Turkish Politics & Internal Affairs

[-SINAN-]

Perhaps they don't say this directly, but they justify PKK methods in Diyarbakir Hakkari Sirnak etc. They had this document/declaration of professors some days weeks ago, where hundreds/thousands? signed this document. The document accused the military of killing civillians in these Hendek operations. In my world this is more or less the same as legitimizing PKK and their methods, and critisizing military methods.

But no one can tell that sort of shit openly.

 

[Bismarck]

Gemessen an der Anzahl, ist unser Einfluss nicht signifikant; hat aber mit unserer Einstellung und Erziehung zu tun. Wir müssen unser Potenzial tatsächlich besser kanalisieren und zielgerichteter konzentrieren.

Oder Zerstrittenheit innerhalb der Gemeinde. Oder von allem etwas.

 

[KediKesenFare3]

Oder Zerstrittenheit innerhalb der Gemeinde. Oder von allem etwas.

Ich sprach explizit von den Deutschtürken; folglich einer Gruppe, die sich als eine linguistisch separate, geschlossene soziokulturelle Community in Deutschland inkl. eines transnationalen Charakters identifiziert. Innerhalb dieser Gemeinschaft, klassisch sunnitisch-türkisch und/oder türkische Kurden sunnitisch-gesamttürkischer Ausrichtung - herrschen veraltetet Gesellschaftskonzepte vor, die z.B. einen migrantischen Massenprotest in Deutschland verunmöglichen.

Warum demonstrieren in Frankreich, Schweden, GB, Italien etc. migrantische Hauptgruppen - in Deutschland aber nicht?

Die "soziale Hängematte" ist doch in Schweden stattlicher gefüttert als in Deutschland. Dieser "Integrationserfolg" der hiesigen Deutschtürken kann nicht auf deutsche Politik zurückgeführt werden. Unsere Großväter und Großmütter wurden nach Deutschland entsandt mit der Aufforderungen und eindringlichen Mahnung, bei unseren "uralten preußischen Verbündeten" keinen schlechten Eindruck zu hinterlassen.

In ihren Köpfen ist also zum einen kein kolonialistischen Verhältnis zu Deutschland vorrätig, sondern ein gleichwertiges, das eines Bündnispartners. Zum anderen wurden sie im Sinne der türkischen Verfassung erzogen (eigentlich eine ottomanische Staatstradition, die die Kemalisten adaptierten), die besagt, dass nicht das Volk, sondern der Staat (und seine Apparate) das Souverän bildet. Eine radikale Umkehrung zum deutschen Verständnis, eigentlich gar ein dualistisches Bild. Diese Werte hat die Gruppe der Deutschtürken in Deutschland sogar konserviert und reicht es von Generation zu Generation weiter.

Das unterscheidet sie von Deutschkurden, die der PKK nahe stehen. Sie besetzen Autobahnen, dringen illegal in Behörden ein, besetzen Landtage und zwangen in Mannheim die deutsche Polizei beinahe, in eine Gruppe zu feuern. So etwas ist nicht möglich bei uns. Unsere Familien würden uns die Hände brechen, wenn wir Steine auf deutsche Sicherheitsbeamte werfen würden - stattdessen schenken sie ihnen Rosen.

Köln:

Derweil in Südeuropa - eure engsten Verbündeten - Hitlerbilder gezeigt wurden, demonstrierte kaum ein Deutschtürke oder Türke aufgrund der NSU-Morde. Warum? Weil sich das angeblich nicht gehöre. Ist ja der Staat.

Diese Haltung impliziert auch ein Paradox. Wir, die Deutschtürken, weisen den höchsten Grad an Organisation unter allen Migrantengruppen in der BRD auf. Wir sind richtige Vereinsmeier, lobbyieren aber nicht, da wir uns nicht in Angelegenheiten des Staates einmischen wollen.

Diese Werthaltung werde allerdings schwächer mit jeder neuen Generation. Gott sei Dank. Die Deutschen von heute sind keine Preußen mehr, da bin ich preußischer als so manch einer; deshalb müssen wir unsere Rolle in dieser Gesellschaft überarbeiten.

 

[UkroTurk]

Hepinizin AQ. Hüdafiz @UkroTurk

@T-123456

@Hurshid Celebi

Did you insult us? or Whom ???
Neuvrotic anxiouty??

 

[Solomon2]

Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Despotic Zeal


By SEVGI AKARCESME MARCH 8, 2016

Istanbul — THE virtual control he already has of a majority of Turkey’s newspapers and TV stations apparently isn’t enough for President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. On Friday, with the zeal of its despotic leader, his government seized my paper, Today’s Zaman, and its parent, the Turkish-language Zaman, which is the highest-circulating daily in the country. Together, these titles were two of the few remaining independent voices inside Turkey — and Today’s Zaman, in particular, was a reliable English-language news source for diplomats, academics and expatriates.

On Friday, a government-controlled court appointed trustees to take over the newspapers in what amounts to a politically motivated assault. At midnight, protesters faced tear gas and water cannons as riot police stormed our Istanbul headquarters.

The authorities used power tools to force open the iron gate to the building. The following day, our Internet connection was cut off to stop staff members from working on a special edition about the takeover. Since then, the authorities have been unplugging the newspapers’ servers, destroying our digital archive.

Protesting the government takeover of Zaman newspaper, in Istanbul. CreditEmrah Gurel/Associated Press

Some hours after the raid, I told the police officer smoking a cigarette outside the main gate, “This is a nonsmoking area.” He replied: “Not anymore.” That response underscores a broader shift in Turkey: a dangerous trajectory toward an end of the rule of law.

It’s bad enough that more than 20 Turkish journalists are behind bars. But Friday will be remembered as the day when media freedoms were even more severely curtailed, in flagrant violation of the Constitution.

In November, two prominent Turkish journalists, Can Dundar and Erdem Gul, senior editors of the daily newspaper Cumhuriyet, were arrested on charges of aiding an armed terrorist organization and publishing material that threatened state security. They were released last month, after the constitutional court ruled that their rights had been violated, but still face trial and, if convicted, possible life sentences. Mr. Erdogan said he had “no respect” for the court decision that led to their release.

This pressure is not a recent thing. In December 2014, state authorities detained Zaman’s editor in chief at the time, Ekrem Dumanli, as part of a systematic crackdown on government critics. My predecessor as editor in chief of Today’s Zaman, Bulent Kenes, was imprisoned last October for critical Twitter comments. I myself received a suspended jail sentence late last year for somebody else’s response to one of my tweets.

Why have we been targeted by the president? According to the court order, these newspapers are accused of disseminating “terrorist propaganda” and aiding terrorist organizations. This has become a convenient catchall accusation for clamping down on government critics.

In the past, Zaman and Today’s Zaman supported the Erdogan-led Justice and Development Party’s pro-Western and democracy-oriented policies, as well as its efforts to introduce reforms that would pave the way toward Turkish membership in the European Union. Since the beginning of this decade, however, Mr. Erdogan and his party have become increasingly authoritarian.

Take, for example, the police’s brutal response to the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul that arose after the uprooting of trees and the construction of a shopping mall. The protests attracted worldwide news coverage and elicited criticism from Turkey’s most steadfast Western allies.

In March 2014, Mr. Erdogan, who was then Turkey’s prime minister (he was elected president later that year), seemed to announce the nature of the new rule — one that involves silencing all forms of dissent — when he called for social media sites such as Facebook and YouTube to be shut down. He went on to describe Twitter as “the worst menace to society.”

The true oppression began in 2013 after two damning corruption inquiries resulted in several cabinet ministers being forced out. Trying to turn attention away from the graft allegations, Mr. Erdogan accused critics of being part of a “parallel structure” organized by the Turkish preacher Fethullah Gulen and his Hizmet movement that was seeking to overthrow him. A witch hunt followed against bureaucrats, businesses, journalists, teachers, philanthropists and ordinary citizens with perceived sympathies for Mr. Gulen, who has been living in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania since 1999.

His sermons were published in Zaman, but Mr. Gulen has no official ties with the media group that owns the newspapers. Yet the court order that enabled the seizure of Zaman and Today’s Zaman argued, without providing any evidence, that Mr. Gulen controlled the newspapers. Many of my colleagues are inspired by his peaceful, moderate teaching — as are millions of people around the world — but it is an insult to their intelligence and integrity to suggest they are under his control.

This may be the last article I write as the editor in chief of Today’s Zaman, as I objected to the new administration’s censorship on the day they turned Zaman into an official mouthpiece with a pro-government cover article. The world must tell the Erdogan regime that enough is enough.

As we saw in the court ruling on Mr. Dundar and Mr. Gul, which came after the American vice president, Joseph R. Biden Jr., expressed support for the two journalists, the international community still has leverage over Turkey. Merely showing concern for press freedom and civil liberties in Turkey while turning a blind eye to violations for the sake of business and regional deals may pay off for now, but unless the West takes firm action to check Mr. Erdogan’s slide into authoritarian rule, it risks losing a stable ally and rare democracy in a Muslim-majority nation.

Sevgi Akarcesme is the editor in chief of Today’s Zaman.

 

[Worf]

I would love to say Zaman deserved the shit happening to them, but we can't allow politics to interfere with 'justice'. For all these years they served AKP and promoted there agenda, essentially being a propaganda tool. When things got in there way, they jumped onto another band wagon. Actually i will say it, they deserve it; what goes around comes around.

On another news, ISIS is directly attacking Turkey again; quite literally with rocket artillery(might be something else). Something should be done.

 

[Ceri]

Ich sprach explizit von den Deutschtürken; folglich einer Gruppe, die sich als eine linguistisch separate, geschlossene soziokulturelle Community in Deutschland inkl. eines transnationalen Charakters identifiziert. Innerhalb dieser Gemeinschaft, klassisch sunnitisch-türkisch und/oder türkische Kurden sunnitisch-gesamttürkischer Ausrichtung - herrschen veraltetet Gesellschaftskonzepte vor, die z.B. einen migrantischen Massenprotest in Deutschland verunmöglichen.

Warum demonstrieren in Frankreich, Schweden, GB, Italien etc. migrantische Hauptgruppen - in Deutschland aber nicht?

Die "soziale Hängematte" ist doch in Schweden stattlicher gefüttert als in Deutschland. Dieser "Integrationserfolg" der hiesigen Deutschtürken kann nicht auf deutsche Politik zurückgeführt werden. Unsere Großväter und Großmütter wurden nach Deutschland entsandt mit der Aufforderungen und eindringlichen Mahnung, bei unseren "uralten preußischen Verbündeten" keinen schlechten Eindruck zu hinterlassen.

In ihren Köpfen ist also zum einen kein kolonialistischen Verhältnis zu Deutschland vorrätig, sondern ein gleichwertiges, das eines Bündnispartners. Zum anderen wurden sie im Sinne der türkischen Verfassung erzogen (eigentlich eine ottomanische Staatstradition, die die Kemalisten adaptierten), die besagt, dass nicht das Volk, sondern der Staat (und seine Apparate) das Souverän bildet. Eine radikale Umkehrung zum deutschen Verständnis, eigentlich gar ein dualistisches Bild. Diese Werte hat die Gruppe der Deutschtürken in Deutschland sogar konserviert und reicht es von Generation zu Generation weiter.

Das unterscheidet sie von Deutschkurden, die der PKK nahe stehen. Sie besetzen Autobahnen, dringen illegal in Behörden ein, besetzen Landtage und zwangen in Mannheim die deutsche Polizei beinahe, in eine Gruppe zu feuern. So etwas ist nicht möglich bei uns. Unsere Familien würden uns die Hände brechen, wenn wir Steine auf deutsche Sicherheitsbeamte werfen würden - stattdessen schenken sie ihnen Rosen.

Köln:

Derweil in Südeuropa - eure engsten Verbündeten - Hitlerbilder gezeigt wurden, demonstrierte kaum ein Deutschtürke oder Türke aufgrund der NSU-Morde. Warum? Weil sich das angeblich nicht gehöre. Ist ja der Staat.

Diese Haltung impliziert auch ein Paradox. Wir, die Deutschtürken, weisen den höchsten Grad an Organisation unter allen Migrantengruppen in der BRD auf. Wir sind richtige Vereinsmeier, lobbyieren aber nicht, da wir uns nicht in Angelegenheiten des Staates einmischen wollen.

Diese Werthaltung werde allerdings schwächer mit jeder neuen Generation. Gott sei Dank. Die Deutschen von heute sind keine Preußen mehr, da bin ich preußischer als so manch einer; deshalb müssen wir unsere Rolle in dieser Gesellschaft überarbeiten.

Can you give a summary of this post in Turkish or English. I would appreciate it

Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Despotic Zeal


By SEVGI AKARCESME MARCH 8, 2016

Istanbul — THE virtual control he already has of a majority of Turkey’s newspapers and TV stations apparently isn’t enough for President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. On Friday, with the zeal of its despotic leader, his government seized my paper, Today’s Zaman, and its parent, the Turkish-language Zaman, which is the highest-circulating daily in the country. Together, these titles were two of the few remaining independent voices inside Turkey — and Today’s Zaman, in particular, was a reliable English-language news source for diplomats, academics and expatriates.

On Friday, a government-controlled court appointed trustees to take over the newspapers in what amounts to a politically motivated assault. At midnight, protesters faced tear gas and water cannons as riot police stormed our Istanbul headquarters.

The authorities used power tools to force open the iron gate to the building. The following day, our Internet connection was cut off to stop staff members from working on a special edition about the takeover. Since then, the authorities have been unplugging the newspapers’ servers, destroying our digital archive.

Protesting the government takeover of Zaman newspaper, in Istanbul. CreditEmrah Gurel/Associated Press

Some hours after the raid, I told the police officer smoking a cigarette outside the main gate, “This is a nonsmoking area.” He replied: “Not anymore.” That response underscores a broader shift in Turkey: a dangerous trajectory toward an end of the rule of law.

It’s bad enough that more than 20 Turkish journalists are behind bars. But Friday will be remembered as the day when media freedoms were even more severely curtailed, in flagrant violation of the Constitution.

In November, two prominent Turkish journalists, Can Dundar and Erdem Gul, senior editors of the daily newspaper Cumhuriyet, were arrested on charges of aiding an armed terrorist organization and publishing material that threatened state security. They were released last month, after the constitutional court ruled that their rights had been violated, but still face trial and, if convicted, possible life sentences. Mr. Erdogan said he had “no respect” for the court decision that led to their release.

This pressure is not a recent thing. In December 2014, state authorities detained Zaman’s editor in chief at the time, Ekrem Dumanli, as part of a systematic crackdown on government critics. My predecessor as editor in chief of Today’s Zaman, Bulent Kenes, was imprisoned last October for critical Twitter comments. I myself received a suspended jail sentence late last year for somebody else’s response to one of my tweets.

Why have we been targeted by the president? According to the court order, these newspapers are accused of disseminating “terrorist propaganda” and aiding terrorist organizations. This has become a convenient catchall accusation for clamping down on government critics.

In the past, Zaman and Today’s Zaman supported the Erdogan-led Justice and Development Party’s pro-Western and democracy-oriented policies, as well as its efforts to introduce reforms that would pave the way toward Turkish membership in the European Union. Since the beginning of this decade, however, Mr. Erdogan and his party have become increasingly authoritarian.

Take, for example, the police’s brutal response to the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul that arose after the uprooting of trees and the construction of a shopping mall. The protests attracted worldwide news coverage and elicited criticism from Turkey’s most steadfast Western allies.

In March 2014, Mr. Erdogan, who was then Turkey’s prime minister (he was elected president later that year), seemed to announce the nature of the new rule — one that involves silencing all forms of dissent — when he called for social media sites such as Facebook and YouTube to be shut down. He went on to describe Twitter as “the worst menace to society.”

The true oppression began in 2013 after two damning corruption inquiries resulted in several cabinet ministers being forced out. Trying to turn attention away from the graft allegations, Mr. Erdogan accused critics of being part of a “parallel structure” organized by the Turkish preacher Fethullah Gulen and his Hizmet movement that was seeking to overthrow him. A witch hunt followed against bureaucrats, businesses, journalists, teachers, philanthropists and ordinary citizens with perceived sympathies for Mr. Gulen, who has been living in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania since 1999.

His sermons were published in Zaman, but Mr. Gulen has no official ties with the media group that owns the newspapers. Yet the court order that enabled the seizure of Zaman and Today’s Zaman argued, without providing any evidence, that Mr. Gulen controlled the newspapers. Many of my colleagues are inspired by his peaceful, moderate teaching — as are millions of people around the world — but it is an insult to their intelligence and integrity to suggest they are under his control.

This may be the last article I write as the editor in chief of Today’s Zaman, as I objected to the new administration’s censorship on the day they turned Zaman into an official mouthpiece with a pro-government cover article. The world must tell the Erdogan regime that enough is enough.

As we saw in the court ruling on Mr. Dundar and Mr. Gul, which came after the American vice president, Joseph R. Biden Jr., expressed support for the two journalists, the international community still has leverage over Turkey. Merely showing concern for press freedom and civil liberties in Turkey while turning a blind eye to violations for the sake of business and regional deals may pay off for now, but unless the West takes firm action to check Mr. Erdogan’s slide into authoritarian rule, it risks losing a stable ally and rare democracy in a Muslim-majority nation.

Sevgi Akarcesme is the editor in chief of Today’s Zaman.

Editor in chief writes about Today's Zaman in The New York Times. Of course it must be very unbiased and objective. No surprise though, this is Zaman and Fethullah organization we talk about. The average iq of these guys are in the mud, traitors whose sole purpose is damaging Turkey, because Erdogan got elected again, to damage his reputation every method is justified, including assisting PKK lobbies in the West. My former fetullahci friends from Denmark traveled to Diyarbakir before the election to gather votes for HDP. This is not an isolated incident, its the norm.
I'm no fan of Erdogan but as i see this is how it went.

Erdogan/AKP was friend with Gülen movement. They worked together to raise their control/influence in Turkey.
Erdogan did not kneel before Gülen, they started disagreeing about following the West like a dog in chain. Erdogan wanted Turkish foreign and domestic policy to follow its own independent interest, remaining ally of West but increasing independancy. Gulen wanted to remain a loyal dog of USA.
Gülen who disagreed about this, with the help of their Western compatriots since they are virtually policitaclly/educationally/socially active in all major Western countries started to go seperate ways.
Erdogan's close ally Hakan Fidan in the MIT, warned Erdogan about Gülen's activities and far reaching influence.
Erdogan's decision to close Dersanes/preparation schools (Gülenists' biggest income source), coincided with the casette records of his illegal monetary activities.
War broke out between them. Gulenists got eradicated and removed from influence in Turkey.

I don't support AKP/Erdogan's undemocratic decisions. However i strongly oppose foreign countries' muddling into Turkish affairs. They are welcomed to kindly phuck off. And i dont support that an "islamic" organization infiltrates all state institutions like a disease

 

[UkroTurk]

Democracy ???

The UN comisser: The plan of the EU and Turkey is mass deportation which is against international human rights.

Deutchewelle

ООН: План ЕС и Турции по беженцам противоречит международному праву - Korrespondent.net

 

[xenon54 out]

Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Despotic Zeal


By SEVGI AKARCESME MARCH 8, 2016

Istanbul — THE virtual control he already has of a majority of Turkey’s newspapers and TV stations apparently isn’t enough for President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. On Friday, with the zeal of its despotic leader, his government seized my paper, Today’s Zaman, and its parent, the Turkish-language Zaman, which is the highest-circulating daily in the country. Together, these titles were two of the few remaining independent voices inside Turkey — and Today’s Zaman, in particular, was a reliable English-language news source for diplomats, academics and expatriates.

On Friday, a government-controlled court appointed trustees to take over the newspapers in what amounts to a politically motivated assault. At midnight, protesters faced tear gas and water cannons as riot police stormed our Istanbul headquarters.

The authorities used power tools to force open the iron gate to the building. The following day, our Internet connection was cut off to stop staff members from working on a special edition about the takeover. Since then, the authorities have been unplugging the newspapers’ servers, destroying our digital archive.

Protesting the government takeover of Zaman newspaper, in Istanbul. CreditEmrah Gurel/Associated Press

Some hours after the raid, I told the police officer smoking a cigarette outside the main gate, “This is a nonsmoking area.” He replied: “Not anymore.” That response underscores a broader shift in Turkey: a dangerous trajectory toward an end of the rule of law.

It’s bad enough that more than 20 Turkish journalists are behind bars. But Friday will be remembered as the day when media freedoms were even more severely curtailed, in flagrant violation of the Constitution.

In November, two prominent Turkish journalists, Can Dundar and Erdem Gul, senior editors of the daily newspaper Cumhuriyet, were arrested on charges of aiding an armed terrorist organization and publishing material that threatened state security. They were released last month, after the constitutional court ruled that their rights had been violated, but still face trial and, if convicted, possible life sentences. Mr. Erdogan said he had “no respect” for the court decision that led to their release.

This pressure is not a recent thing. In December 2014, state authorities detained Zaman’s editor in chief at the time, Ekrem Dumanli, as part of a systematic crackdown on government critics. My predecessor as editor in chief of Today’s Zaman, Bulent Kenes, was imprisoned last October for critical Twitter comments. I myself received a suspended jail sentence late last year for somebody else’s response to one of my tweets.

Why have we been targeted by the president? According to the court order, these newspapers are accused of disseminating “terrorist propaganda” and aiding terrorist organizations. This has become a convenient catchall accusation for clamping down on government critics.

In the past, Zaman and Today’s Zaman supported the Erdogan-led Justice and Development Party’s pro-Western and democracy-oriented policies, as well as its efforts to introduce reforms that would pave the way toward Turkish membership in the European Union. Since the beginning of this decade, however, Mr. Erdogan and his party have become increasingly authoritarian.

Take, for example, the police’s brutal response to the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul that arose after the uprooting of trees and the construction of a shopping mall. The protests attracted worldwide news coverage and elicited criticism from Turkey’s most steadfast Western allies.

In March 2014, Mr. Erdogan, who was then Turkey’s prime minister (he was elected president later that year), seemed to announce the nature of the new rule — one that involves silencing all forms of dissent — when he called for social media sites such as Facebook and YouTube to be shut down. He went on to describe Twitter as “the worst menace to society.”

The true oppression began in 2013 after two damning corruption inquiries resulted in several cabinet ministers being forced out. Trying to turn attention away from the graft allegations, Mr. Erdogan accused critics of being part of a “parallel structure” organized by the Turkish preacher Fethullah Gulen and his Hizmet movement that was seeking to overthrow him. A witch hunt followed against bureaucrats, businesses, journalists, teachers, philanthropists and ordinary citizens with perceived sympathies for Mr. Gulen, who has been living in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania since 1999.

His sermons were published in Zaman, but Mr. Gulen has no official ties with the media group that owns the newspapers. Yet the court order that enabled the seizure of Zaman and Today’s Zaman argued, without providing any evidence, that Mr. Gulen controlled the newspapers. Many of my colleagues are inspired by his peaceful, moderate teaching — as are millions of people around the world — but it is an insult to their intelligence and integrity to suggest they are under his control.

This may be the last article I write as the editor in chief of Today’s Zaman, as I objected to the new administration’s censorship on the day they turned Zaman into an official mouthpiece with a pro-government cover article. The world must tell the Erdogan regime that enough is enough.

As we saw in the court ruling on Mr. Dundar and Mr. Gul, which came after the American vice president, Joseph R. Biden Jr., expressed support for the two journalists, the international community still has leverage over Turkey. Merely showing concern for press freedom and civil liberties in Turkey while turning a blind eye to violations for the sake of business and regional deals may pay off for now, but unless the West takes firm action to check Mr. Erdogan’s slide into authoritarian rule, it risks losing a stable ally and rare democracy in a Muslim-majority nation.

Sevgi Akarcesme is the editor in chief of Today’s Zaman.

Can i ask you a question? What do you know about Zaman?

 

[what]

I seriously don't understand you all. Zaman and Güllens people are scum, but I can not tolerate the de facto seizure of the biggest newspaper in the country and the silencing of one of the last government critical newspapers in the country.

How many free newspapers are left?

 

[xenon54 out]

I seriously don't understand you all. Zaman and Güllens people are scum, but I can not tolerate the de facto seizure of the biggest newspaper in the country and the silencing of one of the last government critical newspapers in the country.

How many free newspapers are left?

I absolutely understand what you are saying but sorry im not even a little bit sorry for Zaman, Erdogan was holy for them a couple years ago they were making his propaganda 24/7 and then later started with false news when things got shit between them.
Neither were they honest when they were good with AKP nor were they honest when they had war with AKP.
Zaman is mouthpiece of this Gülen Cult its not independent at all.

I would have empathy for every other news paper but not for Zaman.

 

[-SINAN-]

I seriously don't understand you all. Zaman and Güllens people are scum, but I can not tolerate the de facto seizure of the biggest newspaper in the country and the silencing of one of the last government critical newspapers in the country.

How many free newspapers are left?

Among TV channels, i think only Fox and CNN Turk remained.....

 

[madmusti]

Among TV channels, i think only Fox and CNN Turk remained.....

 

[-SINAN-]

Just watch their programs.....

 

[Ceri]

I seriously don't understand you all. Zaman and Güllens people are scum, but I can not tolerate the de facto seizure of the biggest newspaper in the country and the silencing of one of the last government critical newspapers in the country.

How many free newspapers are left?

If you talk about biggest in terms of circulation and production of papers, then yeah the biggest. Due to mafia like methods of subscribing people that has never touched the newspaper just to boast about numbers. Other than that, their content is complete bullshit if you actually read them. Just like the books they gave away if people bought their newspapers.
Good riddance