Zaid Hamid commentary
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sur
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Yes there can be,,, just look urself in the mirror... Idiot.
Keep trying to get peace thru ur peaceful means,,, go have talks with india as many times as u want,,, then come tell us what breakthrough u made,,, if none then slam that stinky "Foot" of yours to the idiot u just saw in mirror...
All he says is that لاتوں ڪے بھوت باتوں سے نھيں مانتے
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DaRk WaVe
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yes yes i have seen myself & I look a lot better than Maria B
Ohh my God so when are we having Gazwa-e-Hind under the great leadership of His Highness the Supreme Commander Zion Hamid, I just can't stand it where is my inhaler, where is it???
I am sure Zion Hamid hid my Inhaler, he don't wants EmO GiRl to speak against him, EmO GiRl must be declared Kafir & executed because she is talking about 'sense' & not using 'emotions' moreover she is also a local agent of CIA/Mossad/RAW/RAMA/ Blackwater[ Ohh my God, I am something more than a triple agent(hell with that Jordanian), Geez I just broke all records in intelligence history, Who's Jason Bourne?]
her feet are also stinky moreover she wears Gucci heel shoes, which is an infidel company so she is indirectly supporting the infidels and look at her Avatar and We will meet you after a break to continue 'EmO GiRl's Design to malign the supreme Commander Zion Hamid'
anyways as Sprakilng said the bombs didn't target the army and weren't aimed at demoralizing the people and killing innocent men. It's another conspiracy and the real purpose is to stop 3,000 or so burger boys from assembling at Minar e Pakistan and announcing that he is their chosen Khalifa. Look at the delusions this guys suffers from.
should i cry or should i laugh?
BTW did you tasted my feet? How come you know its stinky
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DaRk WaVe
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BTW there is a Zion Hamid Show today at Paradise Complex, if any one want tickets then let me know
You must not miss the Saviour & leader of the greatest revivalist movement in Pakistan's history
EDIT: Ohh BTW each ticket is of Rs.50/- BUT i am going to sell it in black, whats the point in selling it without profit, I hope you people won't mind giving extra Rs.50/-, This is the time we rise & listen to the Supreme Commander Zion Hamid, Move Forward people, One hour before the show starts at Paradise Complex, Hurry Up, All tickets must be sold
You must not miss the Saviour & leader of the greatest revivalist movement in Pakistan's history
EDIT: Ohh BTW each ticket is of Rs.50/- BUT i am going to sell it in black, whats the point in selling it without profit, I hope you people won't mind giving extra Rs.50/-, This is the time we rise & listen to the Supreme Commander Zion Hamid, Move Forward people, One hour before the show starts at Paradise Complex, Hurry Up, All tickets must be sold
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jeypore
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BTW there is a Zion Hamid Show today at Paradise Complex, if any one want tickets then let me know
You must not miss the Saviour & leader of the greatest revivalist movement in Pakistan's history
I am impressed EmO.. there is lots of brain behind that little EMO!!!
DaRk WaVe
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Clear and present danger
Demagogues like Zaid Hamid are playing the game unchecked and unchallenged. The political and military leadership, including President Asif Zardari, Interior Minister Rehman Malik and army chief Gen Parvez Kayani, is being painted as a traitor for fighting militancy.
Belief in conspiracy theories focusing on Pakistan is not only new, it is on the increase judging by the content of public blogs and TV talk shows.
One comes across a staggering number of people who are unwilling to look inward, instead placing all the blame on any combination of the CIA, the Federal Reserve, Mossad, RAW, the US, etc.
One natural reaction to this is to dismiss conspiracy theories as a folly present in every society. Still, in developed countries conspiracy theorists and their subscribers remain at the fringe.
In Pakistan’s context, conspiracy theories are on a different scale with different implications. Going by blogs, television and anecdotal conversations with educated and illiterate people, I would surmise we are talking about a frighteningly large proportion of the mainstream. Indeed, it is common to blame the Hindus and Jews for Pakistan’s security problems; the US, Blackwater and CIA for suicide attacks. And there is a total absence of introspection.
Why is the problem on such a large scale in Pakistan considering there are parallel demagogues in other countries? Why is the Pakistani public more susceptible than its western counterparts?
The answer can only be based on common sense since studies on the issue do not exist. The country is underdeveloped, lacks a decent social and physical infrastructure, its people don’t have access to economic or educational opportunities. Living in a war theatre, they face food and water insecurity and see themselves as victims.
Victims of whom, though? Not of themselves, no not even in part, but of the perfect villain (the US, Israel, India…
, they are told by our local demagogues. And the reason? Pakistan is a Muslim country, and all the villains are waging a war against Islam. These conditions make for a fertile ground for the breeding and dissemination of conspiracy theories. Once the black and white of it has been established, and the foreign culprits, states and agencies identified and accepted as the villains, any cooperation by the government with the evil forces is seen in the same light. This extends to fighting terrorism. Well-known proponents of conspiracy theories are continuously reducing complex geopolitical issues the country is in the middle of to simply a matter of Islam vs the West (also Israel and India). And on this canvas depicting the epic battle between Islam and the West/Zionism, our political and military leadership is being painted as ‘agents’ of CIA and the US.
The implications are grave. The common man is being prevented from seeing homegrown jihadism as a fundamental part of the problem. A housewife recently phoned in to a popular television programme on a day that a suicide bomber killed scores and, piously expressing her grief without condemning the act, said, ‘but first tell me who is behind all this?’ This attitude is typical.
As the spectre of imminent doom (the Taliban’s entry into Buner) receded some months ago, thanks to the current government and the armed forces undertaking to decisively push back the extremist insurgency, people started to lapse into their dimly lit comfort zone of conspiracy theories. Why? Because neither have the enabling conditions changed, nor have the leaders and proponents of conspiracy theories been confronted.
Demagogues like Dr Israr Ahmed and Zaid Hamid are playing the game unchecked and unchallenged. The political and military leadership, including President Asif Zardari, Interior Minister Rehman Malik and army chief Gen Parvez Kayani, is being painted as a traitor for fighting militancy. The implication is that by pitting the public against these symbols of the state, and the state’s battle with militancy, conspiracy theorists are turning the public against the state itself.
This is not the Pakistan of yesterday when great games were played and deals struck behind the public’s back, when the media was largely gagged and underdeveloped and, therefore, public opinion did not matter. If a war had to be fought, it was fought, and only sold as a jihad later on to the unknowing public, as Gen Ziaul Haq did in Afghanistan in the 1980s.
Today public opinion matters, as was evident in the case of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s reinstatement, the demise of the National Reconciliation Ordinance, the repeal of governor’s rule in Punjab and the current reshuffle of some members of the federal cabinet. For this reason, the implications of conspiracy theories pitting the public against the state on a wide scale are grave.
In the media, there are two parallel universes operating, seemingly unaware of the existence of the other. That section of the media and analysts that carries on a rational debate on issues completely ignores conspiracy theorists. The other section, made up of specific anchors, columnists and programmes, carries on with these theories as if a rational world does not exist.
There are rare exceptions, for example Dawn columnist Nadeem Paracha’s solid response to Zaid Hamid’s theories, or Fasi Zaka’s excellent pieces on the subject about a year ago. But sadly, their words would have only reached the already converted.
The widespread culture of conspiracy theories, increasingly taking on an anti state complexion, is the ticking time bomb of today. It cannot be ignored. The two parallel universes of the Pakistani media must collide, and it is the rationalist section that must catalyse the confrontation — it is not in the interest of the other to do so.
It is imperative that space is reclaimed from conspiracy theorists, for the security of the state is threatened by it. Conspiracy theories are a clear, present and internal danger and the media must take direct action. For only the media and rational elements within civil society, be they defence analysts, politicians, lawyers, retired or serving servicemen, retired judges, cabinet ministers or ambassadors, can fight it. Such credible rationalists from civil society must be invited by the media to help fight this monster. This is an enemy that the security agencies cannot fight off.
Elements in our political leadership, like Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah of the PML-N and Senior Minister NWFP Bashir Ahmed Bilour of the ANP, would also do well not to fan the ‘blame India’ trend for the sake of political expediency. Unfortunately, India is an easy target as it provides a ready excuse for security lapses, absolving to an extent the provincial and federal governments of the responsibility to ‘do more’.
DAWN.COM | Pakistan | Clear and present danger
Creder
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my bad this guy needs to be locked up..or atleast shouldnt be allowed to go anywhere without medication and doctors
sur
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but still r pathetic,,, never mind looks, it wasn't about that...yes yes i have seen myself & I look a lot better than Maria B
what do u call these reactions... proverbs!!! or "mittelschmerz":-
"Zion Hamid'"
"IDIOT"
"My Foot"
"I just can't stand it where is my inhaler, where is it??? "
"EmO GiRl must be declared Kafir & executed because she is talking about 'sense'"
"she is also a local agent...a triple agent ...Geez I just broke all records"
"she wears Gucci heel shoes...which is an infidel company"
"as Sprakilng said ... burger boys"
"should i cry or should i laugh?"
"I look a lot better than Maria B"
u might have odour receptors in ur tongue,,, I don't.
I'm really enjoying the cat fight between Sur and emoplease continue.
I am NOT a lady so,,, lets call it a dog-fight...
thebrownguy
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oops, sorry about that, did not completely read your post before comin up wid all dis.. self delete. ..
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DaRk WaVe
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never mind, I stand by my word I look a lot better than Maria B
pathetic, aint this this status on Zaid Hamid page pathetic??
The hostiles are desperate to block Takmeel. It seems pretty obvious The blasts in Lahore and the FIR against this humble Faqeer are linked with CIA/RAW and their local allies hell bent to block the greatest revivalist movement in Pakistan's history. Inshalah, we will live with dignity and when it come, we will die wit...h honour. We say shukar to Allah and even more determined to keep the flag high!! alhamdolilah
the greatest revivalist movement in Pakistan's history.
I was trying to be a Zaid Hamid, Guess i failed, How can i reach the level of his highness
but somehow his followers are always unable to grasp basic sarcasm but never mind thats showing us the mental level of his followers
read it again, They are two different sentences, but still the point remains how come you know my feet are stinky?
PS:If Zaid hamid told you '"u have odour receptors in ur tongue'" I am sure you will believe him
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sparklingway
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^^^^^^^^
Stop this stupid debate, your can clearly see how sur is deviating from the main topic and shouting only insults. Sensible people don't need to respond to name calling.
Stop this stupid debate, your can clearly see how sur is deviating from the main topic and shouting only insults. Sensible people don't need to respond to name calling.
Pakistan’s new paranoia - The National Newspaper
The hardline philosophies of the charismatic TV host Zaid Hamid have permeated the grassroots political life of Pakistan, writes Manan Ahmed.
A new narrative is ascendant in Pakistan. It is in the writings of major Urdu-language newspaper columnists, who purport to marshal anecdotal or textual evidence on its behalf. It is on television, where the hosts of religious and political talk shows polish it with slick production values.
The basic elements of the story – which has often, and erroneously, been called a conspiracy theory – are simple. Local agents (or terrorists, or soldiers, or Blackwater employees) representing a foreign power (India, or the United States, or Israel) are intent on destroying Pakistan because they fear that it will otherwise emerge as the powerful leader of the Muslim world, just as the country’s past leaders had predicted. The ascendant narrative is prophetic and self-pitying, nationalist and martial; it is a way to interpret current events and a call for activism to restore the country’s interrupted rise to glory.
The consumers of this narrative represent the largest demographic slice of Pakistan – young, urban men and women under the age of 30. They came of age under a military dictatorship with a war on their borders, and, more recently, almost daily terrorist attacks in their major cities. The twin poles of their civic identity – Pakistan and Islam – are under immense stress. They love Pakistan; they want to take Islam back from the jihadists. But there is no national dialogue, and no vision for the state: no place, in other words, where the young can make sense of their own country. Pakistan is ideologically adrift and headed toward incoherence, unable to articulate its own meaning as either a state or a nation. To the anguished question “Whither Pakistan?” the country’s leaders provide no response.
A man named Zaid Hamid, who has perhaps done more than anyone else to promote the new narrative of national victimhood, says that he has a clear answer. We are, he argues, living in the apocalyptic end-times – and Pakistan must emerge as the leader of the last struggle. Clad in his trademark red hat, he is leading rallies on campuses and in auditoriums across the country. His words – and the excited reactions of his audiences – are captured by camera crews, and the footage posted on YouTube and Facebook.
In his ceremonial Urdu, laced with Quranic verses and English idioms, he tells the gathered that they represent a generation hand-picked by God to lead Pakistan. He warns them of the sinister forces arrayed against the blessed nation of Pakistan. He assures them that prophecies predict their victory – all they have to do is mobilise. They have to leave their seats and take back their country. Only then can they conquer India and Israel. Only then can they rebuke the United States. Only then can they fulfill the dreams of Pakistan’s founding fathers. But the first step has already been taken – they came to his rally, they heard his call to action.
Zaid Hamid is the leading voice of this new Pakistani revivalism. His mysterious rise to prominence demonstrates the power of the new televised media – and the new social networks – in Pakistan, even as it provokes questions about his financial and political backers. In 2006, Hamid was a one-man think-tank in Islamabad, issuing defence and security analysis for his own company, Brasstacks. In 2007 the country, led by the Lawyers’ Movement, rallied against the military regime of Pervez Musharraf and upended the established order across the nation. After the national elections of 2008, as well as the military operations in the north-west, Hamid emerged as the host of his own programme on the independent channel TV One. Within the year, he became one of the biggest stars of the Pakistani punditocracy – spreading his message in columns and op-eds, on YouTube channels and in solidly produced television documentaries.
Through each new phase in his explosive ascent to the pinnacle of Pakistan’s media landscape, Hamid remained a staunchly patriotic booster of the Pakistani military, and a vicious critic of “foreign” meddling in Pakistan’s affairs – usually carried out, in his account, by the American CIA or the Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). He promoted a martial understanding of the Pakistani past, resplendent in the glory of jihad in Kashmir and Afghanistan. The country’s army and air force, he explained, had bravely faced down threats from India, America and Israel – but they were often undermined by their own politicians.
On his television programme, which began in 2008, he turned his attention toward the more distant past, presenting hour-long documentaries on the “great heroes” of the Muslim world, the military commanders who conquered Spain or Sindh or fought the British Empire. Hamid’s documentaries have a reverential – almost sacred – tone, highlighting historical documents and stressing the “authenticity” of his re-enactments. Each show ends with a solemn promise that Pakistan could one day regain its pride and fulfil its destiny.
To those unfortunate enough to have lived in General Zia ul Haq’s militarised Pakistan, all of this is eerily familiar, and hence laden with dire portents. In the 1980s the national television channel, PTV, ritually alternated between footage of “captured” Indian agents and serial dramas glorifying the Arab warriors of the Islamic past. Zia ul Haq’s Sunnification policies depended entirely on a turn towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia – from whence came both the ideology of strict sectarianism and the largesse to create madrasas and jihadist training camps. The sordid history of the US proxy war in Afghanistan does not need to be told anew. What remains important is that particularly narrow definitions of history, religious practice and national purpose were hoisted upon millions of young men.
From these millions, General Zia nourished the mujahideen for the battle in Afghanistan, for Kashmir, Bosnia and Palestine. The local and the global injustices were thus intricately intertwined for those young, hungry minds across Pakistan. The chief vehicle of dispensing such narratives was the religious history of Muslims across the world. By combining elements of Pan-Islamism with reactionary Wahhabism and layering the whole lot with a strong sense of victimhood, Zia sought to create a specific psychological profile for the Pakistani Muslim: militant and nationalist above all, angry at perceived injustices against his faith, convinced of a vast conspiratorial “other” against which one must be willing to sacrifice oneself. It was a smouldering cauldron from which both funds and personnel could always be extracted. Though these processes slowed down after Zia and though Musharraf made some gestures at changing the national dialogue – via his “Enlightened Moderation” – these are the conservative forces which continue to compel Pakistani middle class.
The genius of Zaid Hamid has been to deftly shift the role of Islam from Zia’s strictly performative one to a more flexible mould. His acolytes, who call themselves lal topis (red hats), see a pious man who is less interested in their actual religiosity – whether they pray or not, give alms or not, wear hijab or not – and more concerned with their devotion to the idea of a resurgent, “independent” Pakistan. He calls on Islam mostly to play the role of history. He produces sayings from the Prophet Mohammad declaring victory for the Muslim armies against “al Hind” (India) and Jerusalem. He distributes the “prophecies” of Shah Nimatullah, a Sufi poet from the 12th century. Such claims to religiously based “evidence” allow him to sidestep any direct criticisms. There are no such prophecies, of course. The traditions Hamid claims predict the conquest of al Hind are spurious and were collected late in the 10th century in a book of eschatological accounts circulating along the Byzantine frontier of the ‘Abbasid dynasty. The “quatrains” of Shah Nimatullah are another case of popular mythography.
What remains real, and gravely troubling, is that a quiet transformation is occurring in the cultural landscape of Pakistan. Hamid is only at the forefront of a movement thatincludes others like the hyper-nationalist columnist Ahmed Qureshi, always eager to blame India or Blackwater for each bomb blast; the televangelist Aamir Liaqat, who provides a treacly veneer of religious learning for the “Foreign Hand” theorists; the reformed rocker Ali Azmat and the fashion designer Maria B, who act as emcees at Hamid’s rallies.
Like Glenn Beck, the paranoid American TV sensation, with whom he shares many traits, Hamid is channelling the deep misgivings of the middle class and offering them visions of a glorious future – one whose realisation requires nothing more than blind fidelity to the supposed foundational truths of the nation. For millions of young Pakistanis, it is proving to be a heady brew. But the hangover, when it comes, will be staggering.
Manan Ahmed is a historian of Pakistan at Freie Universität Berlin, and blogs at Chapati Mystery.
The hardline philosophies of the charismatic TV host Zaid Hamid have permeated the grassroots political life of Pakistan, writes Manan Ahmed.
A new narrative is ascendant in Pakistan. It is in the writings of major Urdu-language newspaper columnists, who purport to marshal anecdotal or textual evidence on its behalf. It is on television, where the hosts of religious and political talk shows polish it with slick production values.
The basic elements of the story – which has often, and erroneously, been called a conspiracy theory – are simple. Local agents (or terrorists, or soldiers, or Blackwater employees) representing a foreign power (India, or the United States, or Israel) are intent on destroying Pakistan because they fear that it will otherwise emerge as the powerful leader of the Muslim world, just as the country’s past leaders had predicted. The ascendant narrative is prophetic and self-pitying, nationalist and martial; it is a way to interpret current events and a call for activism to restore the country’s interrupted rise to glory.
The consumers of this narrative represent the largest demographic slice of Pakistan – young, urban men and women under the age of 30. They came of age under a military dictatorship with a war on their borders, and, more recently, almost daily terrorist attacks in their major cities. The twin poles of their civic identity – Pakistan and Islam – are under immense stress. They love Pakistan; they want to take Islam back from the jihadists. But there is no national dialogue, and no vision for the state: no place, in other words, where the young can make sense of their own country. Pakistan is ideologically adrift and headed toward incoherence, unable to articulate its own meaning as either a state or a nation. To the anguished question “Whither Pakistan?” the country’s leaders provide no response.
A man named Zaid Hamid, who has perhaps done more than anyone else to promote the new narrative of national victimhood, says that he has a clear answer. We are, he argues, living in the apocalyptic end-times – and Pakistan must emerge as the leader of the last struggle. Clad in his trademark red hat, he is leading rallies on campuses and in auditoriums across the country. His words – and the excited reactions of his audiences – are captured by camera crews, and the footage posted on YouTube and Facebook.
In his ceremonial Urdu, laced with Quranic verses and English idioms, he tells the gathered that they represent a generation hand-picked by God to lead Pakistan. He warns them of the sinister forces arrayed against the blessed nation of Pakistan. He assures them that prophecies predict their victory – all they have to do is mobilise. They have to leave their seats and take back their country. Only then can they conquer India and Israel. Only then can they rebuke the United States. Only then can they fulfill the dreams of Pakistan’s founding fathers. But the first step has already been taken – they came to his rally, they heard his call to action.
Zaid Hamid is the leading voice of this new Pakistani revivalism. His mysterious rise to prominence demonstrates the power of the new televised media – and the new social networks – in Pakistan, even as it provokes questions about his financial and political backers. In 2006, Hamid was a one-man think-tank in Islamabad, issuing defence and security analysis for his own company, Brasstacks. In 2007 the country, led by the Lawyers’ Movement, rallied against the military regime of Pervez Musharraf and upended the established order across the nation. After the national elections of 2008, as well as the military operations in the north-west, Hamid emerged as the host of his own programme on the independent channel TV One. Within the year, he became one of the biggest stars of the Pakistani punditocracy – spreading his message in columns and op-eds, on YouTube channels and in solidly produced television documentaries.
Through each new phase in his explosive ascent to the pinnacle of Pakistan’s media landscape, Hamid remained a staunchly patriotic booster of the Pakistani military, and a vicious critic of “foreign” meddling in Pakistan’s affairs – usually carried out, in his account, by the American CIA or the Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). He promoted a martial understanding of the Pakistani past, resplendent in the glory of jihad in Kashmir and Afghanistan. The country’s army and air force, he explained, had bravely faced down threats from India, America and Israel – but they were often undermined by their own politicians.
On his television programme, which began in 2008, he turned his attention toward the more distant past, presenting hour-long documentaries on the “great heroes” of the Muslim world, the military commanders who conquered Spain or Sindh or fought the British Empire. Hamid’s documentaries have a reverential – almost sacred – tone, highlighting historical documents and stressing the “authenticity” of his re-enactments. Each show ends with a solemn promise that Pakistan could one day regain its pride and fulfil its destiny.
To those unfortunate enough to have lived in General Zia ul Haq’s militarised Pakistan, all of this is eerily familiar, and hence laden with dire portents. In the 1980s the national television channel, PTV, ritually alternated between footage of “captured” Indian agents and serial dramas glorifying the Arab warriors of the Islamic past. Zia ul Haq’s Sunnification policies depended entirely on a turn towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia – from whence came both the ideology of strict sectarianism and the largesse to create madrasas and jihadist training camps. The sordid history of the US proxy war in Afghanistan does not need to be told anew. What remains important is that particularly narrow definitions of history, religious practice and national purpose were hoisted upon millions of young men.
From these millions, General Zia nourished the mujahideen for the battle in Afghanistan, for Kashmir, Bosnia and Palestine. The local and the global injustices were thus intricately intertwined for those young, hungry minds across Pakistan. The chief vehicle of dispensing such narratives was the religious history of Muslims across the world. By combining elements of Pan-Islamism with reactionary Wahhabism and layering the whole lot with a strong sense of victimhood, Zia sought to create a specific psychological profile for the Pakistani Muslim: militant and nationalist above all, angry at perceived injustices against his faith, convinced of a vast conspiratorial “other” against which one must be willing to sacrifice oneself. It was a smouldering cauldron from which both funds and personnel could always be extracted. Though these processes slowed down after Zia and though Musharraf made some gestures at changing the national dialogue – via his “Enlightened Moderation” – these are the conservative forces which continue to compel Pakistani middle class.
The genius of Zaid Hamid has been to deftly shift the role of Islam from Zia’s strictly performative one to a more flexible mould. His acolytes, who call themselves lal topis (red hats), see a pious man who is less interested in their actual religiosity – whether they pray or not, give alms or not, wear hijab or not – and more concerned with their devotion to the idea of a resurgent, “independent” Pakistan. He calls on Islam mostly to play the role of history. He produces sayings from the Prophet Mohammad declaring victory for the Muslim armies against “al Hind” (India) and Jerusalem. He distributes the “prophecies” of Shah Nimatullah, a Sufi poet from the 12th century. Such claims to religiously based “evidence” allow him to sidestep any direct criticisms. There are no such prophecies, of course. The traditions Hamid claims predict the conquest of al Hind are spurious and were collected late in the 10th century in a book of eschatological accounts circulating along the Byzantine frontier of the ‘Abbasid dynasty. The “quatrains” of Shah Nimatullah are another case of popular mythography.
What remains real, and gravely troubling, is that a quiet transformation is occurring in the cultural landscape of Pakistan. Hamid is only at the forefront of a movement thatincludes others like the hyper-nationalist columnist Ahmed Qureshi, always eager to blame India or Blackwater for each bomb blast; the televangelist Aamir Liaqat, who provides a treacly veneer of religious learning for the “Foreign Hand” theorists; the reformed rocker Ali Azmat and the fashion designer Maria B, who act as emcees at Hamid’s rallies.
Like Glenn Beck, the paranoid American TV sensation, with whom he shares many traits, Hamid is channelling the deep misgivings of the middle class and offering them visions of a glorious future – one whose realisation requires nothing more than blind fidelity to the supposed foundational truths of the nation. For millions of young Pakistanis, it is proving to be a heady brew. But the hangover, when it comes, will be staggering.
Manan Ahmed is a historian of Pakistan at Freie Universität Berlin, and blogs at Chapati Mystery.
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