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IS ELECTION 2013 ANSWER for all sickness of PAKISTAN?

yes but i guss, he is clever politician thn rest of political donkeys waiting to be next PM?;)

Still he is a donkey... !

The people in his party comes from the same old parties, they are they same people who ruled Pakistan.. with utmost dishonesty!

When he claim, that he has baptized Hashmi.. than he is sure not a better donkey!
 
Lol at the link to the video.

Elections should happen, it will strengthen the election commission and create a tradition.
 
Yes Election is the answer. Loogon kee practice hora hee hain in making correct decisions. :police:
 
if the same guys come to power(PMLN or PPP) then by by pakistan, we just need martial law

it will prove once and forever if democracy suits us or not

previously we had the excuse that democracy was immature and young, but now as it has settled, giving a decade to reach a level of maturity and that these coming elections will be the third consecutive one, i expect pakistani nation to vote for new people and not the same old bhangis
 
PS: the lahoris and punjabis who are dillusioned by shahbaz shareef development, if you still vote these guys after experiencing a near bankrupt country in the 90s then i can only laugh at you :lol:

those sindhis, who think that bibi ghost took care of you and that you kept voting for PPP even after experiencing how even jyalas killed them selves by self imolation then i can only laugh at you :lol:

same stands for karachi and KPK who think that ANP/JI and MQM did enough developments(building few bridges is not a development) then i can only laugh at you :lol:

as far as the defence/interior and foreign policy goes, it virtually remained non existant

its not PPP's achievement that pakistan growth rate increased few decimal places, how can they even talk about improved economy, for four years economy went down they did nothing, entire looting for four and a half years, growth rate of 2% even srilanka is progressing with 8% and india's minimum is 10%
 
[:::~Spartacus~:::];3659047 said:
if the same guys come to power(PMLN or PPP) then by by pakistan, we just need martial law

How about MQM ? :lol:
 
Lol at the link to the video.

Elections should happen, it will strengthen the election commission and create a tradition.
JuSt because u want a election tht EC is going to strong & tradition in making , you want to destroy this country?
R u so blind , tht u can't see what have happened to pakistan?
&
U want these thugs back in for another 5 years! Wow
We can't afford to hve a EC or a tradition ,if there is no pakistan !
 
How about MQM ? :lol:

Surly with pakarmy, cause they don't get nothing from anyone. In power?
& its fact that if MQM tries another term with PPP or PMLn , they r going to destroy themselves, cause non of these giants will give MQM any chance to develop something for their voters, so best thing is ARMY,s rule?
 
Still he is a donkey... !

The people in his party comes from the same old parties, they are they same people who ruled Pakistan.. with utmost dishonesty!

When he claim, that he has baptized Hashmi.. than he is sure not a better donkey!

ZARDARI is playing better shots thn any of these political donkeys who wanted tobe PM, they all don't like him but they don't want to upset him at the same time?
IK,s sunami hvnt reach islamabad & NS is thinking of a working relationship with zardari?
So next elections means aglli barai phir zardari , which couldbe the ultimate end of pakistan?
 
[:::~Spartacus~:::];3659047 said:
if the same guys come to power(PMLN or PPP) then by by pakistan, we just need martial law

it will prove once and forever if democracy suits us or not

previously we had the excuse that democracy was immature and young, but now as it has settled, giving a decade to reach a level of maturity and that these coming elections will be the third consecutive one, i expect pakistani nation to vote for new people and not the same old bhangis

Talking reality ? Good post!
 
A game-changing deal?
From the Newspaper | Cyril Almeida | 15 hours ago
A game-changing deal? | DAWN.COM

ARE you a bit bored? With this whole politics thing at the moment?

It seems quite stale all of a sudden. Gone is the riveting drama, the over-the-top theatre, the breathless uncertainty, the sound and the fury. Even the kooky conspiracy theories are struggling to gain much traction.

The problem is the election: there will be one but its inching closer at a glacial pace. Spring feels like an eternity away.

In the land of perma-crisis and forever churning political waters, this pause is almost unreal. Surely something must be afoot.

There is stuff afoot; just not necessarily of the kind speculation is focusing on. Think less coup or elections deferred and more the hard slog of pre-electoral politics: working the angles, oiling the campaign machine, putting the chess pieces in place.

The PPP is hard at work as is the PML-N, while the PTI has gone back to the drawing board. The PML-Q, ANP and the religious right are all trying to figure out how to hold on to their pieces of the electoral jigsaw.

Amidst all the shoring up of defences and quiet canvassing for support, there is one idea that neither the PPP nor the PML-N dare speak the name of, but it does continue to hang in the political air: an electoral understanding between the two parties in Punjab.

In theory, at least, it’s a tantalising idea. Punjab, the key to any electoral math, is what the Sharifs care about most and where the PPP needs a chunk of seats to hold on to power at the centre.

In an era of coalition politics, splitting Punjab three, or four or five, ways guarantees a weak government at the centre and would imperil the Sharifs’ control of Punjab at the provincial level.

A weaker central government, dependent on multiple allies with an increased seat count from the present assembly, suits neither the PML-N nor the PPP — in theory at least — because it’ll be just that much harder to get anything done, good or bad.

So, enlightened self-interest, of a qualitatively different kind to that seen so far, could push for a deal between Zardari and Sharif.

Let the big boys get what they need from Punjab — for the Sharifs, tightening their grip in the provincial assembly and slapping down any threat at the federal level from the PTI; for Zardari, enough of a harvest of seats at the centre to chart a path to five more years — and ensure no one crashes their party come next spring.

But is the self-interest of Zardari and Sharif enlightened enough?

In the world of subtle political shifts, Zardari and Sharif have appeared to close ranks on occasion over the life of the present assemblies. But it’s mostly been in response to perceived threats from the army.

If the self-appointed custodians of the national interest make a move, you lose and I lose — both Zardari and Sharif have internalised that and given each other space to manoeuvre for survival when they’ve felt the threat grow.

But that threat is more about the circumvention of elections, not picking favourites come election time.

The more the army seems hands-off as the election nears, the less the value of that threat to focus the minds of Zardari and Sharif.

The other big incentive for a power-sharing agreement was the rise of the PTI. Cut a deal to save the status quo or risk both being swept away by the PTI. Except the PTI hasn’t quite lived up to the hype.

Nothing left to enlighten Zardari and Sharif’s self interest, then?

The problem is more that both camps are increasingly confident of their electoral strategy in Punjab.

Zardari thinks he can still grab Punjab, or at least enough of a slice of Punjab to complement the haul from Sindh and Balochistan to hold on in Islamabad.

The Sharifs think their party has bounced back from the body blow Imran Khan landed in October 2011. Now, the Sharifs believe, the party is in fighting condition to consolidate its grip over Punjab in the provincial assembly and muscle its way to becoming the largest party in the National Assembly.

The Zardari logic seems more bluster than fact at the moment, but the Sharifs may just be right: they have flexed their muscles and found Punjab still responds to the Sharif might.

Knowing that, the dealmaker in Zardari may be tempted to think about a deal instead of rolling the dice in Punjab — present projection of confidence notwithstanding.

But for all of Zardari’s charm — should he choose to deploy it — the Sharif arrogance can be hard to overcome.

A year since the PTI earthquake in Lahore, the PML-N thinks it has more than made amends and is even eyeing power in Islamabad.

The assumption, though, is that the PTI will not get a second wind. That having peaked too early, the party is in inexorable decline and can’t and won’t bounce back.

Looking at Khan, you can’t really see him coming up with fresh ideas between now and spring. But Khan doesn’t need to dominate Punjab to upset the PML-N’s plans, or the PPP’s projections.

If conventional wisdom has it that Khan would win just 20 seats were elections to be held tomorrow, better organisation and smarter campaigning could eke out a further chunk of seats in a crowded field.

The deepest irony in the PPP and PML-N’s resistance to a deal and Zardari and Sharif’s conviction they’ve got the math on their individual sides?

They look a bit like Musharraf going into February 2008.

The writer is a member of staff.

cyril.a@gmail.com

Twitter: @cyalm
 
Delimitation: solution or further polarisation?
From the Newspaper | Fahim Zaman | 2 days ago
Delimitation: solution or further polarisation? | DAWN.COM




KARACHI, Nov 30: The recent orders by the Supreme Court of Pakistan calling for fresh electoral delimitations as a recipe to control crime and violence in Karachi appear to be based on widely-held perception that mafias and groups were controlling organised crime and large parts of the city. The ones espousing the above perception recommend de-polarisation of the city through removal of flash points and ethnic fault lines causing death and destruction.

The immediate questions that come to mind are: is fresh delimitation possible without a new census? And can such a move make any real difference in Karachi’s electoral politics?

Coupled with the court’s order on delimitation, petitions by PTI and some other political parties in Islamabad claiming that votes of a sizeable number of people; up to three million living in Karachi, have been illegally reverted to their native towns — have not helped either, resulting in a further directive by the CJP for door-to-door verification of the voters in the city.

The subsequent political storm caused by the above judgments points at the failure of the experts in the Election Commission of Pakistan in explaining to the courts realities on ground.

To understand the intricacies of the ongoing debate one needs to carefully examine the provisions of the ‘Delimitation of Constituencies Act, 1974’, and the substitutions through ‘The Delimitation of Constituencies (Amendment) Bill 2011’.

The above ‘Act’ clearly states that the constituencies for elections to the national and provincial assemblies are to be delimited after every ‘census’. Consequent to the ‘1998 nationwide census’ fresh constituencies for national and provincial assemblies were delimited for 2002.

The number of NA constituencies rose from 207 to 272 and provincial assemblies from 460 to 577 in the country. The 272 NA constituencies were split amongst the four provinces according to the provisions spelled out in the above Act and the substitution of Section 8, Act XXXIV of 1974. Resultantly, 14 general seats were earmarked for Balochistan, 35 for NWFP (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), 115 for Punjab and 61 for Sindh.

According to principles of delimitation outlined in 6th Substitution of The Delimitation of Constituencies (Amendment) Bill 2011: “All constituencies for general seats shall, as far as practicable, be delimited having regard to the distribution of population in geographically compact areas, existing boundaries of administrative units, facilities of communication and public convenience and other cognate factors to ensure homogeneity in the creation of constituencies. As far as may be the constituencies for election to the same, Assembly shall be equal among themselves in population.”

The above principles appear to emphasise homogeneity and contiguity as cardinal rules for fresh delimitation. Since 2002 the number of districts in Pakistan has risen from 104 to 119. The largest increase in number of districts has taken place in Sindh from 17 to 27.

The district of Karachi that was administratively a single unit in 2002 stands split into five districts at present. Since reconstitution of districts, seven constituencies appear to overlap current district boundaries in Karachi which could be used as an excuse for fresh delimitation.

However, ‘homogeneity and contiguity’ obviously do not restrict themselves to geography alone, otherwise there would not have been a need for insertion of “facilities of communication and public convenience and other cognate factors” amongst the principles.

If the SC decision was to be implemented in line with the ‘Act’ the only formula close to the provisions of the ‘Act’ would require to take the 1998 populations for the five new districts of Karachi and to divide the 20 National Assembly constituencies proportionately; according to the districts’ populations.

The above formula will accord the districts West, Central and South four NA seats each, District East six NA seats and Malir two NA seats. The task would then be to come up with constituencies equal in population — at least within the subject districts.

Simple arithmetic using 1998 populations as base for these calculations would yield, average constituency in District Central 33 per cent, more populated than District South and 25pc more populated than District East — District Central losing one seat as compared to 2002 and 2008. Such re-demarcation of electoral constituencies are being already seen an attempt to affect the future election results causing further polarisation in the city.

Political analysts are convinced that democracy does not necessarily mean dictatorship of the majority; rather it is considered an instrument to help promote civility and consensus among the people.

While the indigenous people of Karachi living happily before 1947 in the city have been increasingly marginalised, multiple tensions thrive in the city on political, sectarian and ethnic lines. If the rural populations are somehow adjunct with the urban vote there would be a grave danger of complete marginalisation of Sindhi ethnic vote!

A fresh nationwide census became due in 2008. During 2011, fresh census exercise started with ‘House Listing Operation’ (HLO); completed at a cost of more than Rs3 billion, was however declared faulty and therefore void.

The new census block-codes mapped for HLO have been used and gazetted for the fresh electoral rolls. Such data based on mappings already declared void may only result in logistical and legal fiasco for the upcoming elections which is something the ECP also needs to consider!

Another legal crisis would be generated if three million votes were transferred to Karachi and someone moves ‘court’ demanding reduction of corresponding number of seats from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab as well as increase of that many seats in Karachi. It might become difficult for the courts not to take up the issue.

The common man in Karachi affected by the proposed fresh delimitations would be in his right to question the legal or moral basis of a Karachi-specific decision causing harm to his or her political interest. Another legitimate question would be regarding lack of emphasis of all state institutions over fresh census due for last four years.
 

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