it is a fight of ethnic groups (if they are Muslims and have true Islam in their heart they never run fight over material)who will enjoy the Sindh rich infrastructure and resources.
again The once politically powerful MQM of Altaf Hussein is now divided along ideological, political and personality lines. Broken up into various factions, the idea of a single united party for Mohajirs has virtually collapsed due to a series of organizational and ideological problems. For now, the movement can best be described as ‘diasporic’, since its leader has been in exile since the early 1990s, although he has been somewhat successful in steering the party from London, addressing rallies via video and telephone. However, currently, the MQM has little political strength and has lost most of its power over Karachi. The Pakistani establishment continues to slap on a series of treason and financial crime charges on Hussein, hoping that something will stick.
Meanwhile, Hussein’s absence from the country and continuous hysterics has created an urgency amongst the senior leaders to redefine the MQM without him. This has been difficult since all the different factions of the party claim to be the true representative of the Mohajirs’ cause. The power struggle amongst Mohajir leaders, who were once on the same side, demonstrate not only Hussein’s failure to build an indestructible the idea of Mohajir unity.
The MQM also has a number of international branches especially in the US, the UK, Canada etc, if you try to mingle with them it is very hard to get their network because they are focus on shedding light on human rights violations foreign agenda against the Mohajirs in Sindh. Other international organizations run and funded by the Mohajirs (backed by RAW)are working to develop narratives that further the Mohajir cause abroad, organizing protests and sit-ins. One such US-based the organization recently released a map proposing the creation of “Greater Karachi,” an autonomous region that would comprise urban Sindh and Karachi, with an independent parliament and elected chief executive.
While such political developments are on the rise, the population of Mohajirs in Karachi is steadily declining. According to some studies, the Pashtuns in Karachi will outnumber Urdu-speaking Mohajirs in less than 30 years. While the MQM has tried to reposition itself as a national party, its identity remains forever entwined with the Mohajir community and is geographically limited to Karachi and some areas of urban Sindh, e.g. Hyderabad, Mirpurkhas and Sukkur. Political parties see the city as a feudal landholding, equating access to land and municipal resources with political power. What this means for the political mobilization of the Mohajirs in the future will be determined by whether the different parties can work together to represent the community’s interests.
