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Willing to work with India for peace in S Asia: China

The myopic, illiterate or otherwise ill-informed in India knows there exist only mouth pieces in China. :rofl: :rofl: :rofl:

What a freeking joke! :lol:
 
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:rofl:

Why you talk about media? When did China had a 'media' to know what it is? Anyone should first have something like that other than party mouthpieces to comment on others.

What ever he says is very true and reflected by China's provocations.

so what happened to your 1 trillion in your politicians swiss bank accounts? tell me where they are and when can you "vote" to get them back? if you really think that your vote matters, as an indian citizen, exercise your "democracy power" and vote for the 1 trillion back.
 
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so what happened to your 1 trillion in your politicians swiss bank accounts? tell me where they are and when can you "vote" to get them back? if you really think that your vote matters, as an indian citizen, exercise your "democracy power" and vote for the 1 trillion back.

when you live in glass houses you mustn't throw stones at others.....let me freshen up your memory a bit.......


a recapitulation of the levels of corruption in the PLA......
corruption is a problem everywhere.....let us not be patronizing towards each other......

regards......


To Get Rich Is Unprofessional
Chinese Military Corruption in the Jiang Era
James Mulvenon
corruptio optimi pessima
“the corruption of the best is the worst of all”
Corruption among Chinese officers and enlisted personnel continues to be
a point of tension between civilian and military elites in China. While the
level of corruption reached its apex during the late 1980s and early 1990s,
affectionately known as the “go-go” years of PLA, Inc., the repercussions
of the center’s decision in 1998 to divest the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)
of its commercial operations are still being felt in the system. For the first
time, investigators and prosecutors from outside the military apparatus
were given the authority to probe and pursue PLA malfeasance, and many
in the military felt that the civilians pursued their assignment with far too
much vigor and tenacity. This animosity was further exacerbated by reports
of PLA complicity in the massive Yuanhua scandal in Xiamen and by the
public prosecution of former General Staff Department intelligence chief
General Ji Shengde on multiple counts of corruption.
This paper analyzes PLA corruption since Tiananmen, with special
emphasis on the civil-military aspects of the issue. The first section outlines
the course and character of PLA corruption since 1990, as well as efforts by
the military and civilian leadership to stamp it out. Particular attention is
paid to the divestiture process in 1998, as well as the Yuanhua and Ji
Shengde investigations. The article then concludes with an evaluation of
the implications of these trends for Chinese civil-military relations and offers
predictions for the future.
21
PLA CORRUPTION IN THE JIANG ERA
In the 1990s, the PLA conducted a rolling set of anticorruption campaigns,
trying to root out illegal behavior resulting mainly from the
military’s participation in economic activities.1 In December 1996, for
example, President Jiang Zemin at an enlarged meeting of the Central
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 21
Military Commission (CMC) called on the PLA to be “ahead of the
nation” in the construction of “spiritual civilization,” the standard code
word for socialist ethics.2 Jiang stressed the “three virtues” (patriotism,
socialism, and collectivism), while railing against the “three evils”
(money worship, hedonism, and individualism). He specifically criticized
the rise of corruption and nepotism involving recruitment into
the Chinese Communist Party, promotions, and job placement for
demobilized soldiers. For guidance, Jiang concluded by highlighting a
model unit, a People’s Armed Police (PAP) platoon guarding the
Qiantang River in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province.3
One year later, however, Jiang and the senior military leadership felt
compelled to launch another anticorruption campaign in the PLA.
Jiang’s speech to the 15th Party Congress in October 1997 offered a
dire warning, declaring that the “fight against corruption is a grave
political struggle vital to the very existence of the party and the state”
and adding that there was an urgent requirement to preserve “the
nature, true color, and work style of the people’s army.”4 General
Zhang Wannian, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission,
told a high-level conference on military discipline in January 1998 that
“measures would be taken to step up supervision on high- and
medium-level military cadres and economic crimes will be targeted.”5
In a new twist, he insisted that the only way to prevent economic
crimes was to treat “both the symptoms and causes of corruption”
(emphasis added).6 While exhorting units to curb “extravagant spending,”
Zhang called for the rectification of units “not obeying the law
and having loose management,”7 arguing that fighting graft was crucial
for stability and unity in the army and the country. Moreover, he
linked anticorruption campaigns with the fighting mission of the PLA,
asserting that “only a clean Army can help the country to reach its target
of military modernization.”8
At a February 1998 General Logistics Department (GLD) discipline
inspection meeting, General Wang Ke echoed these themes, calling on
cadres to “resist the temptations of power, money, and beautiful
women” and “reduce unnecessary socializing.”9Wang also outlined the
consequences of failure to heed these warnings, cautioning that the
PLA would “strictly investigate and punish corrupt acts without
leniency” and that “those who deserve imprisonment will be jailed.”
Finally, he clearly laid out lines of responsibility, asserting that cadres
were “responsible for properly administering their own units and
departments” as well as “their own family members, children, and
22 China Leadership Monitor / vol. 6 / spring 2003
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 22
assistants.” Jiang Zemin continued this drumbeat at a March meeting
with PLA delegates to the National People’s Congress, calling on the
soldiers to “resist the corrosive influence of any decadent ideology and
culture” and to promote “frugality, thrift, and opposition to extravagance
and waste.”10 Jiang then closed with an ominous warning that
“this year China would make greater efforts to combat corruption.”
Corruption and Divestiture
On July 22, 1998, at an enlarged session of the Central Military
Commission, CMC Chairman Jiang Zemin gave a speech in which he
called for the dissolution of the military-business complex, asserting:
To make concerted efforts to properly develop the army in an allaround
manner, the central authorities decided: The army and the
armed police [wu jing] should earnestly screen and rectify [qingli]
various commercial companies operated by their subordinate units,
and shall not carry out any commercial activities in the future. . . .
Military and armed police units should resolutely implement the
central authorities’ resolution and fulfill as soon as possible the
requirements that their subordinate units shall not carry out any
commercial activities in the future.11
Jiang then sought to consolidate the decree by publicly releasing the
announcement through the party’s extensive propaganda apparatus.
That night, Jiang’s speech at the meeting was broadcast on the CCTV
Evening News, which has the highest rating in China and is closely
watched by other Chinese media for cues about important stories.
Observers took special note of the fact that the Chinese leader was
shown flanked by the top brass of the PLA, implying at least tacit consent
to the decision by the military. The next day, the party’s official
newspaper, People’s Daily, ran a banner headline declaring: “PLA Four
General Departments Convened in Beijing to Carry Out the Decision
of the Anti-Smuggling Meeting,” with the subtitle “Chairman Jiang
Talked Seriously about Divestiture.”12 The announcement was then
publicly seconded in subsequent days by key members of the military
and civilian leadership. From the media barrage, it appeared that the
decision might actually have the political momentum to dislodge the
Chinese military from the difficult catch-22 of its commercial activity,
whereby the civilian leadership recognized the negative consequences
of PLA participation in the economy but could not muster the necessary
fiscal resources to replace the PLA’s income from the enterprises.
To Get Rich Is Unprofessional 23
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The complete reasons for the divestiture push are not entirely
known, but there are at least two competing stories. One rumor claims
that divestiture was initiated by an angry Jiang Zemin upon his receipt
of an account of the excessively corrupt activities of six PLA and
People’s Armed Police companies, the most egregious of which
involved oil smuggling that was bankrupting
the country’s two geographical
oil monopolies.13 The smugglers
were taking advantage of a wide disparity
between the artificially high
domestic price of oil in China, which
was set at 1,500 yuan per ton in mid-
1998, and the global price, which had
fallen to 900 yuan per ton.14 One
report assessed the losses of the mainland’s
petrochemical industry at more
than 10 billion yuan in the first half of
1998 alone,15 and possibly as high as
20 billion yuan for the year.16 Other
reports alleged that more than 3,700
oil wells had closed because of the
resulting glut at petrochemical enterprises, such as Daqing oil field.17
Smugglers such as Lai Changxing and the Yuanhua Group (see below)
were reportedly moving almost 42 million barrels of oil into China
each year,18 or one-third of the petroleum products in the retail market.
19 By August 1998 the imports of petroleum products had slowed
dramatically, down almost 100 percent from the previous year.20
Indeed, there were widespread reports of rampant smuggling by the
military of crude oil, petrochemical products, plastics, construction
materials, vegetable oil, metals, telecommunications equipment, guns,
ammunition, motorcycles, diesel fuel, rubber, chemical raw materials,
textile raw materials, rolled steel, furniture, computers, newsprint,
fruit, cars, semiconductors, counterfeit money, drugs, consumer goods,
cigarettes, electronics, and food during the Asian economic turmoil in
early 1998,21 activity that allegedly deprived the government of hundreds
of billions of yuan because of lost customs revenue and worsening
deflation.22 These allegations were given greater credence when
customs revenues in 1999 jumped 41 percent to 224.2 billion yuan.23
A second version of the story actually begins with Zhu Rongji.24
According to cited U.S. intelligence sources, Zhu Rongji angered the
24 China Leadership Monitor / vol. 6 / spring 2003
During Jiang’s televised
divestiture speech, he
was shown flanked
by the top brass of
the PLA, implying
consent to the decision
by the military.
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 24
PLA at the July 17, 1998, meeting of the antismuggling work conference
by accusing the General Political Department’s Tiancheng Group
of rampant corruption.25 In particular, he singled out a case in which the
company had avoided paying 50 million yuan in import and sales taxes
after purchasing a shipment of partially processed iron ore from
Australia. “Every time our customs officials tried to snare these bastards,
some powerful military person appeared to speak on their
behalf,” Zhu allegedly charged at the closed-door meeting. Reportedly,
an aide sent by Zhu to investigate the activities of the company had
been manhandled and detained by PLA units.26 As anger and resentment
spread through the PLA leadership, Jiang Zemin allegedly
appeared at the conference four days later to lend his support to Zhu,
confirming that “some units and individuals” in the PLA were involved
in smuggling. According to this account, Jiang thereupon announced
the divestiture order.
It is important to note, however, that PLA divestiture was not
designed to remove the military entirely from the economy. Instead,
the authorities drew an important distinction between “production”
(shengchan) on the one hand and “commerce” (shangye) on the other.
The former, which had existed in the PLA since the late 1920s in the
form of farms and other economic activity that was critical to the standard
of living of soldiers and their dependents, was to continue
unabated. The latter, defined as anything that involved direct dealings
with “customers”—such as hotels, telecommunications services, or
trade—was banned, and the enterprises were either handed over to
civilian holding units or disbanded. In total, 2,937 firms belonging to
the PLA and People’s Armed Police were transferred to local governments,
and 3,928 enterprises were closed.27 In some cases, the enterprises
were transferred to family members of soldiers; in others, managing
officers retired from active duty to continue operating their
firms. The remaining 8,000–10,000 enterprises, most of which were
the smaller, subsistence-oriented enterprises at the local-unit level,
remained in the military.28 The reforms were also “suspended” in some
sectors, especially civil aviation, railway and posts, and telecommunications,
because of the “special nature” of these industries.29 For example,
the air force’s China United Airlines was permitted to continue operating.
30 Other notable exceptions included the 56 numbered factories previously
under the control of the General Logistics Department’s
Xinxing Group, which remained under the administrative control of
the GLD’s pared-down Factory Management Department (formerly
To Get Rich Is Unprofessional 25
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 25
the larger Production Management Department), and Poly Group,
which was divided between the General Equipment Department (armstrading
elements such as Poly-Technologies) and the Commission of
Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defense (COSTIND).
As the divestiture entered 1999, however, some serious bureaucratic
and political conflicts began to surface, especially discipline issues
involving corruption and profiteering. At the beginning of the divestiture
process, President Jiang Zemin and Premier Zhu Rongji allegedly
ordered a full auditing of the finances of PLA companies, and special
investigative teams were checking the accounts maintained by PLA
firms in domestic and foreign banks.31 State Councillor Wu Yi led the
State Council’s antismuggling effort, the goals of which included
“cracking a number of big and important cases”32 against senior officers
(“big tigers”).33 Under review were cases in which party, government,
and army organs (1) organized and planned smuggling operations, (2)
colluded with smugglers, or (3) arrested smugglers but then released
them after receiving bribes or percentages of the operation. For its part,
the PLA under the leadership of General Fu Quanyou dispatched a special
work team to investigate PLA smuggling,34 and the provinces of
Sichuan and Guangdong were reportedly designated as “pacesetter
units” for carrying out antismuggling and antigraft work among PLA
units.35Within Guangdong, civilian and military organs quickly discovered
that smuggling was most rampant among the following types of
units, in descending order of seriousness: People’s Armed Police, political
and legal departments,military units, and subordinate enterprises.36
The People’s Armed Police was a top-priority target of the antismuggling
campaign, given its proximity to borders. A number of
high-profile cases were investigated by civilian work teams, including:
CASE ONE: In August 1998, the Shenzhen Public Security Department
rounded up a smuggling syndicate formed by the armed police and
public security forces. Among the 10-plus people arrested were a lieutenant
colonel of the PAP, a torpedo boat coxswain of the marine police,
and a border checkpoint inspection officer. They were allegedly involved
in clearing 40 container trucks containing contraband goods
worth more than 10 million yuan.37
CASE TWO: Commander Chen Youwu, instructor Luo Yicheng, and
Deputy Commander Wu Jianxiong of the Huilai County detachment
of the Guangdong General Unit of the People’s Armed Police were
26 China Leadership Monitor / vol. 6 / spring 2003
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 26
arrested for colluding with smuggler Huang Haihao and his two brothers,
who were engaged in smuggling tobacco into the county by sea.
The PAP officers reportedly became the “private bodyguards” of the
smugglers. On December 23, 1996, Chen Youwu and Wu Jianxiong
reportedly shot and wounded Jieyang city Public Security Bureau antismuggling
officer Zheng Weiwu as he attempted to intercept Huang
Haihao’s smuggling ship. The military tribunal of the People’s Armed
Police gave Chen Youwu a two-year suspended death sentence and sentenced
Luo Yicheng and Wu Jianxiong to 10 years and two years in
prison, respectively.38
CASE THREE: The antismuggling leadership groups in Suixi County
and Dongguan city in Guangdong Province were charged with and
convicted of arresting smugglers and then setting them free after
receiving large bribes.39
CASE FOUR: Yang Xue’en, an officer in the Tianjin People’s Armed
Police, was charged with embezzling more than 200,000 yuan from a
military fund.40
CASE FIVE: Li Yuejian, a PAP officer from the city of Zhoushan in
Zhejiang Province, was sentenced to 20 years in prison after being
found guilty of accepting $36,144 in bribes from a petroleum smuggler,
Dong Yinsu.41
The civilian leadership has also aggressively pursued discipline
investigations involving corruption in PLA enterprises, much to the
chagrin of PLA officers who feel that the effort is gratuitous and harmful
to the public reputation of the military.42 Susan Lawrence of Far
Eastern Economic Review reports from well-placed Chinese sources
that the State Economic and Trade Commission’s Handover Office,
which ran the divestiture process, has a list of 23 company executives
at the rank of major general or above who have fled the country since
the divestiture was announced.43 Seven of these officers are from the
Guangzhou Military Region, which handed over more than 300 enterprises,
and another five are from PLA headquarters. Among the latter
is Lu Bin, former head of the General Political Department’s Tiancheng
Group, who was arrested overseas and extradited in January. Other
arrestees include a senior colonel who was the head of one of the PLA’s
top hotels, the Huatian, which is located in Changsha. A large number
To Get Rich Is Unprofessional 27
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of cases involved companies belonging to the Guangzhou Military
Region. One case concerned the smuggling of cars by a company under
the Intelligence Department of the Guangzhou Military Region and an
enterprise under the Ministry of Public Security, involving more than
700 million yuan.44
More recent corruption cases involve senior military officials. In
May 2001, Lieutenant General Xiao Huaishu, deputy political commissar
of the Lanzhou Military Region, was formally suspended from
duty by the Central Military Commission’s Discipline Inspection
Commission for “accepting illegal profits, being involved with underworld
figures, and having sexual relations outside of marriage.”45 He,
along with his son and driver and four other individuals, were “dualstipulated”
(shuanggui) to appear at a stipulated time and a stipulated
place for questioning. Xiao was specifically charged with accepting
bribes for favorable treatment in the bidding of several large-scale
engineering projects. An additional case involved Chen Yanning, the
son of a senior military officer in the Chengdu Military Region.46
Yuanhua Case
In August 1999, Zhu Rongji sent 300 anticorruption personnel from
Beijing to investigate Lai Changxing, president of Fairwell (Yuanhua)
Group, accusing him of being the kingpin of an alleged $10 billion
smuggling ring in Xiamen, Fujian Province.47 Over the course of more
than a half-dozen years,Yuanhua allegedly smuggled everything from
crude oil to arms, cars, tobacco, telecommunications equipment, and
semiconductors, with the direct assistance of local customs, police, and
the Chinese navy, the last of which provided naval vessels and military
docks to facilitate the smuggling.48 The subsequent investigation,
known as “Major Case 4-20” for its initiation on April 20, 1999, led to
the arrest of more than 300 Fujian Province government, party, and
police officials, including most of the leaders of Xiamen, and central
government officials as high in rank as current Politburo Standing
Committee member Jia Qinglin were tainted by association. As of July
2002, 14 officials had been sentenced to death for their involvement in
the smuggling operation.49
From the beginning of the scandal, rumors swirled about the central
participation of the PLA in the smuggling racket. Lai’s first smuggling
operation allegedly involved a military company that needed computer
chips, which were illegally imported through a Hong Kong–based firm
that he owned.50 After he moved to Xiamen, the locus of Lai’s operation
28 China Leadership Monitor / vol. 6 / spring 2003
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 28
was a seven-story private club called the “Red Mansion” (hong lou),
where Lai reportedly wined, dined, and entertained senior officers with
five luxury suites, karaoke rooms, a dance floor, a cinema, a sauna, footbaths,
and dozens of prostitutes.51 One of the first local officials cultivated
by Lai was Lan Pu, Xiamen’s
deputy mayor with responsibility for
relations with local military units,
who subsequently fled to Australia.
Lan allegedly helped Lai build relationships
with senior PLA officers,
whom Lai invited to sample the Red
Mansion’s pleasures. As related by one
dance-hall girl named Liu Hong who
spoke with a Washington Post reporter:
“I knew many, many generals
and colonels then. . . . The generals
like the big hot tubs, too, because
many of them were a little fat.”52
Within the Red Mansion in Xiamen,
Lai Changxing is even reported to
have displayed a calligraphy scroll written by General Chi Haotian,
vice chairman of the Central Military Commission.53 Lai Changxing
also traveled in a chauffeur-driven Mercedes-Benz with bulletproof
glass and a white military plate bearing the Chinese character Jia in
red, which usually signifies that a vehicle is owned by the PLA General
Staff Department.54
Lai’s primary technique for developing closer ties with senior military
officials, primarily in the General Staff Department and the navy,55
was to employ their children in his businesses. The head of the sales
department for Fairwell City, the Fairwell Group’s huge real estate development
in Xiamen, was reportedly the daughter of a high-ranking
naval officer.56 Different sources report that Admiral Liu Huaqing’s
daughter and daughter-in-law were allegedly involved with Lai and
were subsequently either arrested or allowed to flee the country,57
despite Admiral Liu’s reported attempts to derail Zhu Rongji’s inquiry
into Lai’s activities and later to protect both of his relatives from prosecution.
58 According to a book written by Huang Jie and published by
Cosmos, a publishing house with reportedly close ties to Beijing, thenvice
premier Zhu took the Yuanhua case and his evidence of military
involvement to Admiral Liu Huaqing, who was then China’s top gen-
To Get Rich Is Unprofessional 29
The civilian leadership
has aggressively pursued
discipline investigations
involving corruption in
PLA enterprises, much
to the chagrin of PLA
officers.
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 29
eral and vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, but was
told to mind his own business.59
Despite the direct leadership of China’s most senior leaders, however,
the investigation has yielded few if any public indictments against
PLA personnel. One casualty of the Yuanhua investigation was Major
General Ji Shengde, son of the late People’s Republic of China (PRC)
diplomat Ji Pengfei and then director of the Intelligence Department of
the General Staff Department. Prior to the Yuanhua scandal, General Ji
had been accused of funneling $300,000 to Liu Huaqing’s daughter, Liu
Chaoying, who had subsequently passed the money to Johnny Chung
for donations to the 1996 Clinton-Gore reelection effort, though Chung
used most of the money for other things. While cleared of wrongdoing,
Ji was transferred from the Second Department to a sideline position as
vice president of the Academy of Military Sciences.60 Shortly afterward,
personnel in the Second Department were linked to the Yuanhua smuggling
case, and Ji was called in for questioning.
Early accusations asserted that Ji had received 30 million yuan in
bribes from Lai Changxing.61 Contradictory initial reporting, however,
suggested that Lai had unsuccessfully attempted to develop relations
with Ji, offering lavish gifts of luxury automobiles that were refused.
One report cleared Ji of wrongdoing, but placed blame on his former
driver, who had used his connections with Ji and the Intelligence
Department to develop a relationship with Lai Changxing. The driver
and Lai had allegedly smuggled imported cars into China, with the driver
providing military plates for the cars in return for 17 million yuan
in bribes.62
Later reporting by a newspaper owned by the official New China
News Agency, however, directly accused Ji of being a direct participant
in corruption activities, including “embezzlement of public funds,
bribe-taking, and dereliction of duty.”63 Specifically, Ji was charged with
embezzling $20 million from an unnamed General Staff Department
company that had engaged in unauthorized stock speculation, accepting
30 million yuan in bribes from Lai Changxing and Yuanhua Group,
and using his driver, frequently identified as Senior Colonel Yang
Gaiqing,64 to “accumulate money by unfair means in Hong Kong and
abroad.”65 Other sources suggested that General Ji, as head of military
intelligence, had access to large amounts of money for intelligence
operations and control over the department’s front companies, and had
siphoned money from these accounts as the companies went through
divestiture in 1998.66
30 China Leadership Monitor / vol. 6 / spring 2003
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 30
Ji’s case reportedly caused controversy within the Beijing government,
centering on two issues: (1) whether the offspring of one of
China’s revolutionary heroes could really be charged with and convicted
of corruption, and (2) whether the PLA was capable of policing itself.On
the second issue, this official source was surprisingly frank about the
Central Military Commission Discipline Inspection Commission’s failure
to adequately investigate General
Ji’s activities, and about the necessity
for Jiang Zemin to personally intervene
in the situation and transfer the
case to the Central Discipline Inspection
Commission under the party,
which concluded the investigation in
early July 2000.67 Ji was ultimately
tried by a military court, but the case
was put together by civilians, not PLA
prosecutors. On October 13, 2000,
General Ji was convicted and sentenced
to 15 years’ imprisonment for embezzling
200 million yuan in public funds,
including $16 million from intelligence
funds for foreign operations and 80
million yuan from General Staff Department companies in Beijing,
Shenzhen, Xiamen, Dalian, and Hong Kong during his tenure from
1988 to 1997 as head of the Intelligence Department.68 Importantly,
there was no mention of the bribes from Lai Changxing. The sentence
was widely perceived as relatively light when viewed in light of those
for comparable cases of corruption, many of which (e.g., the cases of
former National People’s Congress Vice Chairman Cheng Kejie and
former Jiangxi Vice Governor Hu Changqing) resulted in execution,
and the suggested reasons for leniency were twofold: (1) the direct
intervention of Ji Pengfei’s widow, Xu Hanbing, on behalf of her son;
and (2) the fact that the public funds, the overseas properties, and the
foreign deposits “were all transferred back from overseas and handed
over to the national treasury, and thus the actual losses were minimized.”
69 At the same time, interviews in Beijing confirm that Ji was in
many ways the scapegoat for the corrupt activities of other senior
General Staff Department intelligence officials, including General
Xiong Guangkai, who for years had run liquor smuggling in Beijing
and other domestic and foreign rackets.70
To Get Rich Is Unprofessional 31
According to one
account, when Zhu
Rongji took his evidence
of military corruption
to Admiral Liu Huaqing,
he was told to mind his
own business.
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 31
32 China Leadership Monitor / vol. 6 / spring 2003
CONCLUSION
For Chinese civil-military relations, trends in PLA corruption are moving
in a positive direction, but tension remains. The good news is that
divestiture has drained most of the potential swamp in which military
corruption previously festered. The bad news is that the conduct of the
divestiture process, in particular the aggressive pursuit of senior officers
suspected of malfeasance, generated significant resentment among
military personnel, especially considering the already serious sacrifice
of potential revenue from future commercial operations. The civilian
elites seem more sensitive to these concerns of late, and appeared to
deliberately downplay the role of active-duty PLA and PAP officials in
the Yuanhua scandal, preferring to publicly prosecute party, police, and
customs officials despite the fact that PLA units facilitated much of the
smuggling.
Ironically, the profusion of corruption may have been the key stimulus
for the recent amelioration of the situation. Many scholars, such
as Staats, have argued that corruption itself may breed anticorruption
norms:
Even the periodic exposure of corruption scandals and the efforts to
combat corruption may, in fact, serve to strengthen overall values.
. . . Social norms usually emerge as an abstract synthesis of the
repeatedly expressed sentiments of the community regarding a
given type of behavior. Reiterated group censure of a given act of
deviation sharpens the authority of the violated norms and defines
more clearly the boundaries of acceptable behavior.71
There has been a clear public groundswell in China against the rise of
official corruption, as seen in the substantive content of the Tiananmen
demonstrations in 1989 and the increasing aggressiveness of anticorruption
campaigns in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
Nonetheless, a certain base level of corruption should be expected to
continue, as PLA personnel exploit their authority for collective or personal
gain. This instinct has been reinforced by the persistent gap in
standard of living between military personnel and the larger Chinese
population, despite dramatic increases in military pay since 1999.
Overall, however, the increasing professionalism of the shrinking PLA
makes such behavior stand out in ever sharper relief, and it is not obvious
that tainted officers would survive the promotion race for the
smaller set of downsized billets. As a result, corruption in the PLA
Hoover-CLM 6.qxd 6/5/2003 12:35 PM Page 32
appears to have transitioned from a major, debilitating problem in the
1980s and 1990s to a more manageable discipline issue in the new
century.
January 2003
 
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^^^^

If you expect people to read your article (which is tangential anyways), at least have the courtesy to format it into a readable version.

and for your information China does do better than India in terms of corruption.

79th place China
84th place India

Transparency International's 2009 corruption index: the full ranking of 180 countries - Telegraph

78th place China
88th place India

Corruption by country. Definition, graph and map.

sorry for the inconvenience caused sir but was quite long and i preferred posting the article to giving a link......

as regards the tangential part....I find it quite simple , direct and as much credible as any news report about the billions of Indian money stashed away in swiss accounts....


as far as any " corruption ranking " is concerned it is highly speculative at best....perhaps the methods or criteria on which such a ranking was conducted could be more enlightening ......

and the link you posted is defunct...could you please recheck ?
 
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sorry for the inconvenience caused sir but was quite long and i preferred posting the article to giving a link......

as regards the tangential part....I find it quite simple , direct and as much credible as any news report about the billions of Indian money stashed away in swiss accounts....

It's a question of scale. The amount of money involved in PLA corruption is tiny with respect to the overall economy and the title itself tell us that it is a historical view to corruption under Jiang and the Jiang era is long over.

Whereas below_freezing raises the very very valid point that if the Indian people is indeed in charge, why can they not force the politicians to return the 1.5 trillion in swiss assets alone (the ENTIRE indian GDP for a year and more). Scale my friend scale is why I said PLA corruption is tangential.
 
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It's a question of scale. The amount of money involved in PLA corruption is tiny with respect to the overall economy and the title itself tell us that it is a historical view to corruption under Jiang and the Jiang era is long over.

Whereas below_freezing raises the very very valid point that if the Indian people is indeed in charge, why can they not force the politicians to return the 1.5 trillion in swiss assets alone (the ENTIRE indian GDP for a year and more). Scale my friend scale is why I said PLA corruption is tangential.

I believe we can both agree that his intention was most definitely not to raise a valid point......

now the reason for this is very simple.....doesnt really need much common sense ( which an average voter in India is expected to have) to grasp three basic points.....

1) The BJP who made this promise to our electorate in its manifesto....this was clearly a last ditch measure to save their communal campaign ...... to somehow try and connect to the common man on the streets......

2) No matter one credible action on their part...no amount of money is equal in value to our democratic ideals of secularism.....

3) and finally and most importantly....do you have any idea how they would go about doing this ? Swiss governments are strictly neutral in and inter state /state-individual dispute and have ultra rigorous laws in protecting the discretion of their most lucrative sector---the banking sector......how many nations ( U.S ? China ???? ) have ever succeeded in doing this ? any one example....?

even an illiterate , poverty stricken farmer in the most remote corner of India has sufficient brain to spot a red herring.....this was an impossible promise to uphold from the very onset.....politics certainly makes for some bizarre pledges .....but as far as this case is concerned I SALUTE the maturity of Indian voters......:cheers:
 
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2) No matter one credible action on their part...no amount of money is equal in value to our democratic ideals of secularism.....

3) and finally and most importantly....do you have any idea how they would go about doing this ? Swiss governments are strictly neutral in and inter state /state-individual dispute and have ultra rigorous laws in protecting the discretion of their most lucrative sector---the banking sector......how many nations (United States? China ???? ) have ever succeeded in doing this ? any one example....?

even an illiterate , poverty stricken farmer in the most remote corner of India has sufficient brain to spot a red herring.....this was an impossible promise to uphold from the very onset.....politics certainly makes for some bizarre pledges .....but as far as this case is concerned I SALUTE the maturity of Indian voters......:cheers:

Why should rampant corruption be the price of a secular democracy (no idea why you emphasized secular). No western liberal democracies pay such a price and Hongkong and Singapore are ranked top 10 in low corruption while they are nominally democratic.

As for action against Switzerland? Yes actually. The US forces the Swiss banks to release the names of US account holders a few years back IIRC. Why can't India do the same via economic pressures.
 
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Why should rampant corruption be the price of a secular democracy (why idea why you emphasized secular). No western liberal democracies pay such a price and Hongkong and Singapore are ranked top 10 in low corruption while they are nominally democratic.

As for action against Switzerland? Yes actually. The US forces the Swiss banks to release the names of US account holders a few years back IIRC. Why can't India do the same via economic pressures.

as regards the point about secularism ....a person familiar with the Indian political environment would better understand....in a nutshell , suffice to say that the Indian electorate had a choice to select a pragmatic congress offer to protect and better their standards of living in the form of inflation control(for service workers), further deregulation and decentralization of private businesses for small scale entrepreneurs and reduction of tariffs,subsidiaries for the agricultural workforce........contrasted with a glitzy , hi fi....BJP flaunt of swanky urban dwellings and an impossibly vague assurance of somehow solving all of India's problems by extracting the 1.5 trillion from swiss accounts ....with no concrete plan of either its retrieval or exactly what and how the economic problems are to be solved with it.......

whose to guarantee that the money would be used for the right purpose....???


as far as the U.S forcing the swiss govt is concerned .....it must be a very recent phenomenon and I would definitely like to read up on what
"economic leverage " the U.S used .....my random guess is India would never have had similar circumstances.....
 
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Thanks for your post it was informative. I get the feeling Indian internal politics is as complex and hectic as driving in Delhi's rush hour.
 
. . .
更多国内反腐倡廉
上一页 1 2 3 4 5 下一页
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^^^^^

To think in China no one can speak ill of the government is ignorant and such people can usually be written off.
 
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更多国内反腐倡廉
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山西干部3次被查实上班时间娱乐领导将 09-21 10:16
海南一人大代表嫌经济问题被采取强制措09-21 09:14
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陈志云贪污案廉署签50万保释 明日再报 09-15 14:27
广西玉林市玉州区安监局原局长受贿6万 09-15 13:21
甘肃窑煤集团原董事长李人志一审被判死09-15 09:52
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Previous 1 2 3 4 5 Next
Shanxi cadres were verified to work 3 hours entertainment leading to 09-21 10:16
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Zhejiang, 547 5-year investigation of commercial bribery county level to 08-31 15:52
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Pu County of Shanxi Coal Secretary Haopeng Jun upheld the original sentence was commuted to 2008-30 12:03
Vice Mayor of Foshan, Guangdong Party Secretary charged for posting reports 08-30 04:29
YANTAI former vice mayor of Xiangtan, Hunan Province suspected of taking bribes 2000000 08-28 2:20
Water former general manager of Shanghai suspected corruption trial in Beijing on 08-28 01:53
Investigate corrupt officials in Hengyang in the first half and 78 total number of registered 08-28 01:40
Xilin Gol League in Inner Mongolia "four food secretary," Wei Xiaoping in the Red 08-26 13:01
Zhejiang Education Bureau, accounting for a corruption prosecution 08-25 14:28 2000000
Beijing Urban Construction vice president of bribery 2.8 million yuan Bei Xingju 08-25 14:05

One of the reasons that the corrupt officials are so rampant today is because they are using lethal injections instead of a bullet in the head in public. I think they should reimplement that... those bastards deserve it.
 
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