I am not on the run from Pakistani law. Do understand what a 'fugitive' means.
Tell me, did Balochistan, Sindh or Khyber Pakhtunkwa vote a party in power that held government posts which had such chequered history as MQM? In fact all too often MQM supporters are first to accuse others of ethno-facism to shut them up or put them on the defensive. When the reality is MQM is a ethno-facist party itself and has been continously voted in power with clear agenda of keeping other ethnic groups from gaining ground in Karachi. MQM talked like they owned Karachi [overlooking the fact that they themselves are migrants as the party name clearly stated] and other migrants were not to be accepted.
I don't have issues with anybody least of all Karachi. My dad was in Karachi in early 1960s. My issue is with exceptionalism on display by many in Karachi and openly leveraged by MQM. In early 1950s the migrant populations from India that moved to Karachi were on average from urban backgrounds in India and better educated compared to the indigenous populations in Pakistan. In addition Muslim Leaque which was dominant in 1940s was mostly in hands of people from what is now India like United Provinces etc. These two factors were used by this group to move en masse to Karachi and gouge a disproportionate share in the newly independant Pakistan. In the newly emerging state this allowed some privilaged groups to carve out a role and tenor in the new state far in excess of their numbers. It was as if the state was for thier betterment only. Adopting Urdu further gave this group advantage.
Finding that this grab for power had succeeded but the new ruling politico-economic elite had little legitimacy or even widespread support led to elections being deferred and the new constitution of the state dragged on. Meantime this group sucked all the resources giving it a head start over others. Islam was then used to legitimatise the rule while internal factions fought for power driven by greed. The only other power axis that existed at that time was the army which was drawn mostly from the GT road [Peshawar-Lahore] belt. This lack of legitimacy opened the space for the army take over by Gen. Ayub which began the rollback of the new politco-economic elite under guise of Muslim League based in Karachi. We can see how the capital was transferred north in the middle of the GT belt ~ Rawalpindi. A very, very wise move I must add.
Over time a uneasy nexus came into being between the GT belt and Karach elite. However there was always tension underneath. We can see how the riots between pro Ayub supporters [my dad was one] and the Mohajirs took place in Karachi of 1960s as the latter tried to use the sister of Jinnah to remove Ayub. This was the first showing of 'family democracy' in Pakistan. Just because XYZ was sister or daughter of a established name it somehow justified role in the country. A most undemocratic impulse.
It was at this time a strange phenomnon was observed. Most Mohajir's compared to the natives were more liberal and urban but they supported religious parties. The reason was these religious parties justified their migration and helped to hold onto the exceptionalism they had carved for themselves in the new state. Ayub finally would be toppled with these religious parties being the vanguard.
Bhutto entered the scene and won because vast majority of the country had been left out of the economic and political base of the country. In context of Sindh and Karachi Bhutto's rule can be seen as a attempt to pull back the Mohajir capture [since 1950] of the provinces nodes by trying to increase the Sindhi footprint in their own province including even trying to, god forbid bring Sindhi language into Sind province.
As Mohajir domination was squeezed [which was in place since the capture of 1950] there was reaction. At heart of this was Mohajor exceptionalism - almost a racist belief that they, their culture, their language was superior and rest were uncouth savages. Thus they felt they had right to disproportionate share in job market or university places.
The tide of anti Bhutto demonstrations that would bring him down were fueled by this exeptionalism in Karachi but clothed in religious parties. With advent of Zia these forces supported his illgitimate rule. MQM took shape with help of the illigitimate regime of Zia. What was the genesis of MQM? To maintan the exceptionalism and capture of 1950. And we saw how the next few decades panned out. The defining force was simply grab for resources of the port city through which the entire countries trade - in and out goes.
And even in 2019 that exceptionalism continues to exist. It can be seen in how anybody talking about it will recieve a tidal reaction. The reason is the narrative is still dominated by this exceptionalism. You can see how even PDF is dominated by certain groups. The media in Pakistan is also dominated. However as we move forward slowly a more representative Pakistan that actually reflects the real Pakistan will gain ground.
@Joe Shearer
