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COMMENT: Tinkering with the military system Shahzad Chaudhry
The chiefs of the three services in Pakistan end up being both, the commander-in-chief and the chief of staff, defeating the underlying intent and the principle of division of control and power
I have held back this column for a long time now simply because when you have two friends heading the two four-star positions in the army, a chairman joint chiefs of staff committee (CJCSC) and the chief of army staff (COAS), any inference when discussing the military system is bound to impinge on their incumbent positions and their persons. But now that the season for change is on the cards and many have begun to reflect on the various aspects of these changes, it is about time to make a point or two.
The military system is severely lopsided in Pakistan the predominant position of the army within the national fabric is already manifested in Pakistans historical experience. Its overwhelming role within the military system that constitutes the army, air force, the navy and the joint staff headquarters, is excessive and exaggerated. While operational jointness is the only way to fight modern wars, jointness is seen and known only when either of the two smaller services subordinate themselves to the armys way of operational thinking many smaller service officers make their careers following this kernel of assured success. There will always be a lead role for the army because our envisaged operations are more likely to be land-based. However, modern capabilities and capacities within the total military system bring to the table the concept of parallel force application that envisage employment of varying capabilities on simultaneous axes within or outside a front with an aim to synergise effects for a more expeditious and efficacious achievement of objectives. Also, such a predominant position of one force practically stifles creative growth in the other two, which remain stagnated in conformity of thought to the armys direction of war. Hence, institutional intellect never grows. In its current form, jointness within the military system is a direct reflection of the personal rapport, or its crass absence, that defines how the services work together. These are but laments of the inside of a system that needs serious review.
But what should the nation do to propel the military system towards a more professionally focused and nationally balanced disposition? When Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto created the joint staff system in 1976, it was essentially aimed at clipping the wings of the all-potent commander-in-chief of the army. The US had followed the same route in 1986 through the famous Goldwater-Nichols Act but the aim was entirely professional to forge greater jointness in operations between the services, which appeared as a major shortcoming of the Vietnam War. Mr Bhuttos objectives were entirely political with the benefit of better coordination among the services an incidental picking. Militarily, too, it was not tailored appropriately to Pakistans operational environment. In the US system, the chief of staff of any of the services does not hold direct command of troops. They are commanded by commanders-in-chief, such as General Petraeus of CENTCOM, divided geographically on a global scale catering to various theatres of war or likely operations. These commanders-in-chief report directly to their supreme commander, the president of the US. The joint chiefs are the staff of the president and work through the secretary of defence in forging policy, structure, equipment, training and manning of their respective services. To reiterate, they do not hold any troops under them.
In Pakistan, the theatre is only one, the geographical canvas of force employment is limited, and for operational efficacy and efficiency alone must be controlled from one central direction. Hence the chiefs of the three services in Pakistan end up being both, the commander-in-chief and the chief of staff, defeating the underlying intent and the principle of division of control and power that Mr Bhutto had in mind when invoking the joint chiefs system in Pakistan. Why has no one from the military ever voiced concern? Maybe because it offered an additional four-star position to the services where they were happy to ensconce anyone as a favour or recompense. Only, the incumbent CJCSC was aggrieved perpetually for gross under-utilisation.
From a political standpoint, challenges in the military system today manifest along the following lines: as per the original thought divesting army of its ability to periodically intervene in the political system remains paramount, and this must come through an in-built system of checks and division of power within the military structure. Secondly, operational jointness is a compulsion and must be institutionalised. Essentially thus the joint chiefs system must stay but needs to be made more potent. The alternate is the chief of defence staff (CDS) system as in the UK or Australia. The difference is that the CDS then becomes the hierarchical top of the pyramid where the three service chiefs become his immediate subordinates. Unless the position is rotated amongst all, at which suggestion the army is sure to balk, the two smaller services will forever remain stunted in independence and growth. It will be akin to institutionalising the armys informal pre-eminence amongst the three services.
Other compulsions relate to the existing operational environment in the war against terror. Usually, horses are not changed midway in a war. General Kayani has proved an outstanding army chief in that he has helped the political system through its initial faltering steps and has led winning campaigns in both Swat and Waziristan. These operations are likely to stay and expand further. His equation with international players, particularly the Americans, and with the domestic political leadership is extremely comfortable and he seems committed to stabilising the internal and external dynamics of Pakistans stability. Losing him would be a blow to the continuity of a transition in the nations institutional rebuilding, while extending his present position will likely not go down well with others in the army waiting to have their chance.
Opportune as it may be, the dilemma could be resolved by moving General Kayani as the chairman joint chiefs, a position which in itself needs to be revamped with some powers of the CDS. These must include, as the primary linkage between the military and the political government on most politico-military matters, responsibility to proceed with ongoing operations through the services. The institution of the NSC is an absolute must for bringing together political, bureaucratic and military inputs on issues of national security, both short and long term. Denial of this imperative is at the nations peril. As his additional responsibility, the CJCSC must be consulted for selection of the chiefs of the three services. Promotions to the three-star rank in all three services should be cleared by a board consisting of the three services chiefs and chaired by the CJCSC. This hitherto has remained a discretionary one-man decision that must be checked to render greater transparency and merit in the promotion system at this level. The directorates of the ISI, and the ISPR should be moved directly under the CJCSC. This will help create the necessary balance in the powers of the army chief and the CJCSC, including giving greater comfort to political governments.
General Kayani as the CJCSC with enhanced powers can institutionalise the intended changes during his tenure and bring the credibility of both intent and performance to rationalise the lop-sided nature of the present military system.
We should give it a try.
Shahzad Chaudhry is a retired air vice marshal and a former ambassador
The chiefs of the three services in Pakistan end up being both, the commander-in-chief and the chief of staff, defeating the underlying intent and the principle of division of control and power
I have held back this column for a long time now simply because when you have two friends heading the two four-star positions in the army, a chairman joint chiefs of staff committee (CJCSC) and the chief of army staff (COAS), any inference when discussing the military system is bound to impinge on their incumbent positions and their persons. But now that the season for change is on the cards and many have begun to reflect on the various aspects of these changes, it is about time to make a point or two.
The military system is severely lopsided in Pakistan the predominant position of the army within the national fabric is already manifested in Pakistans historical experience. Its overwhelming role within the military system that constitutes the army, air force, the navy and the joint staff headquarters, is excessive and exaggerated. While operational jointness is the only way to fight modern wars, jointness is seen and known only when either of the two smaller services subordinate themselves to the armys way of operational thinking many smaller service officers make their careers following this kernel of assured success. There will always be a lead role for the army because our envisaged operations are more likely to be land-based. However, modern capabilities and capacities within the total military system bring to the table the concept of parallel force application that envisage employment of varying capabilities on simultaneous axes within or outside a front with an aim to synergise effects for a more expeditious and efficacious achievement of objectives. Also, such a predominant position of one force practically stifles creative growth in the other two, which remain stagnated in conformity of thought to the armys direction of war. Hence, institutional intellect never grows. In its current form, jointness within the military system is a direct reflection of the personal rapport, or its crass absence, that defines how the services work together. These are but laments of the inside of a system that needs serious review.
But what should the nation do to propel the military system towards a more professionally focused and nationally balanced disposition? When Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto created the joint staff system in 1976, it was essentially aimed at clipping the wings of the all-potent commander-in-chief of the army. The US had followed the same route in 1986 through the famous Goldwater-Nichols Act but the aim was entirely professional to forge greater jointness in operations between the services, which appeared as a major shortcoming of the Vietnam War. Mr Bhuttos objectives were entirely political with the benefit of better coordination among the services an incidental picking. Militarily, too, it was not tailored appropriately to Pakistans operational environment. In the US system, the chief of staff of any of the services does not hold direct command of troops. They are commanded by commanders-in-chief, such as General Petraeus of CENTCOM, divided geographically on a global scale catering to various theatres of war or likely operations. These commanders-in-chief report directly to their supreme commander, the president of the US. The joint chiefs are the staff of the president and work through the secretary of defence in forging policy, structure, equipment, training and manning of their respective services. To reiterate, they do not hold any troops under them.
In Pakistan, the theatre is only one, the geographical canvas of force employment is limited, and for operational efficacy and efficiency alone must be controlled from one central direction. Hence the chiefs of the three services in Pakistan end up being both, the commander-in-chief and the chief of staff, defeating the underlying intent and the principle of division of control and power that Mr Bhutto had in mind when invoking the joint chiefs system in Pakistan. Why has no one from the military ever voiced concern? Maybe because it offered an additional four-star position to the services where they were happy to ensconce anyone as a favour or recompense. Only, the incumbent CJCSC was aggrieved perpetually for gross under-utilisation.
From a political standpoint, challenges in the military system today manifest along the following lines: as per the original thought divesting army of its ability to periodically intervene in the political system remains paramount, and this must come through an in-built system of checks and division of power within the military structure. Secondly, operational jointness is a compulsion and must be institutionalised. Essentially thus the joint chiefs system must stay but needs to be made more potent. The alternate is the chief of defence staff (CDS) system as in the UK or Australia. The difference is that the CDS then becomes the hierarchical top of the pyramid where the three service chiefs become his immediate subordinates. Unless the position is rotated amongst all, at which suggestion the army is sure to balk, the two smaller services will forever remain stunted in independence and growth. It will be akin to institutionalising the armys informal pre-eminence amongst the three services.
Other compulsions relate to the existing operational environment in the war against terror. Usually, horses are not changed midway in a war. General Kayani has proved an outstanding army chief in that he has helped the political system through its initial faltering steps and has led winning campaigns in both Swat and Waziristan. These operations are likely to stay and expand further. His equation with international players, particularly the Americans, and with the domestic political leadership is extremely comfortable and he seems committed to stabilising the internal and external dynamics of Pakistans stability. Losing him would be a blow to the continuity of a transition in the nations institutional rebuilding, while extending his present position will likely not go down well with others in the army waiting to have their chance.
Opportune as it may be, the dilemma could be resolved by moving General Kayani as the chairman joint chiefs, a position which in itself needs to be revamped with some powers of the CDS. These must include, as the primary linkage between the military and the political government on most politico-military matters, responsibility to proceed with ongoing operations through the services. The institution of the NSC is an absolute must for bringing together political, bureaucratic and military inputs on issues of national security, both short and long term. Denial of this imperative is at the nations peril. As his additional responsibility, the CJCSC must be consulted for selection of the chiefs of the three services. Promotions to the three-star rank in all three services should be cleared by a board consisting of the three services chiefs and chaired by the CJCSC. This hitherto has remained a discretionary one-man decision that must be checked to render greater transparency and merit in the promotion system at this level. The directorates of the ISI, and the ISPR should be moved directly under the CJCSC. This will help create the necessary balance in the powers of the army chief and the CJCSC, including giving greater comfort to political governments.
General Kayani as the CJCSC with enhanced powers can institutionalise the intended changes during his tenure and bring the credibility of both intent and performance to rationalise the lop-sided nature of the present military system.
We should give it a try.
Shahzad Chaudhry is a retired air vice marshal and a former ambassador