belongs to a terrorist organization, and that the money (US$2,500) and gifts his family gave him – including a dutar, a traditional musical instrument, a gold ring, and basic necessities – were evidence of them “assisting terrorism.” These four, along with another sibling of Emet, were given sentences of 11 to 23 years, according to Emet, who in 2019 learned about their conviction.

These verdicts and the additional case information suggest that the courts in Xinjiang have convicted and imprisoned many people who had not committed a genuine offense.

No Due Process Under Strike Hard Campaign

Xinjiang’s Strike Hard Campaign targets the “ideological virus” of Turkic Muslims, religious and political ideas that do not conform to those prescribed by the state, such as pan-Islamism. It involves mass surveillance and political indoctrination of the entire population. The authorities evaluate people’s thoughts, behavior, and relationships based on bogus and broad criteria – such as whether they have families abroad – to determine their course of “correction.” Those whose transgressions the authorities consider light are held in political education camps or under other forms of movement restrictions, including house arrest. Past government practice suggests that more serious cases are processed in the formal criminal justice system.

The Strike Hard Campaign is typical of Chinese authorities’ periodic and politicized “anti-crime” initiatives. The authorities pressure the police, procuratorate, and courts to cooperate to deliver swift and harsh punishment, leading to summary trials, the processing of large number of cases in a short time, and a suspension of basic procedural rights under Chinese law.

Similar dynamics appear to characterize Xinjiang’s Strike Hard Campaign. News reports describe crushing work pressure on Xinjiang officials, including those in the criminal justice system. One describes police officers, procurators, and judges not having time to eat or sleep, and holidays being suspended. Human Rights Watch in 2018 interviewed people held in Xinjiang’s formal detention centers between 2016 and 2018 who said that they and fellow detainees were tortured to confess crimes and deprived of access to lawyers. Radio Free Asia has reported that people are being sentenced with perfunctory and closed trials that families cannot attend.

International pressure may have contributed to the Chinese government releasing some detainees from “political education” camps. The government, which has denied mass arbitrary detentions in Xinjiang, has asserted that it governs the region according to the “rule of law.” But many people have been forcibly disappeared, detained or imprisoned with their families not informed of their whereabouts. Those released are subjected to continued surveillance, control of their movements, and some to forced labor.

“International pressure on the Chinese government should be escalated for an independent investigation in Xinjiang,” Wang said. “That’s the best hope for the release of all those unjustly detained or imprisoned.”
 
Religion has nothing to do with genocide. Europeans forced or seduced Africans, some Asian countries to convert into their religions. Is that genocide?

Arabs forced Uygur ancestors to convert into Islam. Is that genocide?
 
China’s treatment of Uighurs is ‘crimes against humanity’: Report
Human Rights Watch is the latest to document policies of mass detention, torture and cultural persecution in Xinjiang.

A perimeter fence is constructed around what is officially known as a vocational skills education centre in Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, China [File: Thomas Peter/Reuters

A perimeter fence is constructed around what is officially known as a vocational skills education centre in Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, China [File: Thomas Peter/Reuters
19 Apr 2021
China is committing crimes against humanity in its treatment of the Uighur ethnic minority and other Turkic Muslims in the northwest region of Xinjiang, with Beijing responsible for “policies of mass detention, torture, and cultural persecution, among other offenses”, Human Rights Watch has said in a new report.
The 53-page report, titled Break Their Lineage, Break Their Roots documented a “range of abuses” that also include enforced disappearances, mass surveillance, separation of families, forced returns to China, forced labour, sexual violence and violations of reproductive rights.
KEEP READING
What’s happening with China’s Uighurs? | Start HereChinese hackers used Facebook to spy on Uighurs abroad, firm saysChina commits ‘genocide’ against Uighurs: State Department report
The report, which was authored with the help of Stanford Law School’s Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic noted that while Beijing’s oppression of Turkic Muslims is “not a new phenomenon”, it has reached “unprecedented levels”.
As many as a million people have been detained in 300 to 400 facilities, including “political education” camps, pretrial detention centres and prisons, the report said. Meanwhile, children whose parents have been detained are sometimes placed in state institutions.



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Since 2017, when Beijing intensified its crackdown, arrests in Xinjiang accounted for 21 percent of all arrests in China, despite the region accounting for just 1.5 percent of the population, the report said. Arrests in the region increased by 306 percent in the last five years as compared to the first five years.
Since 2017, the Chinese government has also “used various pretexts to damage or destroy” two-thirds of mosques in the region.
“To be clear, crimes against humanity are serious specific offenses, knowingly committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against the civilian population,” Sophie Richardson, China director at Human Rights Watch, said at a press conference on Monday. “And these are among the greatest human rights abuses under international law.”



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Richardson noted that while their research had not yet reached the high bar under international law to prove “genocidal intent” by the Chinese government, “nothing in this report precludes that finding”.
The United States government, the parliaments of Canada, Belgium and the Netherlands, and other rights groups have already labelled Beijing’s actions genocide. Several countries, including the US, European Union, United Kingdom and Canada, have imposed targeted sanctions.
Beijing has long denied allegations of abuses, dismissing them as “slanderous attacks” saying the detention camps in question are “vocational training centres” meant to stem “extremism”.
‘Coordinated international action’
Speaking at the press conference, Kenneth Roth, Executive Director of HRW, called for “coordinated international action” and urged the United Nations Human Rights Council to create a commission of inquiry with authority to investigate allegations of crimes against humanity, identify officials responsible for abuses and provide a road map for holding them accountable.

The report, which drew on information from government documents, human rights groups, the media, and scholars, also provided recommendations for governments to put pressure on Beijing for the alleged abuses, including “pursuing individual criminal and state responsibility for these crimes, targeted sanctions, and actions under other UN mechanisms, such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD)”.



Play Video
Roth also called on companies to cut ties with Xinjiang, saying “it is not possible at this stage for companies to import from Xinjiang without risking complicity in the pervasive use of forced labor”.
Monday’s report said that the “level of coercion” involved in government programmes that place Turkic Muslims in jobs in Xinjiang and China “appear to have dramatically increased” in recent years.
The report added that “evidence indicates that detainees have been sent to perform forced labor after they were released from Xinjiang’s political education camps … Satellite images also show the recent emergence of new factories, connected to or near the camps, where inmates allegedly provide low-cost or unpaid labor.”
 
:coffee: :sarcastic::sarcastic:
So who can stop any parents from educating their own children at home? There is no violation of any human right in the law in this case?
No one has been charged in a court in China in violation of this law.

What about the parent or followers of a derivative religion that preach extremism at home?
Nobody will know unless someone including the adolescent himself reported this to the Police then they are in trouble.
Kids have human rights too.

But to propagate religion to any adolescents in any religious place of worship is definitely against the law and it is working well there in Xinjiang and elsewhere.

As I say, some of you may disagree but a law is a law and it is not confined to one religion. Most of all it is a law in China. No one in China is unhappy about it.

No suicidal terrorism is reported in Xinjiang for many years now.

Congregational prayer is a religious duty upon Muslims. To prevent Muslim youth from praying in congregations or from recieving religious education from scholarly sources in religious institutes like Mosques is a violation of their human rights. Many parts of Muslim culture are linked to Mosques, for example funerals prayers take place in mosques. Are young Chinese Muslims not allowed to attend funerals if they take place in Mosques? This is clearly an infringement on the religious and cultural rights of people who are Muslim in China.

Also the law also considers anyone an extremist if they oppose the law. How can anyone object if legally they could be considered an extremist for doing so?

1620306685552.png
 
Congregational prayer is a religious duty upon Muslims. To prevent Muslim youth from praying in congregations or from recieving religious education from scholarly sources in religious institutes like Mosques is a violation of their human rights. Many parts of Muslim culture are linked to Mosques, for example funerals prayers take place in mosques. Are young Chinese Muslims not allowed to attend funerals if they take place in Mosques? This is clearly an infringement on the religious and cultural rights of people who are Muslim in China.

Also the law also considers anyone an extremist if they oppose the law. How can anyone object if legally they could be considered an extremist for doing so?

View attachment 741162
ghazi: it is the way the law is interpreted.. In China you are guilty; the burden is on you to prove you are not.

This legal term is highly subject to abuse by the authorities and being used right now.
 
Religion has nothing to do with genocide. Europeans forced or seduced Africans, some Asian countries to convert into their religions. Is that genocide?

Arabs forced Uygur ancestors to convert into Islam. Is that genocide?

Genocide is the the deliberate killing of a large number of people from a particular nation or ethnic group with the aim of destroying that nation or group. If you're not killing people but making them change religion, then it's not genocide - it's forced conversion.

Now has religion spread by forced conversion? Certainly not. In some cases there was an aspect of it, but generally religion has not spread by force. If that was the case then Muslims who ruled India for over 1000 years would have wiped out hinduism, yet Hindus are by far the largest religious group in India.

Not a single Muslim army landed in Indonesia, yet Indonesia is the most populous Muslim country.

Which Arab army occupied China?
 


China: Baseless Imprisonments Surge in Xinjiang
Harsh, Unjust Sentences for Uyghurs, Other Muslims

A perimeter fence around what is officially known as a” vocational skills education center” in Dabancheng in China's Xinjiang region, September 2018. 's Xinjiang region, September 2018.
Click to expand Image

A perimeter fence around what is officially known as a” vocational skills education center” in Dabancheng in China's Xinjiang region, September 2018. © 2018 Reuters/Thomas Peter
(New York) – The Chinese government has increased its groundless prosecutions with long prison sentences for Uyghurs and other Muslims in recent years in China’s Xinjiang region, Human Rights Watch said today. Since the Chinese government escalated its repressive “Strike Hard Campaign against Violent Terrorism” in late 2016, the region’s formal criminal justice system has convicted and sentenced more than 250,000 people.

While few verdicts and other official documents are publicly available due to Xinjiang authorities’ tight control of information, a Human Rights Watch analysis of nearly 60 of these cases suggests that many people have been convicted and imprisoned without committing a genuine offense. These formal prosecutions are distinct from those arbitrarily detained in unlawful “political education” facilities.

“Although the Chinese government’s use of ‘political education’ camps has led to international outrage, the detention and imprisonment of Xinjiang’s Muslims by the formal justice system has attracted far less attention,” said Maya Wang, senior China researcher. “Despite the veneer of legality, many of those in Xinjiang’s prisons are ordinary people who were convicted for going about their lives and practicing their religion.”

Prosecutions Increase Sharply, Many for Long Sentences

The Chinese government’s official statistics showed a dramatic increase in the number of people sentenced in Xinjiang in 2017, followed by another increase in 2018, as reported by the nongovernmental organization, Network of Chinese Human Rights Defenders, and the New York Times in 2019.
202102asia_china_graph1
Click to expand Image

Source: China Law Yearbooks, Xinjiang Regional Yearbooks and Xinjiang Court Annual Work Reports
According to Chinese government statistics, Xinjiang courts sentenced 99,326 people in 2017 and 133,198 in 2018. The authorities have not released sentencing statistics for 2019.

The Xinjiang Victims Database – a nongovernmental organization that has documented the cases of over 8,000 detainees based on family accounts and official documents – estimates that the number of people sentenced in 2019 may be comparable to those in the previous two years. Of the 178 cases whose year of sentencing is known, the number of people sentenced in 2019 is roughly the average of those of 2017 and 2018.
202102asia_china_graph2
Click to expand Image

Source: Xinjiang Victims Database
A comparable official sentencing figure could mean that tens of thousands more people were sentenced in Xinjiang in 2019.

Another change in 2017 was the dramatic increase in the number of those given lengthy sentences, also according to government statistics. Prior to 2017, sentences of over five years in prison were about 10.8 percent of the total number of people sentenced. In 2017, they make up 87 percent of the sentences.
202102asia_china_graph3
Click to expand Image

Source: Xinjiang Regional Yearbooks
Similarly, the dataset from the Xinjiang Victims Database shows that among the 312 individuals whose prison terms are known, people are being imprisoned for, on average, 12.5 years during the Strike Hard Campaign. That figure excludes six people who have been given life sentences.

Arbitrary Imprisonments Under the Strike Hard Campaign

One case that vividly illustrates the arbitrary nature of Xinjiang’s mass imprisonment of Muslims is that of Jin Dehuai, a Hui Muslim sentenced to life imprisonment for “splittism” in Changji Prefecture in September 2018. In a verdict obtained by Human Rights Watch, the Changji Intermediate People’s Court convicted Jin, 47, for “repeatedly and illegally” organizing trips abroad to study the Quran, inviting religious figures from countries including Bangladesh and Kyrgyzstan to Xinjiang, and holding religious meetings in the region between 2006 and 2014. The authorities accused Jin of encouraging others to take part in Tablighi Jamaat, a kind of transnational movement of Islamic proselytization.

There is no publicly available evidence that Jin’s activities constituted a recognizable criminal offense. Yet the court determined that his activities had “promoted the infiltration of foreign religious forces in China,” “strengthened the idea that Islam will unite the world, ultimately to establish a caliphate,” and thus “endangered the country.”

Jin was sentenced to seven years for “gathering crowds to disturb social order” in 2015 for these same behaviors, but the procuratorate challenged the verdict in 2017 and asked for a heavier sentence, resulting in a retrial that resulted in a life sentence. Prior to this sentence, in 2009, Jin had been imprisoned for 18 months for teaching the Quran to over two dozen Hui and Uyghur children.

Aside from Jin Huaide’s case, the Xinjiang Victims Database found six others, some provided by families:
  • Nebijan Ghoja Ehmet, an ethnic Uyghur, was convicted of “inciting ethnic hatred and discrimination” for telling others “what is haram and halal” (prohibited and permissible in Islam) and sentenced to 10 years in prison;
  • Huang Shike, Hui, was convicted of “illegal use of the internet” for explaining the Quran to others in two WeChat groups and sentenced to two years in prison;
  • Asqar Azatbek, Kazakh, was convicted of “spying and fraud” for showing a visiting Kazakh official around hydraulic projects near the Kazakh-Chinese border and sentenced to 20 years in prison;
  • Nie Shigang, Hui, was originally convicted of “assisting in terrorist activities” and “money laundering” for helping over 100 Uyghurs transfer money to their relatives in Egypt – funds authorities said were used for terrorist activities – and sentenced to 15 years in prison. Upon appeal, however, the court ruled that Nie was not guilty of “assisting in terrorist activities” and reduced his sentence to five years for “money laundering;”
  • Nurlan Pioner, Kazakh, was convicted of “disturbing public order and extremism” for educating over 70 people in religion, and sentenced to 17 years in prison;
  • Serikzhan Adilhan, Kazakh, was convicted of running an “illegal business” for selling cigarettes worth 174,600 RMB (US$27,000) without a license and sentenced to 3 and a half years. The verdict of Serikzhan Adilhan is the only one of the seven available verdicts that is posted on China’s official database of court verdicts.
Other available information concerning 51 cases, including the indictments, incarceration notices, leaked official documents, and official communications with families indicate that most of the Uyghur and Kazakh individuals in these cases have been imprisoned for vague and overbroad offenses such as “inciting ethnic hatred,” “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” and for watching or listening to “extremist” content.

One such document, an indictment detaining the case of four Uyghur family members, illustrates the Chinese government’s perilously over-expansive use of the terms “terrorism” and “extremism.” The four were indicted in January 2019 for travelling to Turkey in 2013 and 2014 to visit another family member. Chinese authorities claimed that the man in Turkey, a university lecturer named Erkin Emet, belongs to a terrorist organization, and that the money (US$2,500) and gifts his family gave him – including a dutar, a traditional musical instrument, a gold ring, and basic necessities – were evidence of them “assisting terrorism.” These four, along with another sibling of Emet, were given sentences of 11 to 23 years, according to Emet, who in 2019 learned about their conviction.

These verdicts and the additional case information suggest that the courts in Xinjiang have convicted and imprisoned many people who had not committed a genuine offense.

No Due Process Under Strike Hard Campaign

Xinjiang’s Strike Hard Campaign targets the “ideological virus” of Turkic Muslims, religious and political ideas that do not conform to those prescribed by the state, such as pan-Islamism. It involves mass surveillance and political indoctrination of the entire population. The authorities evaluate people’s thoughts, behavior, and relationships based on bogus and broad criteria – such as whether they have families abroad – to determine their course of “correction.” Those whose transgressions the authorities consider light are held in political education camps or under other forms of movement restrictions, including house arrest. Past government practice suggests that more serious cases are processed in the formal criminal justice system.

The Strike Hard Campaign is typical of Chinese authorities’ periodic and politicized “anti-crime” initiatives. The authorities pressure the police, procuratorate, and courts to cooperate to deliver swift and harsh punishment, leading to summary trials, the processing of large number of cases in a short time, and a suspension of basic procedural rights under Chinese law.

Similar dynamics appear to characterize Xinjiang’s Strike Hard Campaign. News reports describe crushing work pressure on Xinjiang officials, including those in the criminal justice system. One describes police officers, procurators, and judges not having time to eat or sleep, and holidays being suspended. Human Rights Watch in 2018 interviewed people held in Xinjiang’s formal detention centers between 2016 and 2018 who said that they and fellow detainees were tortured to confess crimes and deprived of access to lawyers. Radio Free Asia has reported that people are being sentenced with perfunctory and closed trials that families cannot attend.

International pressure may have contributed to the Chinese government releasing some detainees from “political education” camps. The government, which has denied mass arbitrary detentions in Xinjiang, has asserted that it governs the region according to the “rule of law.” But many people have been forcibly disappeared, detained or imprisoned with their families not informed of their whereabouts. Those released are subjected to continued surveillance, control of their movements, and some to forced labor.

“International pressure on the Chinese government should be escalated for an independent investigation in Xinjiang,” Wang said. “That’s the best hope for the release of all those unjustly detained or imprisoned.”
I am blesses to have travelled to a lot of countries around the world, have taken courses in educational institutions and have personally taught in vocational institutions. No where did I find perimeter fences erected to withhold students - what kind of vocational institution would have such a fence with barbed wires - only place these measures belong in is a jail or imprisonment facility.

They can call it whatever they want but the environment of these facilities gives away their charade. It's only a matter of time before this spell of warmth towards China will disappear and nations will question their treatment of minorities.
 
I am blesses to have travelled to a lot of countries around the world, have taken courses in educational institutions and have personally taught in vocational institutions. No where did I find perimeter fences erected to withhold students - what kind of vocational institution would have such a fence with barbed wires - only place these measures belong in is a jail or imprisonment facility.

They can call it whatever they want but the environment of these facilities gives away their charade. It's only a matter of time before this spell of warmth towards China will disappear and nations will question their treatment of minorities.
Indeed, if you come here and travel north - you will see what is happening. Things are spiraling and i fear they will see what Idi Amin did to asians in Uganda happen again.
 
Religion has nothing to do with genocide. Europeans forced or seduced Africans, some Asian countries to convert into their religions. Is that genocide?

Arabs forced Uygur ancestors to convert into Islam. Is that genocide?
get your facts right. Islam would not have traversed the world if forced
Uyghur ancestors were Buddhists. I don't think they would give up their religion easily.
stick to the topic and stop derailing as per your norm. if you have nothing to say, kindly leave.
 
Indeed, if you come here and travel north - you will see what is happening. Things are spiraling and i fear they will see what Idi Amin did to asians in Uganda happen again.
I have been to China but only Beijing, had no reason to travel to that side of China. In fact when I visited I had a very positive outlook of China and still have fond memories from my time spent there, it's just a shame how they are treating Uyghurs and undoing any good feelings normal people might have about China. I found a thread on by WarThunder see link the video explains the actual laws CCP has implemented and how vague they are - this vagueness is used to harass Uyghurs and flies in face of claims made by Chinese posters on this forum.

 
Uyghur ancestors were Buddhists. I don't think they would give up their religion easily.

Assume for a minute that is correct, does that justify the Chinese state forcing people to abandon their religion and culture?
 
From human right watch ,the remnant of Coldwar era's anti communism propaganda cutout ,stacked by ex cia ,the so called human rights watch that's worth 250 million usd?.Kenneth Roth the director of hrw involved in US led neo colonial hijack of Myanmar.

1620315637817.png
 
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