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There is more to the gulf than oil - A disappointed gulf to India

Mech

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Paradigms of Gulf-India ties

While in Delhi last week, I attended the Asian Security Conference 2013, organised by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA), where India’s top military and political elites were trying to assess the emerging trends in ‘West Asia’ (the Gulf and the wider Middle East). The two-year-old Arab Spring and its global and regional implication was the central topic of the conference. However, as India grows as a global economic power and its dependence on West Asia’s oil deepens, the real issue is India’s latest obsession with oil security and how to balance Delhi’s conflicting relationship with Iran and the Arab Gulf states. It was disappointing to see that a historically rich and culturally diverse Gulf-India relationship is reduced to mere economics, business, remittances and oil issues. The view of the Gulf among the old and young strategic elites at IDSA, Delhi’s most prestigious think tank, is a copy-paste of the western approach, which made so many misses in its analysis and understanding of this vital region of the world. Not a shred of new thinking came out of the three days of deliberations.

It is amply clear that the economic leg of the Gulf-India relationship is strong and as healthy as ever. The statistics are impressive and confirm that the economic ties will continue. However, one major concern for Gulf investors has to do with the incredibly tedious and corrupt Indian bureaucracy, which is proving to be a real threat — not only to foreign investors, but to India’s aspirations as well to reach the next level as a global power. Gulf, and especially UAE investors, are frustrated and ready to give up on the lucrative Indian market if their legitimate concern is not addressed squarely.

Nevertheless, the economic leg of Gulf-India relationship remains as good as it can be. The political leg is not as strong and promising though. There are myriads of concerns that need deep thinking and fresh approach. In my 15 minutes of intervention, presenting the Gulf perspective, I had to remind my Indian colleagues of the following concerns:

The first major issue has to do with Gulf security. India and the rest of the world are attracted to the Gulf primarily for its oil. They all need Gulf oil, but India and the other Asian economic powers need it the most. However, if the world is so desperate for affordable oil, the vulnerable Arab Gulf states are willing to trade it for security assurances. They produce plenty of oil, but they shop for security. They live in a tense zone next to tough and expansionist neighbours. The question is what role does India want to play in Gulf security? How does it intend to contribute to regional stability? Unfortunately, India remains deliberately ambiguous on the elusive formula for Gulf security. This ambiguity is not fitting of a future power.

The second concern is dealing with Iran and more specifically nuclear Iran. The six Arab Gulf states view Iran as a destabilising force that needs to be confronted. It seems that India does not share this perspective and is hesitant to see Iran as a destabilising force. It does not want to recognise that Iran is not only militarising, but dangerously nuclearising the Gulf. The Arab Gulf states expect India to reconsider its soft approach towards Iran and be more forthcoming on the UN economic sanctions. This wishy-washy India does not make for a credible partner in the post-America world.

The third area of concern is that India is literally repeating western mistakes in the region. It is so obsessed with oil that it sees nothing in the Gulf but oil. All that interests the newly-awakened India is oil and gas. India needs to be reminded that there is more to the Gulf than oil. It can utilise its close proximity and rich association to come up with a more holistic approach to the region. The real challenge for the growing number of Indian Gulf specialists is to come up with a distinctly non-oil paradigm to Gulf realities.

Finally, there is India’s growing strategic relation with Israel :lol: :lol: which is watched very closely by the Arab Gulf states with a great deal of alarm. The old idealistic India cared for the Palestinians and provided them with the needed political shelter and moral support. The new capitalist India no longer cares for Palestine and hardly condemns the continuing brutal Israeli occupation. Justice for the Palestinians, which used to be a top political priority, is no longer an issue. At a time when India needs Gulf oil the most, it has decided to go too far in its strategic relationship with Israel. Not a very wise choice for once-principled India that seems to have lost its soul as it pursues superpower status.:rofl:

I was asked by the organisers to be candid and generous in my comments about the political leg of the Gulf-India relationship. I think I was more blunt than frank. However, to my surprise, the reaction was mostly friendly and positive. After all, I was among the friends and cared the most for further deepening the rich and diversified Gulf-India ties.

Deepening Gulf-India relationship | GulfNews.com
 
Basically he is suggesting that we screw Israel and Iran and go full steam with the Gulf- India ties instead. An unworkable proposition if you ask me :P
 
Concerned pakistan,


India and the Gulf
October 13, 2011
Tayyab Siddiqui

While Pakistan is caught in the vortex of political anarchy and economic instability, India is making rapid strides in the Gulf as the most influential regional power. India’s emphasis is on economic relations with the countries of the region where two-thirds of its oil imports originate.

There has been a phenomenal increase in India’s relations with Saudi Arabia, in particular, which meets 36 percent of India’s energy needs. Its trade with Saudi trade has risen threefold over the last five years and its investment there doubled in the same period. India is Saudi Arabia’s fifth-largest trading partner, and the fifth-largest market for Saudi exports. There are huge opportunities of Indian-Saudi cooperation in the oil, power and IT sectors.

Before Dr Manmohan Singh became prime minister in May 2004, India’s relations with the region had largely suffered from neglect. Dr Singh designed a vigorous strategy to make up for this. In January 2005, less than a year after he came into power, Dr Singh articulated India’s policy approach towards the Gulf. “Besides energy imports, there is also ample potential for India to evolve broader long-term economic relations with the region. This could include expanding our contacts with the Gulf Cooperation Council and other regional bodies into an enduring institutional relationship.

We could also examine a more proactive strategy of seeking investments from West Asia (India’s preferred official term for the Middle East), given India’s emergence as an exciting and safe destination for foreign direct investment.” He visited Qatar and Oman in 2008.

Another initiative was his invitations to heads of states from the Gulf countries as chief guests on India’s Jan 26 Republic Day ceremonies. These included then-president Hashemi-Rafsanjani of Iran and King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi king’s visit in 2006 visit was far from ceremonial, however. King Abdullah was accompanied by a 300-strong delegation, including 12 princes of the House of Saud. The emphasis was on closer economic partnership through investments and trade agreements. Energy was at the top of the agenda.

Dr Singh’s three-day return visit to Riyadh last year, from Feb 27 to March 1, was a landmark in bilateral relations, in terms of both protocol and substance. (The previous visit to Saudi Arabia by an Indian prime minister had been Indira Gandhi’s trip in 1982 to Jeddah, where the Saudi government was then based.) The Indian prime minister was welcomed at the airport by the entire Saudi cabinet led by Crown Prince Sultan. During the visit, as many as ten agreements and MOUs were signed. Saudi Arabia agreed to double the supply of crude oil to meet India’s growing requirements.

The process of expanding bilateral relations and intensifying cooperation between New Delhi and Riyadh is also manifested in terms of defence ties. Last week a delegation from the National Defence College visited Saudi Arabia.

The NDC is one of the Indian military institutions where Saudi officers have participated in training programmes. India has enhanced its military ties with other Gulf states as well. This includes exchange of visits by service chiefs and naval ships.

Another important instrument of India’s diplomacy in the region is the presence of Indian expatriates, including an estimated 1.8 million in Saudi Arabia. Their total number in Gulf states is estimated as six million. Their annual remittances to India are a major source of Indian foreign reserves, exceeding $50 billion.

For Pakistan Saudi Arabia is its closest friend and “natural ally.” But while fraternal feelings do reinforce mutual friendship on the political level too, mere sentiments cannot be a strong-enough basis for sustainable bilateral relations.

India’s aggressive diplomacy in the Gulf region can have serious affects on our national interests.

The writer is a former ambassador. Email: m.tayyab.siddiqui@gmail. com

-The News
 
1.Saudis should first desist from radicalising Indian Youth with thier own brand of Radical and intolerant Islam. In North Kerala girls as small as 5 yrs are now seen in Burkha these days. !!!
2.Saudis should use their influence to make PA stop supporting terrorisim against India.
3. Saudi Arabia is one of world's most intolerant places, in Riyadh no one is allowed to worship according to their will. These things should change.
 
The farther we stay from the cesspool called Gulf the better it would be for India.

We need oil, and we have the money to pay for it. Enough.

Otherwise we have seen the disastrous results of Pakistan forging 'natural bonds' with the Gulf and trying to Arabize themselves.
 
:lol: The author wants revival of the "Arabian nights" by rekindling Arab India relations - a number of Arabian nights stories had a mention of India.
 
I think Gulf Arabs are nice people from my brief trip to UAE and Muscat. But we cannot abandon other friends like Iran and Israel completely. India has always supported peaceful resolution of Arab-Iran-Israel issues, but we would never take sides if some kind of war broke out.
 
bottom line is you have to bypass some "concerned" country to reach Gulf.
 
Basically he is suggesting that we screw Israel and Iran and go full steam with the Gulf- India ties instead. An unworkable proposition if you ask me :P

There is nothing Israel sells that India can't get it from anywhere else.
 
Middle east is a very confusing and difficult place for international politics...And in particular, as long as Gulf nations are natural ally of Pakistan....Till that point, i feel majority Indian people may have a better positive perception about Iran than the Gulf or Arab nations...
 
I think Gulf Arabs are nice people from my brief trip to UAE and Muscat. But we cannot abandon other friends like Iran and Israel completely. India has always supported peaceful resolution of Arab-Iran-Israel issues, but we would never take sides if some kind of war broke out.

Don't overrate your importance :lol:
 

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