VIEW: Lessons from history
Daily Times
Saroop Ijaz
December 24, 2010
Recently, the anniversary of the most shameful day in Pakistans history passed. The Pakistan Army surrendered on December 16, 1971 in Bangladesh. The surrender led to the disintegration of Pakistan and the establishment of Bangladesh. The separation of East Pakistan remains the single greatest setback to Pakistan to date. Having the benefit of hindsight, the nation needs closure and more significantly introspection.
Bangladesh was a result of the utter inability of the Pakistani state to evolve a federal structure.
The causes of the Bengali discontent were widely known, even back then. The Bengalis resented the huge sums of foreign exchange earned from the sale of jute from East Pakistan, which was being spent on defence and the development of industry in West Pakistan. The Bengalis demanded fiscal autonomy and a greater degree of control over the natural resources of the province. They opposed the expenditure of revenue, earned by their natural resources, on building infrastructure in Punjab. The perception that Punjab was flourishing by plundering their natural resources was deep-seated in the Bengali population. The Bengalis demanded the freedom to devise their own development priorities. They felt wronged at having no adequate representation in the civil services and the armed forces. The Bengalis felt that their language, having great literary traditions and history, was not given the status that it deserved.
The response of West Pakistan to these legitimate demands was largely evasive. The perception inculcated in the population by the authorities was that these demands were largely political gimmicks, and most of them stemmed from Indian interference in East Pakistan.
Their demands were never addressed; rather the moral basis of those making the demands was questioned. Bengali leaders were branded Indian agents and anti-Pakistan. The political impasse led to protests and demonstrations in the eastern wing, which were interpreted as rebellion against the martial law government of Yahya Khan.
West Pakistanis in general and Punjabis in particular became unwelcome in Bangladesh. Yahya Khan, the agent of the debacle, attempted to quell the rebellion by use of brutal force. The rest, as they say proverbially, is history.
Almost four decades later, Balochistan is now possessed with an accumulated sense of alienation from the state. Their demands are disconcertingly similar to those of the Bengalis. The Baloch today are incensed at the plunder, both perceived and real, of their natural resources, largely by Punjab. The nationalist leaders of Balochistan have been murdered, without giving rise to any significant commotion in the rest of the country. Balochistan demands the right to govern its people.
Punjabis have once again become outlaws there. Having gone through this exercise before, one rationally expected the response to be different this time. However, it is not; the Baloch leaders are labelled agents of India and anti-Pakistanis. The demands are not specifically addressed; rather the patriotism of those making the demands is questioned. The military is once again being considered the saviour. This is not to discard the possibility of external interference, yet to attribute all the grievances of a nation to foreign interference is insulting.
The situation in Balochistan is not identical to that of Bangladesh. The geographical constraints and political atmosphere dictate that Balochistan is unlikely to follow the trajectory of Bangladesh.
The present federal government has taken steps in the right direction. The new National Finance Commission Award, the holding of a cabinet meeting in Gwadar and the announcement of the Aaghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan package are all measures aimed at pacifying the Baloch demands. However, perhaps the most significant factor remains missing trust. Nations, like individuals, do not appreciate being either mistrusted or misunderstood. Bengalis were both mistrusted and misunderstood for 25 years, and so have been the Baloch for almost six decades now.
In May 1958, right-wing Frenchmen and their sympathisers in the army seized control of Algeria, which was then a French colony. A civil war seemed imminent. The future of the French Republic and the state seemed precarious. A few days after the May coup, the French government the Fourth Republic collapsed, and parliament called on Charles de Gaulle to help form a new government, the Fifth Republic. He asked for and was granted full powers for four months. Just days after becoming the head of government, De Gaulle flew to Algeria. Robert Greene narrates the details of De Gaulles first speech in Algeria. The first speech he gave in Algeria was before thousands of Algerians, both French Algerians and native Algerians. De Gaulle did not lay out a detailed plan of granting Algeria autonomy, and what he will do for them. Instead, he lowered his arms until silence fell, and then opened them wide, and slowly intoned, in his deep voice, Je vous ai compris (I have understood you). There was a moment of silence, and then, as his words sank in, a deafening roar he understood them. That was all they needed to hear. Algeria was subsequently granted independence and the French Republic flourished, making it one of the greatest powers of the world under De Gaulle.
The Baloch, Hazaras and Seraikis need to be understood. They need to be trusted. We owe an apology to them. Their legitimate demands are to be complied with. Yet it should be realised that legislative packages alone will not suffice. Our leaders need to follow De Gaulles precedent and not evade issues, and use sincerity, even if they choose to use it for utilitarian reasons.
The writer is a lawyer based in Lahore.
