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Pakistan's 'secret' war in Baluchistan

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BALOCHISTAN: Centre’s policies created trust deficit: Shahzain Bugti



August 08, 2009

By Mumtaz Alvi

ISLAMABAD: Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP)’s central leader Shahzain Bugti on Friday warned that the movement of separation from Pakistan could
intensify, in case the rulers failed to read what was going through the minds and hearts of the people of Balochistan.

He noted that they believed in Pakistan, where all subjects enjoyed equal rights and the federating units were treated equally.

Talking to The News on telephone from Lahore, Shahzain Bugti, who is also the party’s Balochistan chapter president, called on the government to
desist from ‘lip-service’ to the people of Balochistan, advocating concrete confidence-building measures to win back their trust in the Centre.

Shahzain contended that it would be in Pakistan’s own interests to reach out to the people of Balochistan and mitigate their long-continuing sufferings.

“You visit Balochistan and will find out how deep-rooted the hatred against the Centre is,” he claimed. He made it was clear the inhabitants of Pakistan’
s largest but the poorest province were not at all satisfied with the federal government’s policies.

“What exactly a Baloch youth wants is freedom because he and his elders have been cheated so much in the past,” he said, when asked about the
feelings of Baloch youth about Pakistan.

Shahzain alleged that not the people of his province, but the Centre’s policies were responsible for the rampant trust deficit and discontentment
among them.

Shahzain has a Masters degree in Political Science from the University of Houston. He is the grandson of late Nawab Akbar Bugti and the son of Talal
Bugti, who heads the JWP after the killing of his father in August 2006.

Asked about the pardon sought by the PPP leadership from the people of Balochistan last year and the formation of a committee, he remarked,
“Pardons are no solution to our deep-rooted problems and committees have neither worked in the past nor they will now.”

He pointed out lakhs of Bugti tribesmen were still languishing away from their homes since the military operation of 2006, complaining no ruler ever
bothered to take care of them or to visit them. There are 0.45 million Bugtis living in poor conditions in various parts of Balochistan, Karachi,
Hyderabad, Sukkur, Karachi, Rajanpur and other areas. Hardly 30,000-35,000 are left in the Agency, he said.

Shahzain said resentment touched a dangerous level during the Musharraf’s rule, particularly after he launched a military operation. “It was because of
Musharraf, many youth took up arms and went to the mountains and rebelled against the state,” he maintained.

Shahzain said his father Talal Bugti was elected the JWP President by the party’s central Shoora after the death of Akbar Bugti and he was in jail at that
time. He was elected through a democratic process to head the party at the Balochistan level afterwards. He strongly dispelled the impression that
tribal leaders were responsible for the backwardness of the province and his people.

He said this widespread hatred and discontentment among the people of Balochistan could gradually fizzle out by resolving Balochistan’s problems,
giving financial and administrative autonomy to the province and control on its own resources.

Shahzain did not agree with this reporter that JWP was divided after the death of Akbar Bugti and asserted the party was united, alleging Mir Aali Bugti
was brought forward by certain invisible forces to hurt the Bugtis, who were not prepared to compromise on the province’s rights.

The JWP plans to take a delegation of members of the human right bodies and media persons to Dera Bugti shortly so that they themselves could see
the situation there, he said.

IntelliBriefs
 
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Shahzain would do better to lecture to his fellow sardars who have cheated Balouchis to the point of keeping them ignorant and tribal for their self interest.

While it is certainly factual that Balouchistan is underdeveloped as compared to other provinces, it is the role of Balouchi Sardars that should be brought to the fore, what have they done for the balouchi other than to enrich themselves ??
 
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BALOCHISTAN: A Home-grown Conflict


When the first Baloch insurgency broke out in 1948 to resist the illegal and forceful annexation of the Baloch-populated autonomous Kalat state

with Pakistan203, Manmohan Singh - today Indian prime minister - was barely a teenager while his Pakistani counterpart Yousuf Raza Gilani had not even been born to witness the rebellion's magnitude. Yet, last month, both leaders in Sharm el-Sheikh discussed for the first time the indefatigable Baloch insurgency.

Pakistan has been blaming India204 for causing trouble in its resource-rich province. Gilani broached the issue with India at a time disgruntled Baloch youth have removed the Pakistani flag from schools and colleges and stopped playing the national anthem. Punjabi officers refuse to serve in Balochistan, fearing they would be target-killed. Islamabad attributes the unrest to 'foreign involvement'. India is not the first to be blamed. Similar allegations were levelled in the past against the now defunct Soviet Union, Afghanistan and Iraq205 to discredit the indigenous movement for retaining a distinct Baloch identity. Indian assistance sounds ridiculous given that the Baloch do not share a border, common language, religion or history with India. Hardly has 1 per cent of Balochs have visited India.

The idea of Pakistan never attracted the secular Baloch. Ghose Baksh Bizanjo, a Baloch leader, said in 1947: "It is not necessary that by virtue of our being Muslims we should lose our freedom... If the mere fact that we are Muslims requires us to join Pakistan, then Afghanistan and Iran... should also amalgamate with Pakistan."

Over the years, Islamabad has applied a multi-pronged approach to deal with Balochistan. Apart from military operations launched in 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973 and 2002 to quash the rebellion, Islamabad adopted other tactics. First, it kept the province economically backward by denying it good infrastructure, mainly in education and health. Natural gas was discovered in Balochistan in 1951 and supplied to Punjab's industrial units. The Balochs hardly benefit from their own gas.

Second, Balochs, whom the state views as traitors, were denied representation in the army, foreign services, federal departments, profitable corporations, Pakistan International Airlines206, customs, railways and other key institutions. Third, Balochistan has historically been remote-controlled from Islamabad. A Pakistan army corps commander, often a Punjabi or a Pathan, and the inspector general of the Frontier Corps, a federal paramilitary force with less than 2 per cent Baloch representation, exert more power than the province's elected chief minister. The intelligence agencies devise election plans and decide who has to come to the provincial parliament and who should be ousted.

Fourth, Islamabad has created a state of terror inside Balochistan. Hundreds of check posts have been established to harass people and restrict their movement. Forces and tanks are stationed even on campuses of universities.

Fifth, national and international media are denied access to conflict zones in Balochistan. Several foreign journalists were beaten up supposedly by intelligence agencies personnel or deported when they endeavoured to report the actual situation.

Sixth, international human rights organisations are denied access to trace the whereabouts of some 5,000 'missing persons'. Pakistan is also in a state of denial about the existence of around 2,00,000 internally displaced persons in Balochistan.

Seventh, Islamabad has been engaged in systematic target killing of key Baloch democratic leaders. Ex-governor and chief minister of Balochistan, Nawab Akbar Bugti, 79, became a victim once he demanded Baloch rights. Balach Marri, a Balochistan Assembly member, was killed to undermine the movement. In April this year, three other prominent leaders were whisked away by security forces and subsequently killed.

Eighth, Pakistan has pitted radical Taliban against secular and democratic Baloch forces. The state is brazenly funding thousands of religious schools across the province with the help of Arab countries to promote religious radicalisation. Elements supportive of Taliban were covertly helped by state institutions to contest and win general elections. They now enjoy sizeable representation in the Balochistan Assembly to legislate against the nationalists and secular forces.

Ninth, Islamabad has been using sophisticated American weapons, provided to crush Taliban, against the Baloch people. This has provided breathing space to Taliban hidden in Quetta and weeded out progressive elements. Finally, Afghan refugees are being patronised to create a demographic imbalance in the Baloch-dominated province.

Baloch leaders are critical of many democratic countries for not doing 'enough' to safeguard a democratic, secular Baloch people. I asked Bramdagh Bugti, a Baloch commander, about the India link. He laughed and said, "Would our people live amid such miserable conditions if we enjoyed support from India? We are an oppressed people... seeking help from India, the United States207, the United Nations and the European Union to come for our rescue."

The Baloch movement is rapidly trickling down from tribal chiefs to educated middle-class youth aggressively propagating their cause on Facebook and YouTube. This generation would understandably welcome foreign assistance but will not give up even if denied help from countries like India. The Baloch insist their struggle was not interrupted even at times when India and Pakistan enjoyed cordial relations.

The writer is Balochistan bureau chief of Daily Times .

IntelliBriefs
 
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Inaction continues to define the government’s conduct in regard to the many issues confronting Balochistan. It is becoming clear to an increasing number of Baloch people that while the state wants their resources, it has little empathy for them.


A year after President Pervez Musharraf — he can be blamed for many of our miseries today — stepped down, little has changed in the equation dogging Balochistan-centre relations. So far the elected government has only paid lip service to solving the restive province’s problems. The apology President Zardari offered to the people of Balochistan at the inception of the PPP-led government more than a year ago has not been followed up with any action to redress Baloch grievances.

Ms Asma Jahangir, the chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, seems to be among the few spokespersons for the Baloch. She says the army is still very much in charge of that province; the political governments — at Islamabad and Quetta — have no say in managing Balochistan.

An unspecified but large number of Baloch nationalist leaders and political workers have gone missing even after the inception of the democratic government following the 2008 election. ‘Missing’ of course is a polite euphemism for abduction by security forces and intelligence sleuths.

Those who have been spared are either in hiding or lying low for fear of incarceration. The rest are raising a rebellion from abroad; those here are threatened with arrest unless they watch what they say. Why this humiliation of the Baloch in their own homeland?

Has democracy really returned to Balochistan? The elected provincial government keeps mum over these staggering issues or simply looks the other way. In Islamabad, the finger is being pointed at Indian interference in the province. The prime minister raised the issue with his Indian counterpart at a recent meeting in Egypt; the president says threats to Pakistan’s security are internal and not from India. Could someone please step forward and clear the haze?

The HRCP accuses the centre of giving Balochistan a raw deal right from the beginning. The province gets its gas royalties at a rate far below that paid to Sindh and Punjab for the same commodity. This financial year, as previously also, the Balochistan budget continues to be one of deficit, necessitating that Quetta beg Islamabad for financial assistance just to meet its running expenses; the 2009-10 budget has no funds earmarked for development because there is none to be undertaken under the dire straits.

Juxtapose this with the recently unveiled grand plan of building an entire new city in Thatta district, which President Zardari says will be Sindh’s second largest. It is on such lucrative mega-projects that have immense potential for doling out building contracts and blessing the minders and handlers with huge kickbacks in the process that our energies are focused.

If Gwadar and New Murree were the previous regime’s pet projects, Zulfikarabad now suddenly seems to have become this presidency’s priority. Gwadar never took off, and for obvious reasons. New Murree was scrapped altogether — as it should have been.

There is nothing wrong with building new cities; but first we must be able to run and manage the ones we have with some efficiency and public accountability. The new democratic order suddenly seems to be mandated to scrap everything that harks back to the Musharraf era. That is why local governments too will now have to be disbanded, which was perhaps the only saving grace of Musharraf’s — albeit faulty — process of transition to democracy. It allowed some empowering of the people’s representatives at the grassroots level.

Funds allocated and given to districts, town administrations and union councils did reach down to the more earthly and accessible beings from the high and mighty of the land, who are in the habit of blowing them on showcase projects or worse still, on serving multi-course gourmet meals at government houses when not globetrotting. With local governments about to be disbanded and no clear plan in sight to revamp the system, it is the economically depressed districts and even entire provinces, which will suffer most.

In Balochistan public disempowerment at the local level will further fuel the sense of alienation among the people. An average Baloch anywhere in Balochistan has perhaps never set foot in Quetta; he can be content by getting his two square meals in his small hamlet, a roof over his head and just the very basic amenities like water, sanitation and perhaps some schooling for children. Electricity for many in the hinterland is an additional blessing.

Now with the decision to scrap the local government system the little power the grassroots Baloch have had over their own finances will be concentrated in Quetta, without it trickling down to the far-off union councils.

Yet more hurting is the free run of the countryside allowed to the military and paramilitary forces in Balochistan over the preceding decade. The policy has bred much resentment amongst the average Baloch, and is part of the reason why the sardars known for their brutal customs and practices which target their own people are now emerging as people’s leaders — more so than those sent to elected legislatures only last year.

The army is not known to have solved any of Pakistan’s problems — at wartime or in peace — when left to its own devices. Its interference in public affairs has compounded our challenges and distorted the normal course of events. Its commercial interests pursued at the expense of the people are well documented. Ms Jahangir is right in asserting that Balochistan cannot be left to military decision-making mechanisms. The situation calls for political engagement among all concerned.

This can only be possible if the government shows the will to act first by calling to account the gross human rights violations in the province, and thus removing the stigma of being disloyal to the state from the names of Baloch nationalists. It remains to be seen if the government is up to the task.

DAWN.COM | Provinces | Why bleed Balochistan?
 
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COMMENT: Independence Day in Quetta —Shaukat Qadir

I can bear testimony that on the night of August 13, through the day and well past midnight on August 14, vehicles clogged the roads, flying the national flag. The turnout in the streets of Quetta was heart warming

I must begin by admitting that my visits to Balochistan in the last few years have been very infrequent; in fact, I last visited Quetta in 2004. The obvious consequence is that I had lost touch with all my old friends from Balochistan, Pashtun and Baloch; and I had a lot of them, of varying age groups and varying backgrounds.

I must also admit that, in the absence of any personal information, I was influenced by the media hype regarding the looming threat in Balochistan. Nawab Akbar Bugti’s murder, the unanimous outcry of the Baloch, and the frequent media coverage of acts of violence did nothing to diminish my apprehensions. One senior Baloch officer went so far as to tell me that ‘all Baloch were expectantly awaiting a US intervention and only biding their time’. However, that I found difficult to accept!

As it happened, I was afforded an opportunity to visit Balochistan this month. It was a business trip, of the kind that could be combined with pleasure, and I had a few days at my disposal. Partly through compulsion, my visit included the sixty-second independence day of the country, August 14.

Since the purpose of my visit included an assessment of the Balochistan situation, I was expected to visit places outside Quetta as well, which suited me perfectly. I was fortunate to be put in touch with a local bureaucrat, who was an ideal conduit. If he didn’t know everybody, he knew someone who knew those that he personally did not. The result was that I was able to get in touch with numerous old friends, ex-soldiers (mostly Pashtun), ex-senior bureaucrats — one of them had been the chief secretary of Balochistan — who were tribal leaders in their own rights by now, other tribal elders, and individuals heading NGOs. Also, courtesy my brother, a professor of history currently heading the History Commission, I was also able to interact with his Baloch students, now also professors in universities or in other positions of authority.

Due to paucity of time, I could not venture too far from Quetta (I intend to atone for that on another trip, shortly after Eid); however, I did visit some Pashtun areas and some Baloch ones within a hundred-mile radius of Quetta, some of them are counted among the ‘Red Zones’, so-called areas of high threat. While there were bearded individuals visible in the Pashtun belt, who were identified by locals as Taliban, they were unarmed.

I have been aware of the influx of Afghan refugees in Balochistan, many of them Taliban, and of the fact that while they have organised a ‘shura’, it is presently lying low. I was also aware that this influx had upset the ethnic ratio of Balochistan in favour of the Pashtun. Considerable apprehension had been expressed by a number of individuals regarding the increase in Pashtun refugees in the wake of US operations in the Helmand province of Afghanistan. This apprehension turned out to be unfounded. What I was not prepared for was the number of Hazaras that had come from Afghanistan into Balochistan.

Anyway, the crux of what I learned during this visit was that the threat in Balochistan is grossly exaggerated; apparently, that suits some individuals. The level of disgruntlement among the Baloch is high, less among the Pashtun, who are economically better off. However, a serious attempt to redress their grievances would swiftly kill the ill-will.

There are die-hard Baloch separatists, led by Brahamdagh Bugti, but they are few in number and, in their area(s) of domination, are well known to the locals who do not identify them to the authorities, since these people are expressing a collective resentment. But the locals believe they can bring be brought to heel, whenever necessary.

The surprising conclusion that I reached, which was verified by the ethnic Baloch university teachers and individuals working with NGOs, was that, like some of the tribes in the NWFP but for totally different reasons, there is no longer any Baloch tribe that is unified under one leader, with the sole exception of the Magsi tribe — an infinitely small tribe with an insignificant land holding. The Pashtuns still have their traditional leadership.

Brahamdagh could have united the Bugtis, but many of the Bugtis are disillusioned with his announced leanings towards India; what is more, he has fled the country and none of the old Nawab’s nephews, including Aali, enjoy his unchallenged authority, even with government support. All the other tribal areas have been split up and some scion of the original leaders of each tribe claims influence over a portion of the original tribal areas. The elders in each tribe no longer exercise the control they used to. The situation is similar to what was prevalent in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989.

Indian involvement is universally acknowledged, but ironically, much of it is being shared by the Pashtun organisation ‘Jundullah’, which is opposed to the concept of separatism. They span the border with Iran and parts of the border with Afghanistan.

Among the rank and file of the Baloch tribes, this is considered a priceless opportunity for the government to get rid of the traditionally cruel ‘Sardari’ system while redressing their grievances. However, they are unanimously sceptical that the government will actually do so, considering that it continues to nurture scions of the Sardari system, however weak they might be in their own areas.

One thing that the Pashtun and the Baloch are agreed upon is that the Taliban will never be allowed to reign supreme in Balochistan; against the Taliban, both will take up arms.

This is going to be another opportunity lost to the interests of individuals, who are deliberately exaggerating the threat so as to retain their influence, even if it is only within grossly reduced areas. ‘Whilst there s life, there is hope’, but our leaders invariably ensure it is minimised.

Much has been made of the burning of Pakistani flags and that schools have been warned not to start the day with the national anthem. However, clear warnings were issued by the separatists about celebrating Independence Day also and dire consequences were threatened, including suicide attacks. I can bear testimony that on the night of August 13, through the day and well past midnight on August 14, vehicles clogged the roads, flying the national flag. The turnout in the streets of Quetta was heart warming, with people singing, dancing, celebrating, playing songs of national loyalty, without a single untoward incident, well into the night.

Even in the suburbs of Quetta along the road to Ziarat, I could see national flags adorning numerous houses, all the way up to Kuchlag during daytime. I wonder why all this did not receive such extensive coverage by the electronic media.

I enjoyed spending Independence Day this year in Quetta and hope to do so again.

This article is a modified version of one originally written for the daily ‘National’. The writer is a former vice president and founder of the Islamabad Policy Research Insititute (IPRI)

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\08\29\story_29-8-2009_pg3_4
 
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I agree with most of what is being said.
Balochistan is an acute case of feudal rule, which is powered on foreign agenda now.

I also think that all such comments like "people of balochistan are being kept backwards" and this and that should be done to the sardars are childish.

Nothing will survive unless it is accepted -> practiced and defended by the people them selves.

We sit miles away and just write and write, where as it is people of balochistan that we are failing to reach out to,

How many of us are ready to go and talk to the people
how many of us are ready to go and help our own brethern students in education ? ( just the city universities if rural is too tough)
how many of us docotors are ready to set up camp there, and provide a healing touch ?

Fact of the matter is ... none of us .... sad sad sad.. lethargic.

This leaves a vaccum between Pakistan and the people of balochistan
this vaccum is presently being exploited and filled in by western promises, Indian money etc.

So please get the point of reference right, and start to act.

Other wise we will again just be, men of words and no deed.
 
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I think only long term solution of problem is educate entire population of Pakistan and people will take their rights through non violent means.

For Baluchistan, real problem is not that much as is propaganda. All these Sardars (or their successor) are crying as fudel structure of their centuries old domination will end by progress and development. Financial autonomy of local Baluchi will liberate him/her from this tribal fudel brutal system and education will make him wise enough to not to accept this system again.
 
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HRCP slates ‘bid to gag Balochistan newspapers’
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan

Staff Report

LAHORE: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) on Friday called upon the government to respect the freedom of press in Balochistan and end the “virtual siege” of independent newspapers’ offices in the province.

A statement issued by the HRCP said, “The commission is alarmed at reports of Frontier Constabulary (FC) personnel laying siege of Quetta offices of at least two newspapers.”

It said on August 18, Asaap, an Urdu daily, announced the suspension of its publication after security forces cordoned off its office for two weeks and “all visitors and employees were frisked, questioned and humiliated”.
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Is this acceptable in Pakistan? How can paramilitary "lay siege" on offices of newspaper?
 
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HRCP slates ‘bid to gag Balochistan newspapers’
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan

Staff Report

LAHORE: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) on Friday called upon the government to respect the freedom of press in Balochistan and end the “virtual siege” of independent newspapers’ offices in the province.

A statement issued by the HRCP said, “The commission is alarmed at reports of Frontier Constabulary (FC) personnel laying siege of Quetta offices of at least two newspapers.”

It said on August 18, Asaap, an Urdu daily, announced the suspension of its publication after security forces cordoned off its office for two weeks and “all visitors and employees were frisked, questioned and humiliated”.
____________________________

Is this acceptable in Pakistan? How can paramilitary "lay siege" on offices of newspaper?

They can for inciting treason, but its more likely the HRCP is making **** up.
 
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I think a better education system could solve the problem. In teaching if you include learning about Pakistan, it's economy, it's position and also about future prospectus it would make them loyal. Offcourse one need to develop this area to keep that loyalty.
 
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Package on Baluchistan in couple of days: Kaira
Updated at: 0130 PST, Thursday, September 10, 2009


LAHORE: Federal Minister for Information Qamar Zaman Kaira has said that the government will announce package to redress grievances of people of Baluchistan within few days.

He was addressing at a seminar organized by Parliamentary Party of PPP Punjab to celebrate one year’s achievements of President Asif Ali Zardari as Head of the State, at Al-Hamra Hall here on Wednesday.

State Minister for Parliamentary Affairs Mehreen Anwar Raja, Senior Minister Punjab Raja Riaz, PPP leaders Haji Aziz ur Rehman Chann, Zikria Butt, Altaf Qureshi, Aslam Gill, Pir Nazim Shah, Sajida Mir, Rai Muzamil and Zafar Masood Bhatti also spoke on the occasion and highlighted various aspects of personality of the President of Pakistan.

They specially referred the ability of President Zardari to face challenges and said he remained undeterred during the hour of trial.

Punjab Finance Minister Tanvir Ashraf Kaira, Mian Misbah ur Rehman and number of other party workers and leaders also attended the seminar.

The Federal Information Minister said that the parliamentary committee on Baluchistan has almost completed its recommendations and the government will incorporate these recommendations in the package which will be announced within a couple of days.

He said that steps for redressing grievances of people of Baluchistan are among the big achievements of President Zardari who is determined to strengthening the Federation by removing all types of injustices and misunderstandings among federating units.

The Minister said that the critics of President Asif Ali Zardari must keep in minds the situation faced by the country one year before, adding, Zardari not only saved the country but also kept the party integrated.


Package on Baluchistan in couple of days: Kaira
 
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Updated at: 1735 PST, Friday, September 11, 2009



ISLAMABAD: Balochistan High Court (BHC) Friday summoned former President Pervez Musharraf along with a number of key officials of his regime in the next hearing of a former governor murder case set for October 7.

A divisional bench of BHC issued the notices to ex-government's officials while hearing a petition filed by Jamil Akbar Bugti for the registration of his father Nawab Akbar Bugti murder case, GEO News reported.

Nawab Akbar Bugti was the former Governor and Chief Minister of Balochistan province.

BHC’s single bench consisting of Chief Justice, Justice Qazi Faiz Esa heard the petition filed by Akbar Bugti’s son Jamil Akbar.

The counsels of the petitioner said District and Session Judge Dera Bugti was authorized to register case against those responsible for assassination of Akbar Bugti; however, the court illegally turned down the request for the purpose.

The court, after hearing the arguments, held the petition as maintainable and directed to issue notices to former President Gen (rtd) Pervez Musharraf, former premier Shaukat Aziz and others to appear on October 7.

The court said Balochistan Governor Owais Ahmed Ghani is currently governor of the NWFP, therefore, court directed to issue notice to Attorney General in his stead.

Those who were summoned by the court include Musharraf and former Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, ex-federal interior minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao and some other former officials.

The defendants who are living abroad will be issued notices through Foreign Ministry.

Source: Bugti murder case maintainable: BHC
 
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People say that Sardar Akbar Bugti was a tyrannical Sardar and a traitor so whatever Musharraf did with him was justified. These people are not only ignorant of history but are foolish friends of Pakistan. Sardar Bugti was studying in the Aitchison College before Pakistan came into being and was very impressed with Subhash Chandra Bose, who did armed struggle against the British Raj. In 1947, a limited referendum was conduced in Balochistan. The imperial Jarga and the Quetta Municipality had to chose between the India and the Pakistan. Abdul Samad Achakzai did an active conveyancing in the favor of India whereas Sardar Akbar Bugti and several other Baloch Sardars casted their votes in the favor of Pakistan. Sardar Akbar Bugti was elected unopposed on the National Assmbly seat which got vacated due to the demise of Dr. Khan Saheb in 1957. It was the time when Malik Freoze Khan Noon was the Prime Minister. He initially appointed Sardar Akbar Bugti as the Home Minister and later the Minister of Defense. Based on the suggestion of Sardar Akbar Bugti, Premier Noon initiated the dialogues with Oman to get back the Gawader. Sardar Akbar Bugti personally took part in these negotiations and after the payment of six million dollars, Gawader finally became the part of Pakistan. This indeed was a great service of the Premier Malik Feroze Khan Noon and Sardar Akabar Bugti for Pakistan.

In 1958 when the first Martial Law was imposed, Sardar Akbar Bugti vehemently apposed it. Sardar Akbar Bugti was arrested along with Khan Mir Ahmed Yaar Khan and Nawab Nouroz Khan and was detained in the Match Jail. Nawab Nouroz was sentenced to life imprisonment while Sardar Akbar Bugti was sentenced to death by the Military Courts. Later on, Sardar Akbar Bugti’s death sentence was reversed by the President Ayub Khan on the recommendation of Z.A. Bhutto. Sardar Akbar Bugti was finally released after he served 18 months in the Jail and paying Rs 50,000 in fine. Sardar Akbar Bugti was arrested once again in 1962 for his anti-Martial Law speech in Kakri Ground Karachi. This time, Sardar Akbar Bugti was kept in the jails of Lail Pur (Faisal Abad) and Montgomery (Sahiwaal). Sardar Akbar Bugti was released after he served five years sentence in 1967. Even after this long sentence, Sardar Akbar Bugti refused to bow to the oppression. He joined the anti-dictatorship movement and was arrested again on May 4, 1968 under the “Defense of Pakistan Rules”. This time he was kept in the Mianwali Jail in the ‘C’ class. Right in front of the door of his cell, cow dung was burnt and peppers were sprinkled over it. The burning smoke would enter his cell and Sardar Akbar Bugti would cough. He was given contaminated food, the ‘moral’ criminals were encouraged to use foul language with him, and was given electric shocks while sleeping. Even after all this oppression, when he reused to bow down, he was finally given poison in the food on July 30, 1968. He became unconscious soon after eating the meal and foaming at the mouth. An inmate named ‘Muqddam’ understood what had happened; he inserted his fingers in Sardar Akbar Bugti’s throad and made him to vomit. Sardar Akbar Bugti survived but was bed ridden for a long time.

General Yahya Khan came into power and he released Sardar Akbar Bugti. He was however, not allowed to take part in the elections of 1970. Even after all this oppression, Sardar Akbar Bugti never talked against the Pakistan. In 1972, the Premier Z.A. Bhutto dismissed the Chief Minister Ata Ullah Mengal and the Governor Ghous Bakhsh Bizinjo and seeked cooperation from Sardar Akbar Bugti. Sardar Akbar Bugti was appointed as the Governor in the name of securing Pakistan. Mengal and Bugti had severe differences. Balochistan’s veteran journalist Anwar Sajidi had terms with the both. Anwar Sajidi says that in November 1973, Atta Ullah Mengal’s residence in Karachi was raided on which Sardar Akbar Bugti got very upset. He said I might have lots of differences with Atta Ullah Mengal but raid on his house is a raid on my house. During this time, Army started an operation in Balochistan and only after 9 months as the Governor, Sardar Akbar Bugti resigned in December 1973. If he was a self-interested person, he could have easily remained in power until 1977, but he decided not to become a part of the Army operation. It was the same Army operation that resulted in differences between him and Musharraf. When he insisted on arresting Captain Hammad who had raped Dr. Shazia Khalid, the rockets started to fall on Dera Bugti. Bugti kept negotiating with the Government until the very end. Choudhry Shujaat and Mushahid Hussein had negotiated with Bugti through Nargis Baloch and they had reached to an agreement but Musharraf always used the negotiation for betrayal. He betrayed Bugti and killed him.

Note: The actual column was written by Mr. Hamid Mir in Urdu and it appeared in the Daily Jang http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/sep2009-...-2009/col4.htm. I have translated the selected paragraphs for the readers who can not read in Urdu.
 
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People say that Sardar Akbar Bugti was a tyrannical Sardar and a traitor so whatever Musharraf did with him was justified. These people are not only ignorant of history but are foolish friends of Pakistan. Sardar Bugti was studying in the Aitchison College before Pakistan came into being and was very impressed with Subhash Chandra Bose, who did armed struggle against the British Raj. In 1947, a limited referendum was conduced in Balochistan. The imperial Jarga and the Quetta Municipality had to chose between the India and the Pakistan. Abdul Samad Achakzai did an active conveyancing in the favor of India whereas Sardar Akbar Bugti and several other Baloch Sardars casted their votes in the favor of Pakistan. Sardar Akbar Bugti was elected unopposed on the National Assmbly seat which got vacated due to the demise of Dr. Khan Saheb in 1957. It was the time when Malik Freoze Khan Noon was the Prime Minister. He initially appointed Sardar Akbar Bugti as the Home Minister and later the Minister of Defense. Based on the suggestion of Sardar Akbar Bugti, Premier Noon initiated the dialogues with Oman to get back the Gawader. Sardar Akbar Bugti personally took part in these negotiations and after the payment of six million dollars, Gawader finally became the part of Pakistan. This indeed was a great service of the Premier Malik Feroze Khan Noon and Sardar Akabar Bugti for Pakistan.

This has been the highlight of Bugti supporters. He was elevated by corrupt Pakistani politicians because he provided the easy escape out. Keep one Feudal Lord happy while the rest of the province suffers. He kept the peace, he got the votes that the government of the day needed and in return he got his ministries n all.

All of them were wrong.

He was a traitor since he killed the Chinese engineers, he killed the French engineers. He blew up Pakistan's gas pipelines, built up an army against Pakistan. Check out the BLA's website, they have one agenda on mind, destroy Pakistan. He was their leader. He died a traitors death no matter how badly people want to spin that, that would be the ultimate truth.

I mean the argument that this article brings forth is. "He was a nice guy and Pakistan was after him, Khwamkhwa".
 
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This has been the highlight of Bugti supporters. He was elevated by corrupt Pakistani politicians because he provided the easy escape out. Keep one Feudal Lord happy while the rest of the province suffers. He kept the peace, he got the votes that the government of the day needed and in return he got his ministries n all.

All of them were wrong.

He was a traitor since he killed the Chinese engineers, he killed the French engineers. He blew up Pakistan's gas pipelines, built up an army against Pakistan. Check out the BLA's website, they have one agenda on mind, destroy Pakistan. He was their leader. He died a traitors death no matter how badly people want to spin that, that would be the ultimate truth.

I mean the argument that this article brings forth is. "He was a nice guy and Pakistan was after him, Khwamkhwa".
I am curious to know why this person Hamid Mir is allowed to write all these things if he is so wrong? If he is supporting a 'traitor' why is he not challenged by the GoP? or the security agencies or the Army?:coffee:
 
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