Vietnam Defence Forum

[Viet]

Carlosa, what is the best choice of fighter jet for the airforce, what do you think? And how many pieces are necessary?

I like the Saab Gripen NG. Typhoon is expensive and not multi role capable. But anyway, If we decide for any warplane, for a large number as the article suggests aka 100 aircraft or so, we should negotiate to build the aircraft at home or at least building up a domestic supporting aircraft industry.

 

[Carlosa]

Carlosa, what is the best choice of fighter jet for the airforce, what do you think? And how many pieces are necessary?

I like the Saab Gripen NG. Typhoon is expensive and not multi role capable. But anyway, If we decide for any warplane, for a large number as the article suggests aka 100 aircraft or so, we should negotiate to build the aircraft at home or at least building up a domestic supporting aircraft industry.

In my opinion the best fighter to replace the Mig-21 is the Mig-35 and that's the cheapest option also. Its a really good fighter, AESA radar, 3D vector control for the engine, etc. Its basically the upgrade of the Mig-29 and they fixed all the problems. Vietnam is probably waiting for that aircraft to be inducted first into the Russian air force and in the meantime they could be negotiating for western aircraft as a second option or as a negotiation tactic to put pressure on the Russians.

There are rumors that Vietnam will buy the naval version of the Mig-29 just for the navy and that would be the start of a naval aviation wing with fighter jets.

As western aircraft goes, there are no easy options, they are all expensive, even the Gripen.

One possibility is that Vietnam could buy the Typhoon at a special deal because the original buyers are scaling down their purchases, including Germany or Vietnam may also be able to buy them second hand for the same reason.

The strange thing about buying the Typhoon is that it is an air superiority fighter and Vietnam has the Sukhoi fighters for the same role including the upcoming SU-30SM so that would be a bit of a duplication. I've heard a lot of bad press about the Typhoon (and you too), many issues, so I'm not sure that's a good choice.

The typhoon will be multi role capable soon, the are finishing the development work for that.

The good thing about European aircraft is that they would come with the Meteor and Iris-T air to air missiles and they would blast any chinese fighters out the sky in no time.

Second hand F-16's would also be a cheap option as Indonesia did, but there are political issues there.

Forget about domestic manufacturing, Vietnam is not ready for that at the moment. Support industry maybe ok.

 

[Aepsilons]

can´t find the number. here is the full article on the website of the Vietnam Coast Guard. I could make a brief translation later.

Cảnh sát biển Việt Nam

Phát triển, hiện đại hóa trang bị cho Cảnh sát biển, đáp ứng yêu cầu nhiệm vụ trong tình hình mới

17:12 | 09/11/2015
(Canhsatbien.vn) - Là một trong những lực lượng được xác định xây dựng tiến thẳng lên hiện đại, Cảnh sát biển Việt Nam đã, đang và sẽ tiếp tục được đầu tư để phát triển toàn diện, đặc biệt là về phương tiện, vũ khí trang bị kỹ thuật nhằm tăng cường khả năng hoạt động xa bờ, đáp ứng yêu cầu quản lý vùng biển nhanh chóng, chính xác, hiệu quả trong tình hình mới.

Colonel Nguyen Van Hung

Thực hiện Nghị quyết Đại hội Đảng bộ Quân đội lần thứ IX về xây dựng Quân đội từng bước tiến lên hiện đại, trong đó có một số lực lượng tiến thẳng lên hiện đại, những năm vừa qua, cùng với một số lực lượng khác trong Quân đội, Cảnh sát biển đã được Đảng, Nhà nước, Quân ủy Trung ương, BQP quan tâm, đầu tư mua sắm, đưa vào biên chế nhiều phương tiện tàu thuyền, máy bay, xe, máy, vũ khí trang bị kỹ thuật (VKTBKT) mới, hiện đại, có giá trị lớn. Hiện, toàn lực lượng đã có trên 70 tàu xuồng các loại, 03 máy bay tuần thám, hơn 100 xe ô tô cùng VKTBKT và các trang thiết bị phục vụ chuyên ngành trinh sát, phòng chống tội phạm ma túy khác. Đặc biệt, gần đây được trang bị thêm một số tàu hiện đại, có lượng giãn nước lớn, đủ sức hoạt động ở các vùng biển xa như tàu DN-2000, tàu TK-3500CV,…

Thủ trưởng Bộ Quốc phòng, BTL Cảnh sát biển tham quan hệ thống điều khiển hiện đại tadu CSB 8002. (ảnh: Liên Nhâm)

Tuy nhiên, xuất phát từ chức năng, nhiệm vụ của Lực lượng CSB: Là nòng cốt trong bảo vệ chủ quyền, thực thi pháp luật, TKCN trên tất cả các vùng biển, thềm lục địa của Tổ quốc; Xuất phát từ diễn biến ngày càng phức tạp trên biển, đặt ra yêu cầu, nhiệm vụ ngày càng nặng nề hơn, đa dạng hơn cho Lực lượng CSB.

Mặc dù đã được đầu tư phát triển mạnh mẽ trong thời gian vừa qua, song số lượng tàu thuyền, xe - máy, VKTBKT của Lực lượng CSB hiện nay vẫn chưa đủ để đáp ứng yêu cầu nhiệm vụ. Tình hình trên biển lại luôn diễn biến phức tạp cả về vấn đề an ninh truyền thống và an ninh phi truyền thống với những nguyên nhân khác nhau. Từ thực tiễn thực hiện nhiệm vụ trên biển và đấu tranh bảo vệ chủ quyền trên vùng biển Hoàng Sa của Việt Nam năm 2014 cho thấy, Lực lượng CSB VN rất cần thiết phải có nhiều tàu lớn có sức cơ động cao với trang bị vũ khí, hệ thống tiếp nhận và xử lý thông tin tiên tiến, hiện đại, có tích hợp điện tử và tự động hóa cao.

Cùng với đó, năm 2014, Thủ tướng Chính phủ đã phê duyệt Đề án xây dựng Lực lượng CSB VN đến năm 2020 và những năm tiếp theo với mục tiêu: “Xây dựng Lực lượng CSB hiện đại chuyên nghiệp, tổ chức biên chế hợp lý, tinh gọn, trang bị đồng bộ đáp ứng yêu cầu nhiệm vụ bảo vệ chủ quyền, thực thi pháp luật trên biển và hợp tác quốc tế; làm cơ sở để xây dựng hoàn chỉnh Lực lượng CSB VN trong những năm tiếp theo”. Nghị quyết Đại hội Đảng bộ Quân đội lần thứ X, nhiệm kỳ 2015-2020 cũng đã xác định chủ trương xây dựng Lực lượng Cảnh sát biển tiến thẳng lên hiện đại nhằm đáp ứng yêu cầu quản lý, bảo vệ vùng biển trong tình hình mới.

Mặt khác, hiện nay chúng ta đang thực hiện chủ trương xây dựng các Lực lượng Hải quân, Phòng không - không quân, Thông tin, Tác chiến điện tử tiến thẳng lên hiện đại. Đây là các lực lượng mà khi có tình huống cao thì Lực lượng CSB hoặc phải phối thuộc, hoặc phải phối hợp hiệp đồng. Do vậy, nếu CSB không hiện đại thì khả năng hiệp đồng sẽ không đảm bảo được tính đồng bộ và hiệu quả; Sự chuyển hóa từ nhiệm vụ thực thi pháp luật trong thời bình sang nhiệm vụ tác chiến trong thời chiến sẽ không đảm bảo được tính kịp thời, nhanh chóng và chính xác.

Từ những yêu cầu thực tiễn trên cho thấy sự cần thiết phải nhanh chóng hiện đại hóa Lực lượng CSB, trong đó hiện đại hóa trang bị là nội dung cơ bản. Chỉ có hiện đại hóa trang bị, phương tiện mới có đủ khả năng vươn khơi xa và dài ngày để thực hiện tốt chức năng, nhiệm vụ được giao.

Phương hướng hiện đại hóa trang bị cho Lực lượng CSB VN

Để xây dựng Lực lượng CSB tiến thẳng lên hiện đại trong tình hình hiện nay, Đảng ủy, Thủ trưởng Bộ Tư lệnh cũng như Thủ trưởng Cục Kỹ thuật nhận thức rõ: hiện đại phải quán triệt tinh thần 3 khâu đột phá, đó là: đột phá hiện đại về mặt tổ chức, tinh gọn và cân đối; đột phá hiện đại về mặt con người: làm chủ được trang bị hiện đại; hiện đại để phòng thủ, bảo vệ Tổ quốc và kịp thời xử lý hiệu quả các tình huống chứ không để phô trương hay chạy đua vũ trang. Khi hiện đại hóa trang bị phải coi trọng việc đồng bộ theo chủng loại giữa các lực lượng được hiện đại; nhất là các trang bị liên quan đến thông tin, trinh sát, chỉ thị mục tiêu, sử dụng trong chiến thuật tác chiến… có như vậy mới phát huy được hiệu quả của trang bị hiện đại và sức mạnh của VKTBKT trong hiệp đồng tác chiến quân binh chủng; bảo đảm khoa học và tiết kiệm.

Hiện đại hóa trang bị phải được tiến hành song song với xây dựng ngành Kỹ thuật chính quy; phát huy tính tích cực chủ động, sáng tạo, tự lực, tự cường, làm chủ VKTBKT và công nghệ. Ngoài việc giữ gìn, bảo quản, cải tiến có chọn lọc phương tiện, VKTBKT hiện có, cần thiết phải đầu tư đóng mới, mua sắm tàu thuyền, VKTBKT hiện đại, đó là:

- Tăng cường đóng mới tàu thuyền có lượng giãn nước lớn, có hàm lượng công nghệ và sức cơ động cao, có khả năng hoạt động dài ngày trên biển trong điều kiện thời tiết phức tạp và trước nguy cơ thường xuyên bị đâm húc của các tàu lớn nước ngoài khi đấu tranh bảo vệ chủ quyền); tính chất hoạt động đa năng (vừa tuần tra kiểm soát vừa có thể tham gia TKCN, bảo vệ môi trường biển…); có sàn đỗ máy bay,...

- Vũ khí, trang thiết bị: từ hệ thống động lực, thiết bị điều khiển, trang thiết bị khí tài điện tử, vũ khí đến các thiết bị thông tin, ghi hình, truyền dữ liệu… đưa vào lắp đặt trên tàu phải hiện đại, đồng thời đáp ứng các yêu cầu gọn nhẹ, khả năng cơ động cao, trình độ tự động và độ chính xác cao, chuyển hóa linh hoạt trong tác chiến, có uy lực lớn, có nhiều hàm lượng KH-CN, bảo đảm hoạt động trong mọi điều kiện.

- Bảo đảm các hoạt động chỉ huy, chỉ đạo, tác chiến, trinh sát được thống nhất, đồng bộ, nhanh chóng, liên tục, bí mật, an toàn, ổn định, vững chắc trong mọi tình huống. Bảo đảm hoạt động đồng bộ bờ - tàu, tàu - tàu, tàu - máy bay, làm cơ sở để chỉ đạo từ Sở chỉ huy đến các lực lượng; bảo đảm công tác phối hợp hiệp đồng giữa các đơn vị hiệp đồng, các phương tiện xe - máy và đảm bảo việc thu thập dữ liệu làm bằng chứng trong đấu tranh chống vi phạm tội phạm trên biển cũng như đấu tranh pháp lý, chính trị, ngoại giao để bảo vệ chủ quyền biển đảo.

- Đầu tư mua sắm trang thiết bị hiện đại phục vụ cho các hoạt động nghiệp vụ CSB (trinh sát, phòng chống tội phạm, vi phạm), các thiết bị phân tích, đánh giá chất lượng hàng hóa để bảo đảm cho hoạt động nghiệp vụ hiệu quả và phục vụ công tác điều tra, chống buôn lậu.

Theo Đề án Xây dựng Lực lượng CSB VN đã được Thủ tướng Chính phủ phê duyệt năm 2014, từ nay đến năm 2020, Lực lượng CSB sẽ được đầu tư đóng mới thêm hàng chục tàu thuyền các loại, trong đó có tàu DN-4000, DN-2000, TT-1500, TT-400, tàu dầu 1000 tấn, tàu tìm kiếm cứu nạn xa bờ (tàu SAR)…Về mua sắm trang bị, sắp tới tiếp tục mua thêm máy bay CASA-212, máy bay trực thăng cùng nhiều trang thiết bị chuyên ngành khác của các khối Tham mưu, Chính trị, Hậu cần, Kỹ thuật, Nghiệp vụ, Quan hệ quốc tế…

Với số lượng phương tiện, tàu thuyền, máy bay, VKTBKT hiện đại được đầu tư, mua sắm, trang bị theo đúng yêu cầu chỉ tiêu, tiến độ của Đề án sẽ đảm bảo cho Lực lượng CSB hoàn thành tốt hơn nữa nhiệm vụ được giao, nâng cao hiệu quả quản lý vùng biển thuộc chủ quyền của đất nước.

Hạ thủy tàu CSB 9004. (ảnh: Anh Tuấn)

Một số nội dung cần thiết để thực hiện hiện đại hóa Lực lượng CSB

Trên cơ sở phát triển, hiện đại hóa về phương tiện trang bị cho CSB theo Đề án Xây dựng LL CSB VN đến năm 2020 và những năm tiếp theo, để có được những bước đi vững chắc nhằm hiện đại hóa lực lượng cả về con người và trang bị, cần song song triển khai thực hiện một số nội dung, yêu cầu sau:

Một là, làm tốt công tác quy hoạch trang bị, đóng mới, mua sắm tàu thuyền, máy bay, VKTBKT hiện đại. Lựa chọn đối tác đóng tàu đủ năng lực cung cấp các trang thiết bị hiện đại, phù hợp, đáp ứng yêu cầu đóng tàu về cả chất lượng, tiến độ. Song song với việc lựa chọn các trang bị kỹ thuật hiện đại là chuyển giao công nghệ để nâng cao khả năng làm chủ (sửa chữa, khôi phục, cải tiến, cải hoán,...) VKTBKT.

Hai là, quan tâm xây dựng nguồn nhân lực, con người hiện đại: có đủ bản lĩnh; đủ năng lực chỉ huy, chỉ đạo và trình độ chuyên môn nghiệp vụ vững vàng để quản lý, khai thác, làm chủ các loại VKTBKT hiện đại, đáp ứng yêu cầu nhiệm vụ trong mọi tình huống. Quan tâm đến công tác tuyển chọn đội ngũ cán bộ, nhân viên kỹ thuật: có đủ số lượng, đủ cơ cấu ngành nghề. Quan tâm đến công tác đào tạo, huấn luyện, bồi dưỡng đội ngũ cán bộ, nhân viên kỹ thuật: Cả trình độ chỉ huy, quản lý, trình độ chuyên môn nghiệp vụ; tăng cường đột phá vào công tác huấn luyện, chuyển giao công nghệ từ khi triển khai đóng mới tàu hay tiếp nhận trang bị mới; trong đó trọng tâm là đội ngũ cán bộ, nhân viên trực tiếp khai thác, sử dụng VKTBKT; tăng cường các hội thi, hội thao thực sự có chất lượng, hiệu quả, nhằm thúc đẩy phong trào huấn luyện tại đơn vị, phấn đấu làm chủ VKTBKT trong cả tình huống khó khăn phức tạp nhất.

Ba là, đầu tư xây dựng cơ sở bảo đảm kỹ thuật hiện đại và tạo nguồn vật tư dự trữ đầy đủ. Đầu tư xây dựng các trạm sửa chữa tổng hợp hiện đại tại các BTL Vùng CSB và các Hải đội đóng quân độc lập (có đủ trang thiết bị công nghệ, quy trình công nghệ, chuyên gia kỹ thuật, vật tư phụ tùng dự phòng thay thế) nhằm nâng cao năng lực tự bảo đảm cho các đơn vị, đáp ứng yêu cầu bảo quản, bảo dưỡng và sửa chữa cấp hàng hải. Xây dựng kho kỹ thuật tại cơ quan, đơn vị có khả năng cất chứa đa dạng chủng loại vật tư, số lượng lớn, bảo đảm kịp thời. Tạo nguồn vật tư kỹ thuật; ZIP dự trữ tàu, bờ bảo đảm cho thực hiện nhiệm vụ thường xuyên và các tình huống cao, đột xuất, đòi hỏi lượng vật tư thay thế lớn. Trong đó có cả lượng vật tư dự trữ quốc gia, vật tư dự trữ cấp chiến lược (của BTL CSB bố trí tại các đơn vị) và vật tư dự trữ thường xuyên.

Bốn là, đẩy mạnh hoạt động khoa học công nghệ, các đề tài nghiên cứu, sáng kiến cải tiến kỹ thuật sâu rộng trong toàn lực lượng, tạo ra nhiều sản phẩm thiết thực, ứng dụng có hiệu quả trong công tác bảo đảm kỹ thuật và ứng dụng mạnh mẽ CNTT trong công tác quản lý, chỉ đạo, điều hành các hoạt động CTKT.

Năm là, thực hiện mạnh mẽ, có chiều sâu về “Xây dựng nền nếp chính quy kỹ thuật và làm chủ VKTBKT”.

Sáu là, phát huy nội lực, đồng thời tăng cường các mối quan hệ tạo cơ chế phối hợp, hiệp đồng với các lực lượng có liên quan, các nhà máy, xí nghiệp sửa chữa, các hãng cung cấp thiết bị để kịp thời bảo đảm vật tư kỹ thuật, sửa chữa VKTBKT trong thời gian ngắn nhất, hiệu quả nhất, bảo đảm phương tiện tàu thuyền luôn sẵn sàng thực hiện nhiệm vụ trong mọi tình huống.

Bảy là, tăng cường công tác dự báo tình huống nhằm nâng cao khả năng xử lý, xử trí các tình huống, đồng thời đảm bảo công tác chuẩn bị mọi mặt đầy đủ (về tạo nguồn vật tư dự trữ, phương thức bảo đảm,... ) để không bị động bất ngờ, không gián đoạn công tác bảo đảm trong bất kỳ tình huống nào.

Tóm lại, để đáp ứng yêu cầu nhiệm vụ trong tình hình mới, thì việc hiện đại hóa phương tiện, trang bị cho Cảnh sát biển là đòi hỏi khách quan và tất yếu. Hiện đại hóa phương tiện, trang bị không chỉ đầu tư phát triển trang bị hiện đại mà cùng với đó là đầu tư phát triển nguồn lực con người, cơ sở vật chất bảo đảm và cơ chế hoạt động phù hợp mới đáp ứng được yêu cầu khai thác, làm chủ VKTBKT, góp phần hoàn thành chức năng, nhiệm vụ được giao trong mọi tình huống.

Translation , please? Thanks.

I think, it´s a well written report from Stratfor, analyzing the internal debate within the leadership of Vietnam and how the country responses to the actual geopolical challenges. some points are wellknown, written and published in other media. however I notice one major point in the article that was not known before: "Most alarming to China is Vietnam's growing acceptance of the resurgent Japanese navy, with Hanoi agreeing in November 2015 to construct new port facilities ahead of a Japanese port call, foreshadowing long-term cooperation." our japanese friend @Nihonjin1051 may be interested of the news.



Vietnam: Cautious, but Unpredictable in a Crisis

January 12, 2016 | 09:31 GMT
Stratfor


Vietnamese leaders, including Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, President Truong Tan Sang and Communist Party General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong, on Oct. 20, 2015. (STR/AFP/Getty Images)


Forecast

• Vietnam will continue to integrate with the global economy and pursue security cooperation with Russia, India and its Southeast Asian neighbors.
• The country's imperatives, aligned with those of the Communist Party, will prevent a wholehearted embrace of the United States.
• Divisions within the party will limit Vietnam's ties with China, risking indecision during any short, sharp crises in the South China Sea.

Analysis

The past two decades brought about sweeping changes in Southeast Asia — no country knows this better than Vietnam. Much like China, a strongly centralized Communist Party rules Vietnam, and from Jan. 20 to Jan. 28 the party will gather for its national congress. Held every five years, this Communist assembly will select a new general secretary, Politburo and Central Committee. But rather than being progressive, in many ways, this leadership transition will simply solidify the country's existing strategic configuration.

The party intent is to publicly display a consensus on Vietnam's path over the next five years. However, the plenum will serve to showcase the enduring rifts that exist between competing factions, divided when it comes to Vietnam's future. One of the main disagreements centers on Hanoi's contentious but indispensable relationship with Beijing. Such divisions have prevented an orderly succession plan from taking shape ahead of the plenum and point to a longer-term breakdown in unity if matters cannot be resolved. Geopolitically speaking, Vietnam's imperatives — coupled with the Communist Party's own internal logic — mean the country will not become dramatically more antagonistic toward China: But neither will it wholeheartedly embrace the United States.


Vietnam's Geographic Challenge

Hanoi's core strategy is one of balance. Internally, the party needs to achieve harmony among its competing political factions. Externally, it seeks to avoid an overreliance on any single foreign power. This strategic outlook is shaped by Vietnam's history of conflict, not only with Asian countries such as China but with Western powers as well. There are also two distinctly modern factors at play. First, the Vietnamese Communist Party is attempting to maintain its power during a time of rapid economic liberalization and social change, and it fears reopening the historical regional fractures that split the country in the past century. Second, Vietnam is embroiled in a regional dispute with China over the South China Sea. Hanoi's involvement in the maritime quarrel is complicated: It does not want to concede territory, but Vietnam's military is comparatively weaker, and its economy is heavily reliant on Chinese trade and investment. These factors feed into one another — the country's lack of external balance threatens the party's internal equilibrium, risking policy incoherence and paralysis.


The East-West Divide

After the United States pulled its troops out of Vietnam in 1975, diplomatic relations between the two countries have been inconsistent. With the West out of the picture, Vietnam went on to repeatedly clash with China in the decade following the U.S. withdrawal. Hanoi's forces fought against Chinese Khmer Rouge proxies in Cambodia in 1979, though a direct confrontation did not occur until 1988, when a naval skirmish in the South China Sea ended badly for the Vietnamese. This recent history still colors Hanoi's outlook today. When Soviet aid dried up in the final days of the Cold War, Vietnam recognized the need to integrate with international markets and the importance of attracting foreign investment. Hanoi was divided when it came to accepting its Cold War foes.

With a U.S. trade embargo in place, normalization with China came first in 1991, empowering the Vietnamese Communist Party's mostly northern conservative blocs, which favored continued hostility toward the West. Despite this, Washington and Hanoi eventually normalized relations in 1995. Beijing's repeated efforts to insert oil rigs into contested waters have given U.S.-Vietnamese relations an unexpected boost.

However, the country has never been one for unanimity. Today, Vietnam's senior leadership can be roughly divided into three broad camps: pro-West reformists, led by the powerful Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung; pro-China conservatives, led by current Party General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong; and a relatively moderate wing of improvers led by President Truong Tan Sang. For much of Prime Minister Dung's 10 years in office, the clout of the reformist wing has surged, bolstered by the economic heft of the south. And its emphasis on statecraft over socialist ideology is believed to match the prevailing mood in the party's 175-person Central Committee.

During Vietnam's 2014 oil rig standoff with China, the charismatic prime minister took a more nationalist stance than many of his counterparts, which appealed to the public. Dung also emerged relatively unscathed following two attempts to remove him from office with a no confidence vote in the Central Committee (engineered by the pro-China camp, first in 2012 and again last January). Dung also gained substantial support from the conservative military elite through his military modernization drive, which led Vietnam to develop one of Southeast Asia's strongest maritime and missile capabilities, thanks to help from Russia. Though the 66-year-old is technically required to retire if he plans to pursue the general secretary post, Dung is expected to seek an exemption similar to the one granted to Trong in 2011. The pro-China camp has no comparably strong candidate.


Vietnam's Embrace of the West

If Dung or one of his reformist allies takes the top spot at the head of the party, it would further confirm Vietnam's ongoing shift to the West. However, Vietnam's strategic direction over the next five years will not significantly hinge on individuals. For example, the party's draft Political Report and Socio-Economic Plan for 2016-2020 — composed by party reformists and conservatives alike and expected to be ratified at the upcoming congress — makes Western integration a major priority.

Even under Trong's guidance as general secretary, the Vietnamese Communist Party has signed off on a number of significant measures, including World Trade Organization accession in 2007. Trong himself made a landmark visit to Washington last summer and Hanoi's willingness to stay the course through contentious negotiations over the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership speaks volumes. Vietnam is positioned to benefit greatly from the 12-nation trade pact, but the deal, along with the free trade agreement it signed with the European Union last month, is not without risk for Hanoi. Implementation requires the party to relinquish some degree of control over the country's delicate economic liberalization process.

This could lead to contentious regulatory overhauls and labor reforms. Some of these measures, in addition to opening Vietnamese industries to global competition, will threaten the direct interests of the country's dominant and largely autonomous state-owned enterprises, whose influence is interwoven with party patronage networks. Yet, Hanoi would not have stuck through the negotiations if it were not relatively united on the overriding imperative to diversify away from Chinese investors.

Meanwhile, China's push into the South China Sea has compelled Vietnam to strengthen defense ties with a range of other partners. Most alarming to China is Vietnam's growing acceptance of the resurgent Japanese navy, with Hanoi agreeing in November 2015 to construct new port facilities ahead of a Japanese port call, foreshadowing long-term cooperation. International economic integration, along with greater security cooperation with outside powers such as Japan, India and the United States, will be a core focus for Vietnam's future leaders, regardless of who is in charge.


Caution and Consensus

Nonetheless, in military matters and in trade, Hanoi will move carefully to keep its strategic options open and avoid an overreliance on any single outside power. Greater economic integration with the rest of the world will not fully offset Vietnam's heavy dependence on the Chinese economy, and the Communist Party will not risk provoking a breakdown in relations with China that disrupts its economic trajectory, thereby fomenting popular discontent.

Militarily, Vietnam needs outside help. Hanoi will accept assistance, too, but it remains wary of serving as a battleground for great competing powers — lingering memories of the Cold War run deep. In a 2014 speech, Dung himself lambasted U.S. imperialism. Japan and South Korea's recent deal over the treatment of wartime "comfort women" more than 70 years ago highlights how long such issues can remain politically volatile. Regardless of how Hanoi views China's pursuit of its territorial claims, Vietnam will avoid provoking a prolonged military standoff with the Chinese — or provide the United States a base from which to do the same. In fact, Hanoi will prefer to look beyond the United States and China for support, bolstering existing partnerships with countries that do not carry the threat of domination, namely India, Russia and members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Ultimately, though, only the United States is capable of maintaining the status quo in the South China Sea and of ensuring Vietnamese territorial integrity.

Caution is reflected in the party leadership's emphasis on internal factional balance, which best serves its desire for geopolitical flexibility — and its mandate to maintain rule in a fractious country. And the party has proved capable of navigating internal competition without breaking apart. A win by the reformist camp is therefore unlikely to bring about purges, as is often the way in single-party states.

Vietnam's curious dynamics limit the potential of an escalation in simmering hostility between Hanoi and Beijing, giving both sides space to defuse relatively common incidents such as last month's sinking of a Vietnamese fishing boat, allegedly by a Chinese military vessel. But there is also the problem of political incoherence and paralysis, making Vietnam somewhat unpredictable in a future crisis and limiting its ability to forge a coherent policy on China in advance. This adds further uncertainty to the increasingly militarized environment in the South China Sea. Hanoi's main impulse today may be caution and consensus, but it is unclear how the party would maintain its internal balance in the face of intense nationalistic pressure — or how Hanoi would keep its options open if a great power conflict ever unfolds just off its shores.


Vietnam: Cautious, but Unpredictable in a Crisis

 

[Aqsuperman]

Some visitors and visiting countries , hope something will come from these meeting

 

[Viet]

The search for Vietnam's war dead: Largest ever DNA identification project is underway to name those who perished 40 years ago

• Half a million Vietnamese people killed in the war remain unidentified
• DNA experts will be trained to identify remains using latest genetic tests
• Government is investing 500 billion dong ($25 million) in the vast project

By Sarah Griffiths for MailOnline
Published: 13:29 GMT, 14 January 2016 | Updated: 16:30 GMT, 14 January 2016

Over forty years after the end of the Vietnam War, the remains of nameless civilians and fighters are still being unearthed.

Now efforts have begun to identify the bones of half a million Vietnamese people who went missing during the conflict between 1955 and 1975.

Experts are using DNA technologies to test the remains found around the country in the largest identification effort ever attempted.

Scroll down for video

Efforts have begun to identify the bones of half a million Vietnamese people who went missing during the Vietnam war between 1955 and 1975. This harrowing file image shows a fallen fighter in 1972

Vietnam veteran and genomics pioneer Craig Venter told Nature: 'When I was a 21-year-old in the medical corps there, I never imagined that such a project could ever become possible.

'We thought of body counts as statistics — now, decades later, it may be possible to put names to them.'

Vietnam has only been able to identify a few hundred of its war dead so far using old technologies, leaving thousands of families still desperate to give their long-lost relatives a proper funeral.

In 2014, the Vietnamese government promised to invest 500 billion dong ($25 million or £17 million) in upgrading three existing DNA testing centres so they would be up to the morbid task.

And last month it signed a training contract with Hamburg-based medical diagnostics firm Bioglobe to get Vietnamese DNA experts up to speed with the new technology.

In 2014, the Vietnamese government promised to invest 500 billion dong ($25 million) in upgrading three existing DNA testing centres so they would be up to the task of identifying remains. This image of children fleeing their homes in the village of Trang Bang in the wake of a napalm bomb went on to define the conflict

HOW WILL THE REMAINS BE MATCHED TO LIVING RELATIVES?

Experts will use kits made by German-based company called Qiagen, which are designed to reveal as much DNA as possible from tricky sources such as old bones.

They will powder bone samples and lock them in sealed cartridges containing chemicals that clean them, before chemically breaking down cells to extract DNA.

Another kit will then check multiple copies of a sequence of DNA against a larger-than-normal set of genomic markers to make a DNA profile and point out any substances stopping the process.

If these substances prove stubborn, the samples will be analysed by had using processes developed by the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP).

Finished genetic profiles will be checked against the database of the modern population to try and find living relatives of the dead.

Bioglobe's CEO, Wolfgang Höppner, has said the project still faces considerable challenges.

These include the country's humid conditions, which can degrade the DNA of bodies that were buried in shallow graves decades ago.

The sheer numbers of bones involved is also a hurdle to overcome, meaning a systematic approach is vital, as well as the production of a vast bank of DNA collected from the current population.

An outreach programme is planned to collect saliva samples from volunteers, but since the war was decades ago, samples may have to come from distant relatives whose DNA is less similar, making the task more difficult.

Experts will use kits made by another German-based company called Qiagen, which are designed to reveal as much DNA as possible from tricky sources such as old bones.

They will use these to extract DNA from powdered bone samples before comparing multiple sequences against a set of genomic markers.

This will produce a unique DNA profile. The team will also use techniques developed by the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP).

Vietnam has only been able to identify a few hundred of its war dead so far using old methods, with families still desperate to give their long-lost relatives a proper funeral. In contrast, the US has managed to identify most of its war dead. A file image showing Marines boarding a helicopter after an 11 day battle is shown

Experts will use kits made by another German-based company called Qiagen, which are designed to reveal as much DNA as possible from tricky sources such as old bones. A stock image of DNA sequencing is shown

Finished genetic profiles will be checked against the database of the modern population to try and find living relatives of the dead.

The Sarajevo-based ICMP helped to identify nearly all the people who were killed in the Srebrenica massacre of 1995 as well as others slain during the conflict.

They will now help to train Vietnamese scientists taking on the new momentous identification project.

It will rely on people to come forward with knowledge about where bodies may be buried, as well as military intelligence, unlike in Bosnia where satellite imagery could be used to find mass graves.

Truong Nam Hai, head of the Institute of Biotechnology at the Vietnam Academy of Science and Technology – the site of the first upgraded lab – hopes that by next year when the labs are up and running, the remains of between 8,000 and 10,000 people will be able to be identified per year.

The project will rely on people to come forward with knowledge about where massacres may have taken place and bodies buried, as well as military intelligence. This saddening file image shows a family walking along Highway 1 as part of the 'convoy of tears' leaving the country's central highlands


Read more: Vietnam’s war dead to be identified with a DNA project | Daily Mail Online
Follow us: @MailOnline on Twitter | DailyMail on Facebook

 

[Viet]

graduated from Nha Trang pilot school, 2011-2015, new pilots for the airforce

during their training, they were flying on L-39 jet for 235 hours on average, with an intensive training in Russia, the new pilots can surely fly Mig-35. I admire the russians. they know how to build powerful jets.

 

[yugocrosrb95]

In my opinion the best fighter to replace the Mig-21 is the Mig-35 and that's the cheapest option also. Its a really good fighter, AESA radar, 3D vector control for the engine, etc. Its basically the upgrade of the Mig-29 and they fixed all the problems. Vietnam is probably waiting for that aircraft to be inducted first into the Russian air force and in the meantime they could be negotiating for western aircraft as a second option or as a negotiation tactic to put pressure on the Russians.

Mig-35 is the cheapest option in short-term due to initial cost of purchase.

As western aircraft goes, there are no easy options, they are all expensive, even the Gripen.

Even the Gripen? Oh please, Mig-35 will cost you more in the long run than Gripen.since Gripen's airframe lifespan is 8000 hours compared to Mig-35's 5000-6000 hours which also consumes twice as much fuel while Mig-35's engine lasts 4000 hours compared to Gripen's 2200 hours, Mig-35 has two engines that need to be replaced compared to Gripen's single engine.

Maintaining two engines is considerably more expensive.

One possibility is that Vietnam could buy the Typhoon at a special deal because the original buyers are scaling down their purchases, including Germany or Vietnam may also be able to buy them second hand for the same reason.

If Vietnam can afford Typhoon in latest Tranche 3 and latest aerodynamical modification from Airbus then Vietnam will be a force to reckon with in the air in SEA airspace.

The strange thing about buying the Typhoon is that it is an air superiority fighter and Vietnam has the Sukhoi fighters for the same role including the upcoming SU-30SM so that would be a bit of a duplication. I've heard a lot of bad press about the Typhoon (and you too), many issues, so I'm not sure that's a good choice.

China already has SU-30's and Vietnam does not have fighter higher than SU-30 while China does, if Vietnam has an option to buy and can afford it then they should buy it if they can because it would be a game changer in SEA and Chinese would think twice before making a move.

Yea, we heard a lot lies about Typhoon as press tried to spin it into an F-22 despite reality being the opposite, every fighter has issues that are fixed sooner or later block by block, tranche by tranche.

The good thing about European aircraft is that they would come with the Meteor and Iris-T air to air missiles and they would blast any chinese fighters out the sky in no time.

Meteor has NEZ of 75 kilometers, best chinese likely like americans at best, 50 kilometers...

Forget about domestic manufacturing, Vietnam is not ready for that at the moment. Support industry maybe ok.

Vietnam could look to buy documents for G-4 Super Galeb from Serbia...

 

[Viet]

Vietnam produces fireproof, bulletproof paint from rice husks

12.01.2016

VietNamNet Bridge - A local company has successfully produced fireproof, bulletproof paint made from rice husks, with the price one third of foreign products of the same kind.

Test of Kova fireproof paint.

At right is the wood covered with fireproof paint of Vietnam, which is burnt over one hour without being harmed. The left is wood covered with German fireproof paint, which burned after 22 minutes. Photo: Zen Nguyen


Vietnamese paint company Kova this May launched its nano fireproof and bulletproof paint made from husks. The new products have attracted attention of local and foreign scientists and enterprises.

Husk is an agricultural by-product, often used as fuel, to make fertilizer. Dr. Nguyen Thi Hoe, Chairwoman of the Kova Paint Group, has used this by-product to produce special product – fireproof and bulletproof paint.

Hoe said the fireproof paint is active in the temperatures of 800-1,200oC and it does not create toxic gas. Tests prove that the quality of this product is even better than similar products of Singapore and Germany.

Notably, this product can work 360 minutes, exceeding the highest level of Vietnamese standards for fireproof products.

Kova bulletproof paint is praised by experts as it helps reduce the weight of bulletproof vests from 60% to 70%.

According to Hoe, 12 tons of rice husk can be burned to have 1 ton of ash, which is processed by hi-tech to create nano paint. 1kg of nano paint can cover 1.5 m2 of surface.

Meanwhile, bulletproof paint is praised by experts as it helps reduce the weight of bulletproof vests from 60% to 70%.

Besides nano bulletproof paint, Kova has also launched a number of new products made from rice husks, such as antibacterial paint, self-cleaning paint and fire-resistant paint of high quality.

Dr. Nguyen Thi Hoe hopes these products will be welcomed by many countries.

She said that the use of husks as main material will help save fuel, and increase productivity for Vietnamese farmers. The products have been successfully tested and used by many firms in Vietnam.

Nguyen Thi Hoe (L) introduces her bulletproof paint at a conference on May 16, 2013.

 

[Carlosa]

Mig-35 is the cheapest option in short-term due to initial cost of purchase.



Even the Gripen? Oh please, Mig-35 will cost you more in the long run than Gripen.since Gripen's airframe lifespan is 8000 hours compared to Mig-35's 5000-6000 hours which also consumes twice as much fuel while Mig-35's engine lasts 4000 hours compared to Gripen's 2200 hours, Mig-35 has two engines that need to be replaced compared to Gripen's single engine.

Maintaining two engines is considerably more expensive..

Gripen is definitely cheaper to operate, but it is almost double the purchase price of the MIG-35, that's not a little thing. Dual engine fighter jets are certainly more expensive to operate but they also have advantages which is why Russia decided to only produce dual engine fighter jets.

Gripen can't be an option at the moment because it uses American engines and the embargo is still on, only naval systems are allowed.

Also, Vietnam is already set up logistically for Russian aircrafts, missiles etc. The Gripen would be a whole new logistical chain and that's also quite expensive. When considering all of that, the Gripen will not be as cheap to operate in the long run as it seems. .

The Gripen NG is an overall good aircraft and cheap to operate, but can't go against the latest air superiority fighters, its radar is not powerful enough (its an small aircraft after all), I don't think it can make it against a SU-30. The testing and competition done by Switzerland showed very clearly that it was inferior to all other aircraft being considered.

China already has SU-30's and Vietnam does not have fighter higher than SU-30 while China does, if Vietnam has an option to buy and can afford it then they should buy it if they can because it would be a game changer in SEA and Chinese would think twice before making a move..

The SU-30SM that Vietnam will get is not something that China has, still, China does have SU-30 and they've been doing their own improvements so its difficult to say how the J-11B would fare against a SU-30SM, chinese engines are definitely inferior when compared to Russian engines, but yes, it could be a game changer to introduce a new fighter with new missiles that is totally different than what China has or what China is familiar with

That being said, lets not forget that the Indian SU-30MK1 just trashed the British Typhoon in exercises last year, so the superiority of Typhoon over SU-30 is far from being clear.

I would say the Meteor missile is what helps the most.
The Meteor missile has a range in excess of 100km. It is designed for a speed greater than Mach 4. The missile has a large no escape zone which is actually even more important than the range, but combined with the range, Its just very bad news for any opponent. .As far as I can see, that's the real game changing element of having the Typhoon. If Vietnam can get cheap or second hand Typhoons, then that's a good deal.

Vietnam could look to buy documents for G-4 Super Galeb from Serbia...

Manufacturing aircraft is a lot more than documents, Vietnam does not have the supporting industries to make sophisticated aircraft parts. The technology is not there yet. Nobody in Vietnam is seriously thinking about manufacturing fighter jets.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Vietnam’s Leadership Succession Struggle
A pressure-packed political succession has entered its final stages.

Vietnam’s Leadership Succession Struggle | The Diplomat

By Jonathan D. London
January 14, 2016

In Hanoi this week a pressure-packed political succession entered its final stages. But its outcomes remain undetermined. Instead, an intense struggle for power is underway within the country’s divided political elite, with leadership over the Communist Party hanging in the balance. With its expanding economy compromised by institutional weaknesses, its populous clamoring for more transparent and democratic governance, and its foreign relations confronted with escalating regional tensions, the implications of Vietnam’s leadership succession are not to be underestimated and extend well beyond Vietnam.

At the core of tensions is determination of the Party’s leadership for the 12th Party Congress, which will sit until 2021 and which is scheduled to get underway on the 21st of this month. Following tradition, the determination for the new leadership centers on the preparation of a leadership roster, which was to be finalized this week and voted upon next week, and which will ultimately determine who will occupy the positions of party general secretary, prime minister, state president, and national assembly president, among other key positions. The first two positions are the most powerful in Vietnam’s political hierarchy. Yet unlike China and, indeed, unlike most countries, Vietnam lacks a supreme leader and even a commander in chief.

The tensions in Vietnam this week center on a white-hot controversy that concerns both who is to be on the list and who has the right to decide it and thus with whom supreme authority lies.

Until very recently, the most compelling sub-plot in Vietnam’s leadership succession was the contest for the position of party general secretary, which had shaped up as a competition among the current general secretary Nguyen Phu Trong and his supporters on the one hand and the camp of Vietnam’s sitting prime minister, Nguyen Tan Dung, on the other. At this late moment, the question of whether one or neither of these principals will secure leadership remains undecided, even as Trong has by appearances gained the upper hand.

Vietnam’s politics are not meant to be dramatic. Yet within the last few days the competition for the position of general secretary and decisional power over the leadership roster has taken a series of dramatic turns. Perhaps most strikingly, a struggle has emerged over the decisional authority of the current general secretary, the 16-member Politburo he leads, and the 175-member Party’s Central Committee, with a host of retired and current party power-brokers seeking influence to the best of their abilities. It is a political scrum, to put it mildly. And while it is worth knowing who the principal contestants for power are, the most vital questions arising from the leadership succession concern the direction of Vietnam’s politics itself.

Let us start with the contest for position of party general secretary. Sitting Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung’s pursuit of the position draws support from the power base he has cultivated among elites across various sectors over the course of his two terms in office. Yet the prime minister is a controversial figure. To his supporters, he is Vietnam’s most eloquent statesman, a reform champion, and a patriot keen to end Hanoi’s deference to Beijing. Indeed, Dung projects a public commitment to market liberalizing reforms and a willingness to expand freedoms “in accordance with the law.”

Critics allege the prime minister is most committed to expanding the wealth and influence of his family and supporters and well-placed foreign investors, even from China. They hold him responsible for large-scale bankruptcies and profligate lending that have left Vietnam with an onerous public debt. According to these critics, Dung is a dangerous phony with a penchant for expanding his power while talking about “democracy” and “human rights” and vindictively silencing critics through draconian means. Conservatives mistrust the prime minister for his alleged association with ill-gotten wealth (over which he certainly has no monopoly), his willingness to hold Beijing to account for its expansionist conduct, and his enthusiasm for seeking advice from the likes of Tony Blair. And yet despite all this mistrust, Dung retains an enigmatic appeal. He has survived challenges by outwitting detractors.

Crucially, however, party conservatives, and in particular Party Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong retain control over key levers of procedural power, and are using these to block Dung’s path to power. What is their plan?

Though ineligible for another full term due to age restrictions, there is precedent for the party secretary to install himself for another one or two years, during which time he may use his control over the means of Party discipline and ideology to buttress his support base and groom the viable successor he currently lacks. This is precisely what he has done.

Not known for his intellectual dynamism, Trong and his supporters’ grit and determination have caught many off guard. This is best illustrated by the party secretary’s under-the-radar success in cajoling central committee members to tacitly accept a decision authored by himself forbidding current or future committees from nominating or voting persons for leadership positions who are not on the official list endorsed by the general secretary himself. Outside his narrow support base, enthusiasm for two more years of Trong’s stewardship is modest at best. Yet Trong has won a level of support in the Politburo by offering potential swing votes a spot on the leadership roster he has authored.

However, through his aggressive pursuit (or usurpation, as some would have it) of authority, Trong himself has generated resentment, not only within the elite ranks of the central committee and Dung supporters, but also among broader segments of the Party and the general population. The upshot of this is that Vietnam’s leadership succession today is not limited to a competition between Dung and Trong and nor is it limited to the world of elite politics.

While many members of Vietnam elite have benefited from patron-client politics, years of political stalemate under the Trong-Dung rivalry have taken their toll, leading increasing ranks of hitherto-passive observers to the view that interest group politics of the sort Vietnam has developed have undermined the coherence and effectiveness of state policy. There is indeed a chance that Vietnam will say goodbye to both Dung and Trong. This could happen as a result of an unhappy compromise between the two camps. Still, for now this appears unlikely. Instead, a high-stakes and very public competition has taken shape.

Within the last few days however, two developments that only recently seemed unlikely have indeed occurred. The first of these developments is that, by most accounts, Trong has indeed nominated himself to serve an additional one or two years, despite age limits, while naming three other politburo members to his four-person roster, effectively terminating Dung’s candidacy.

Contest of Wills

But the story doesn’t end there. For over the course of the last several days the Central Committee together with at least one former politburo member have effectively declared the current party secretary’s ban on nominations to be illegal, null and void and have proceeded to put forward their own nominations, even as the Politburo has thus far declined to recognize them, and are even said to have rejected the general secretary’s roster by an open vote. The central committee, in other words, is claiming real authority in nominating and approving candidates. All of this sets the stage for a contest of wills for which there is decidedly no script.

No one knows how things will shape up. If one or both of the prime minister or party secretary exit, the main question is whether inheritors of the leadership-by-committee mantle will be mere acolytes of established interest-based camps or more independently minded leaders drawn from the politburo or, intriguingly, the military. If Trong prevails, slower reforms are likely. With Dung, all bets are off. Either way, Vietnam’s politics will be entering a new era.

For the 96 percent standing outside the party and the 99 percent standing outside the theater of elite politics, the struggle for Vietnam’s future has generated intense interest, albeit interest pulsing with currents of willful optimism, resignation, and outright desperation. While proponents of reforms lament the passing of yet another undemocratic election, others see the drama and chaos of the succession struggle as part of a larger process of political evolution.

Such a perspective is not without grounds. In recent years Vietnam’s political culture has become increasingly pluralistic. Vietnam is more open than China. Its citizens are less suppressed and exhibit a thirst for internationalization. With 30 million Facebook users and innumerable political blogs, the country has seen a rapid revival of interest in politics and in the long lost arts of social and political commentary. All of this is visible in the leadership struggle.

In recent weeks party elites have been leaking and counter-leaking internal memos and accusations and openly expressing their views over the Internet, while retired and even active party members have openly demanded the abandonment of Leninism as part of comprehensive institutional reforms. It is conceivable that the tensions and chaos kicked up by the current leadership succession will lend momentum to these calls. The notion that only tiny fractions of Vietnam’s population are interested in politics is fading fast. Indeed, Vietnam’s politics are evolving more rapidly than its political elites recognize.

While Vietnamese vary in their political perspectives, there is a broad desire among them for the country’s politics to be liberated from unaccountable politics dominated by entrenched elites. Whether the 12th party congress brings that outcome closer remains to be seen.

Jonathan D. London is a professor in the Department of Asian and International Studies and Core Member of the Southeast Asia Research Centre at the City University of Hong Kong. His recent publications include Politics in Contemporary Vietnam: Party, State, and Authority Relations(2014, Palgrave Macmillan).

 

[Aqsuperman]

Some worn out tanks found a new life as these

 

[yugocrosrb95]

Gripen is definitely cheaper to operate, but it is almost double the purchase price of the MIG-35, that's not a little thing.

No it isn't double the price of Mig-35.

Gripen can't be an option at the moment because it uses American engines and the embargo is still on, only naval systems are allowed.

Việt Nam mua tiêm kích Gripen để thay MiG-21? - Tạp Chí Xã Hội Công Nghệ Thông Tin, Tin tức công nghệ

Also, Vietnam is already set up logistically for Russian aircrafts, missiles etc. The Gripen would be a whole new logistical chain and that's also quite expensive. When considering all of that, the Gripen will not be as cheap to operate in the long run as it seems. .

...and that happened with SU-30.

The Gripen NG is an overall good aircraft and cheap to operate, but can't go against the latest air superiority fighters, its radar is not powerful enough (its an small aircraft after all), I don't think it can make it against a SU-30.

You're ignorant/uninformed and you should just shut up and be quiet.

Gripen C/D will get a radar upgrade in 2017 which will allow it to see 4 m2 RCS aircrafts at distance of 300 kilometers and 0.1 m2 at 120 kilometers and Gripen C/D can fire KEPD 350 and Meteor BVRAAM.

The testing and competition done by Switzerland showed very clearly that it was inferior to all other aircraft being considered.

Sure as you use outdated information and say Gripen NG is Gripen A/B.

The SU-30SM that Vietnam will get is not something that China has, still, China does have SU-30 and they've been doing their own improvements so its difficult to say how the J-11B would fare against a SU-30SM, chinese engines are definitely inferior when compared to Russian engines, but yes, it could be a game changer to introduce a new fighter with new missiles that is totally different than what China has or what China is familiar with

China knows limitations of SU-30.

That being said, lets not forget that the Indian SU-30MK1 just trashed the British Typhoon in exercises last year, so the superiority of Typhoon over SU-30 is far from being clear.

You have no credibility at all, just shut up.

I would say the Meteor missile is what helps the most.
The Meteor missile has a range in excess of 100km. It is designed for a speed greater than Mach 4. The missile has a large no escape zone which is actually even more important than the range, but combined with the range, Its just very bad news for any opponent. .As far as I can see, that's the real game changing element of having the Typhoon. If Vietnam can get cheap or second hand Typhoons, then that's a good deal.

Gripen C/D can use Meteor as Typhoon while Typhoon has RAM which makes it stealthy.

Manufacturing aircraft is a lot more than documents, Vietnam does not have the supporting industries to make sophisticated aircraft parts. The technology is not there yet. Nobody in Vietnam is seriously thinking about manufacturing fighter jets.

Soko G-4 Super Galeb is a Ground-Attack Jet and Vietnam can do it and I bet that they could produce it for couple to few million dollars.

 

[Viet]

That is what I hoped for, in the making, or at least theoretically: East Asia Military Alliance: Japan, Vietnam and Philippines. the three.

Good: the Japanese share with us classified information on Chinese forces' movements in the South China Sea. not only because we need to know where they are, but our subs need GPS coordinates of chinese surface warships to program on-board cruise missiles. just in case. what about the movements of Chinese submarines? will the Japanese share the info with our Navy as well?


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January 15, 2016 2:30 pm JST
Defense information

Japan eager for security agreements with Philippines, Vietnam

TOKYO -- The Japanese government hopes that by the end of the year it can conclude agreements with the Philippines and Vietnam on sharing and protecting classified defense information.

The pacts would allow the countries' armed forces to share information on defense equipment and other nations' troop movements.

Japan aims to strengthen defense cooperation with members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to counter China, which is increasing its presence in the South China Sea. Deals reached with the Philippines and Vietnam would be the first defense information pacts between Japan and ASEAN members.

If agreements are signed, Japan would be able to share information on Chinese forces' movements in the South China Sea, where the Philippines and Vietnam both have territorial disputes with China. In October, a U.S. Navy vessel sailed near islands that China is building in the South China Sea.

Neither the Philippines nor Vietnam have much in the way of navies or air forces. Japan is considering whether to provide the Philippines with training aircraft and other military equipment used by its Maritime Self-Defense Force.

Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani plans to visit the Philippines and Vietnam early this year to open talks on sharing military information.

The agreements would require each party to strictly control shared information.

Japan has concluded similar information security agreements with the U.S., the U.K., France, Australia, India and NATO.

(Nikkei)


Defense information: Japan eager for security agreements with Philippines, Vietnam- Nikkei Asian Review

 

[Carlosa]

No it isn't double the price of Mig-35..

Yes, it is, did you see how much Brazil paid for the Gripen NG? 4.7 billion for 36 planes, make the math if you are able.

You're ignorant/uninformed and you should just shut up and be quiet.

Gripen C/D will get a radar upgrade in 2017 which will allow it to see 4 m2 RCS aircrafts at distance of 300 kilometers and 0.1 m2 at 120 kilometers and Gripen C/D can fire KEPD 350 and Meteor BVRAAM..

Maybe you need to get better informed about the radar of the SU-30SM and SU-35.

And who the fuk are you to tell me to shut up?

Reported!!!

Soko G-4 Super Galeb is a Ground-Attack Jet and Vietnam can do it and I bet that they could produce it for couple to few million dollars.

Too bad that the vietnamese military doesn't listen to you then.

 

[Viet]

yugo, I don´t think that you said is nice. that´s nothing special, if carlosa has different view than you, nevertheless it shouldn´t provoke you to personally attack him. different opinions from different views, different people are the most normal thing of the world.

 

[vtnsx]

Vietnam produces fireproof, bulletproof paint from rice husks

12.01.2016

VietNamNet Bridge - A local company has successfully produced fireproof, bulletproof paint made from rice husks, with the price one third of foreign products of the same kind.

Test of Kova fireproof paint.

At right is the wood covered with fireproof paint of Vietnam, which is burnt over one hour without being harmed. The left is wood covered with German fireproof paint, which burned after 22 minutes. Photo: Zen Nguyen


Vietnamese paint company Kova this May launched its nano fireproof and bulletproof paint made from husks. The new products have attracted attention of local and foreign scientists and enterprises.

Husk is an agricultural by-product, often used as fuel, to make fertilizer. Dr. Nguyen Thi Hoe, Chairwoman of the Kova Paint Group, has used this by-product to produce special product – fireproof and bulletproof paint.

Hoe said the fireproof paint is active in the temperatures of 800-1,200oC and it does not create toxic gas. Tests prove that the quality of this product is even better than similar products of Singapore and Germany.

Notably, this product can work 360 minutes, exceeding the highest level of Vietnamese standards for fireproof products.

Kova bulletproof paint is praised by experts as it helps reduce the weight of bulletproof vests from 60% to 70%.

According to Hoe, 12 tons of rice husk can be burned to have 1 ton of ash, which is processed by hi-tech to create nano paint. 1kg of nano paint can cover 1.5 m2 of surface.

Meanwhile, bulletproof paint is praised by experts as it helps reduce the weight of bulletproof vests from 60% to 70%.

Besides nano bulletproof paint, Kova has also launched a number of new products made from rice husks, such as antibacterial paint, self-cleaning paint and fire-resistant paint of high quality.

Dr. Nguyen Thi Hoe hopes these products will be welcomed by many countries.

She said that the use of husks as main material will help save fuel, and increase productivity for Vietnamese farmers. The products have been successfully tested and used by many firms in Vietnam.

Nguyen Thi Hoe (L) introduces her bulletproof paint at a conference on May 16, 2013.

This is excellent article, @Viet thanks. I could see the application for this here in Canada. I will look more into this!