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Into the Valley of Death

AgNoStiC MuSliM

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The impression a lot of us hold is that NATO efforts in Afghanistan amount to little better than a carpet bombing every time a shot is fired in the vicinity of a patrol. I came across this excellent piece that describes the operations of US soldiers in some of the harshest terrain in Afghanistan.

The intention is to get opinion from all of you on whether our assessment of how the US conducts its operations is way off base, and if so what that might suggest about PA operations.

There is also the added question that regardless of whether US forces are committed and capable and executing the best laid plans to perfection, Afghanistan is no closer to a solution -as the author himself states:
By many measures, Afghanistan is falling apart. The Afghan opium crop has flourished in the past two years and now represents 93 percent of the world’s supply, with an estimated street value of $38 billion in 2006. That money helps bankroll an insurgency that is now operating virtually within sight of the capital, Kabul. Suicide bombings have risen eightfold in the past two years, including several devastating attacks in Kabul, and as of October, coalition casualties had surpassed those of any previous year. The situation has gotten so bad, in fact, that ethnic and political factions in the northern part of the country have started stockpiling arms in preparation for when the international community decides to pull out. Afghans—who have seen two foreign powers on their soil in 20 years—are well aware of the limits of empire. They are well aware that everything has an end point, and that in their country end points are bloodier than most.

The report is in 6 pages, and a gripping read, so please do peruse it in its entirety.

Into the Valley of Death​

A strategic passage wanted by the Taliban and al-Qaeda, Afghanistan’s Korengal Valley is among the deadliest pieces of terrain in the world for U.S. forces. One platoon is considered the tip of the American spear. Its men spend their days in a surreal combination of backbreaking labor—building outposts on rocky ridges—and deadly firefights, while they try to avoid the mistakes the Russians made. Sebastian Junger and photographer Tim Hetherington join the platoon’s painfully slow advance, as its soldiers laugh, swear, and run for cover, never knowing which of them won’t make it home.
by Sebastian Junger January 2008

The 20 men of Second Platoon move through the village single file, keeping behind trees and stone houses and going down on one knee from time to time to cover the next man down the line. The locals know what is about to happen and are staying out of sight. We are in the village of Aliabad, in Afghanistan’s Korengal Valley, and the platoon radioman has received word that Taliban gunners are watching us and are about to open fire. Signals intelligence back at the company headquarters has been listening in on the Taliban field radios. They say the Taliban are waiting for us to leave the village before they shoot.

Below us is the Korengal River and across the valley is the dark face of the Abas Ghar ridge. The Taliban essentially own the Abas Ghar. The valley is six miles long, and the Americans have pushed halfway down its length. In 2005, Taliban fighters cornered a four-man navy-seal team that had been dropped onto the Abas Ghar, and killed three of them, then shot down the Chinook helicopter that was sent in to save them. All 16 commandos on board died.

Dusk is falling and the air has a kind of buzzing tension to it, as if it carries an electrical charge. We only have to cover 500 yards to get back to the safety of the firebase, but the route is wide open to Taliban positions across the valley, and the ground has to be crossed at a run. The soldiers have taken so much fire here that they named this stretch “the Aliabad 500.” Platoon leader Matt Piosa, a blond, soft-spoken 24-year-old lieutenant from Pennsylvania, makes it to a chest-high stone wall behind the village grade school, and the rest of the squad arrives behind him, laboring under the weight of their weapons and body armor. The summer air is thick and hot, and everyone is sweating like horses. Piosa and his men were here to talk to the local elder about a planned water-pipe project for the village, and I can’t help thinking that this is an awful lot of effort for a five-minute conversation.

I’m carrying a video camera and running it continually so that I won’t have to think about turning it on when the shooting starts. It captures everything my memory doesn’t. Piosa is about to leave the cover of the stone wall and push to the next bit of cover when I hear a staccato popping sound in the distance. “Contact,” Piosa says into his radio and then, “I’m pushing up here,” but he never gets the chance. The next burst comes in even tighter and the video jerks and yaws and Piosa screams, “A tracer just went right by here!” Soldiers are popping up to empty ammo clips over the top of the wall and Piosa is shouting positions into the radio and tracers from our heavy machine guns are streaking overhead into the darkening valley and a man near me shouts for someone named Buno.

Buno doesn’t answer. That’s all I remember for a while—that and being incredibly thirsty. It seems to go on for a long, long time.
The Center Cannot Hold

By many measures, Afghanistan is falling apart. The Afghan opium crop has flourished in the past two years and now represents 93 percent of the world’s supply, with an estimated street value of $38 billion in 2006. That money helps bankroll an insurgency that is now operating virtually within sight of the capital, Kabul. Suicide bombings have risen eightfold in the past two years, including several devastating attacks in Kabul, and as of October, coalition casualties had surpassed those of any previous year. The situation has gotten so bad, in fact, that ethnic and political factions in the northern part of the country have started stockpiling arms in preparation for when the international community decides to pull out. Afghans—who have seen two foreign powers on their soil in 20 years—are well aware of the limits of empire. They are well aware that everything has an end point, and that in their country end points are bloodier than most.

The Korengal is widely considered to be the most dangerous valley in northeastern Afghanistan, and Second Platoon is considered the tip of the spear for the American forces there. Nearly one-fifth of all combat in Afghanistan occurs in this valley, and nearly three-quarters of all the bombs dropped by nato forces in Afghanistan are dropped in the surrounding area. The fighting is on foot and it is deadly, and the zone of American control moves hilltop by hilltop, ridge by ridge, a hundred yards at a time. There is literally no safe place in the Korengal Valley. Men have been shot while asleep in their barracks tents.

Second Platoon is one of four in Battle Company, which covers the Korengal as part of the Second Battalion of the 503rd Infantry Regiment (airborne). The only soldiers to have been deployed more times since the September 11 attacks are from the 10th Mountain Division, which handed the Korengal over last June. (Tenth Mountain had been slated to go home three months earlier, but its tour was extended while some of its units were already on their way back. They landed in the United States and almost immediately got back on their planes.) When Battle Company took over the Korengal, the entire southern half of the valley was controlled by the Taliban, and American patrols that pushed even a few hundred yards into that area got attacked.

If there was one thing Battle Company knew how to do, though, it was fight. Its previous deployment had been in Afghanistan’s Zabul Province, and things were so bad there that half the company was on psychiatric meds by the time they got home. Korengal looked like it would be even worse. In Zabul, they had been arrayed against relatively inexperienced youths who were paid by Taliban commanders in Pakistan to fight—and die. In the Korengal, on the other hand, the fighting is funded by al-Qaeda cells who oversee extremely well-trained local militias. Battle Company took its first casualty within days, a 19-year-old private named Timothy Vimoto. Vimoto, the son of the brigade’s command sergeant major, was killed by the first volley from a Taliban machine gun positioned around half a mile away. He may well not have even heard the shots.

follow the link to continue reading
Into the Valley of Death: Politics & Power: vanityfair.com
 
This is an excellent article. Sebastian Junger has some really great works on Afghanistan under his belt.

The ongoing failure of Afghanistan serves as a severe detriment to the real "war on terror" (whatever that means). The regression can clearly be linked to the decision to invade Iraq and the failure to get everyone in Afghanistan and Pakistan on board.

The problems in Afghanistan (militarily) will never be solved until persistent and massive dragnet operations are continually launched through Afghanistan and all of western Pakistan. Unfortunately there doesn't seem to be much political will, social consciousness or the resources to accomplish this.
 
Energon,

Given the terrain and the sheer size of the territory that would have to be covered, I too doubt that enough resources can be mobilized to have a substantial effect. On the Pakistani side such an effort would simply not be feasible without movement towards comprehensive peace with India.

In the absence of resources to bring about substantive change, Musharraf's argument to me seems to make sense, that the Taliban (those willing to lay down arms in return for control) should be engaged and changed from within over the long run.
 
AM,

I think the USA should bear most of the blame in this case. We are the only nation that had the resources and the ability to pull this off. Unfortunately those valuable resources were wasted elsewhere for reasons unknown (but clearly nefarious).

Nonetheless, even if we were to come to our senses and generate heavy momentum to push for definitive military operations in Afghanistan, the bulk of the fighting should be conducted by the US Armed forces and their closest NATO allies who share almost identical operational procedures. The Pakistan Army should strictly be enlisted as a barricade to ensure that tribal fighters do not migrate to East Pakistan. Luckily this time around there should be a high level of motivation for the government of Pakistan to take this role seriously.

The question of boots on the ground in the rest of Afghanistan is still an issue. This is why, IMO one of the conditions for the "Nuclear deal" should have been getting India to commit nothing less than 250,000- 300,000 peace keeping forces. This obviously would not sit well with Pakistan, but other than China, I do not know of any Army who would have the necessary manpower to spare. Also, if I'm not mistaken, most moderate Afghanis still take very well to India, so the acceptance of Indian peacekeeping troops may be a bit easier.

Unfortunately none of this is possible since the USA is already over a trillion dollars in the hole, the Nuclear deal with India seems to be going nowhere and can't be used as leverage and although Pakistan has come around for internal reasons they do not seem to have the means to effectively fight this war. Hopefully I'm wrong.
 
Energon:

Unfortunately your last paragraph pretty much sums up the situation as it stands now (not suggesting it cannot be changed, but I see no movement to that effect). I do disagree with Indian troops being deployed as the Indo-Pak relationship stands. Pakistan will not view that as a non-hostile act. If solutions to some issues can at least be officially agreed upon, not necessarily implemented, Indian troops moving into Afghanistan might be feasible, and it would result in more capability being brought into FATA by the PA.

I disagree with your assessment that the problem of FATA can be resolved simply by the PA acting as a barricade. The PA is going to have to conduct operations with the same intensity to rout out extremists in FATA.
 
I disagree with your assessment that the problem of FATA can be resolved simply by the PA acting as a barricade. The PA is going to have to conduct operations with the same intensity to rout out extremists in FATA.
The reasons I ascribe to this notion are:

1. The effectiveness of these operations are based on the level of coordination by the air and ground units when carrying them out. The US armed forces operate on a level that are unparalleled (other than a few select units from NATO nations); attempting to mix them with other forces for the sake of convenience has been detrimental in the overall outcomes of Afghani operations so far. Gary Brentsen's book "Jawbreaker" has a good explanation of this.

2. It doesn't behoove Pakistani forces to carry out devastating interdiction campaigns against it's own citizens regardless of how undesirable they are for the sake of long terms stability (a very critical issue for Pakistan). Ego aside, in this case it makes more sense for the aggressors to be outsiders who have the option of packing up and going home after the conflict is over.

3. It will take practically the entire manpower at the disposal of the Pakistan Armed forces to effectively create a barrier to capture and/or kill incoming militants without air interdiction. This mission is just as important if not more so than the actual offensive maneuvers. Also, nobody other than the Pakistan Armed Forces has the ability to effectively carry this out.

Multiple offensives from different parties may seem very enticing, but it is likely to create more confusion, collateral damage and hand the militants the opportunity to slip out and regroup elsewhere just as they have done in the past.
 
The impression a lot of us hold is that NATO efforts in Afghanistan amount to little better than a carpet bombing every time a shot is fired in the vicinity of a patrol. I came across this excellent piece that describes the operations of US soldiers in some of the harshest terrain in Afghanistan.

AM,
one way to hide your failures is to blame someone else, hence pakistan is the whipping boy in the neighbourhood

very simple really!

ps: link dosnt work
 
Energon,

If what you are suggesting is that NATO extend its operations into FATA to avail of this coordinated interdiction - then it is a non-starter from the get go. That sort of latitude allowed to the West will not be looked upon kindly within Pakistan, and to ignore the political aspects of this war will be folly. The other problem will be that allowing NATO to operate in FATA will only result in the border moving further East, and problems of a different sort crop up - more heavily populated areas and Urban Warfare.

The best option is for Pakistan's capabilities to continue to develop.
 
Hi,

Pakistan will not allow 200-300k indian troops in afghanistan. I don't think that india would agree to it either. Such a large influx of troops is not possible in the first place. So many troops cannot be flown by airplane. Pakistan will not allow it, niether china or iran will allow over flights regardless of u s has to say.

India has no intention of sticking their neck out that far for america---a basic rule of providing peace keeping troops is for the nations who appreciate this gesture and are willing to accept them---afghans ie the pushtuns would not allow it. The northern alliance would have its dream come true.
 
I think one way U.S could help pakistan is too help seal the border give technology,funding and expertise also close the border from the afghan side aswell.
 
I think one way U.S could help pakistan is too help seal the border give technology,funding and expertise also close the border from the afghan side aswell.
History shows that this is a fairly worthless venture since all of this will most probably be put to use on the eastern border against India.
 
History shows that this is a fairly worthless venture since all of this will most probably be put to use on the eastern border against India.

Future Aid can always have strings attached - in fact those strings are likely. If the US wants to pay for capacity building of the FC, there are plenty of ways it can ensure that is what happens. They have the NVG's turned in every six months for inventorying for Goodness sake.

To suggest that Pakistan somehow just diverted the money with a wink and a nod is being dishonest - Isn't the US providing these funds (and the majority of the aid mentioned primarily went to reimbursement of expenses, not F-16's)? Isn't it US equipment that is being purchased? If the US didn't like how the money was being utilized, she should have clarified it at that point. This is not a valid objection.
 
Hi,

U S can put enough troops on its side of the afghan border and seal it. No need to give equipment to pakistan. All the refugees are going to be out of pakistan by 2009. That will make the difference.
 
Future Aid can always have strings attached - in fact those strings are likely. If the US wants to pay for capacity building of the FC, there are plenty of ways it can ensure that is what happens. They have the NVG's turned in every six months for inventorying for Goodness sake.

To suggest that Pakistan somehow just diverted the money with a wink and a nod is being dishonest - Isn't the US providing these funds (and the majority of the aid mentioned primarily went to reimbursement of expenses, not F-16's)? Isn't it US equipment that is being purchased? If the US didn't like how the money was being utilized, she should have clarified it at that point. This is not a valid objection.

The US has tried to put conditions on the aid only to elicit a negative reaction from Pakistan. The USA does expect Pakistan to take some responsibility when it comes to how these funds are utilized and unfortunately that hasn't happened. Pakistan can't accept aid under a certain pretext, utilize it elsewhere and then reserve the right to express indignation when questioned about their poor judgement.

This is why I think it's time the US just completely stopped major military aid. Just limit it to COIN specific equipment such as rotary wing aircrafts and certain fixed wing aircrafts like the A-10 or turboprop super tucanos. This will allow a lot of extra funds to be left over which in their entirety should be implemented for human development projects in the forms of schools, colleges, hospitals, subsidized loans for higher education and research grants.
 
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