pr1v4t33r
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Looks like KCR-40 or PC-40 boats are pretty effective to choke and secure narrow lanes like Malaka strait.
Indonesia Defence Forum
- Thread starter nufix
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Looks like KCR-40 or PC-40 boats are pretty effective to choke and secure narrow lanes like Malaka strait.
anas_nurhafidz
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http://defense-studies.blogspot.co.id/2017/03/mrss-indonesia-jadi-pilihan-tldm.html?m=0
MRSS Indonesia Jadi Pilihan TLDM
MRSS Indonesia Jadi Pilihan TLDM
pr1v4t33r
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Friday, March 24, Freire Shipyards were conducting stability tests for "Kri Bima Suci" at Bouzas repair docks, Vigo. This over 110 meter length, three-mast barque, will become the biggest training tall ship in Indonesian Navy assets.
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Nike
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MARITIME SECURITY
LIMA 2017: Fulmar meets its Destini
24th March 2017 - 0:09by Gordon Arthur in Langkawi
The Fulmar X UAV is combining with New Generation Patrol Craft (NGPC) of the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency (MMEA) to create a more effective surveillance tool to monitor Malaysian waters.
The first boat, KM Bagan Datuk, was commissioned at Port Klang on 15 March and it put in an appearance at the LIMA 2017 exhibition in Langkawi. Both Thales and Destini Shipbuilding & Engineering were highlighting their respective contributions at the show.
This was the first sale of the Fulmar X for Thales España. Destini is actually the direct customer, as the shipbuilder was responsible for sourcing a UAV for its six 44.25m vessels ordered under a $93.3 million contract awarded in 2015.
This is the first time the MMEA has operated its own UAVs and certainly it is the first time that Malaysia has integrated from the outset a UAV capability onto its ships.
The 19kg Fulmar has a 3.1m wingspan and its 8-hour endurance offers the ship captain an extra 80km range of surveillance. An aluminium launcher rail is mounted forward of the bridge, while a foldaway net is erected behind it to recover the UAVs.
Two Fulmar operators – a pilot and sensor operator – work inside the boat.
Matt Moore, Thales' head of UAS strategy and product development, said the addition of the Fulmar X will greatly extend the surveillance reach of the NGPV and imagery from the UAVs will be integrated into the craft's common operational picture.
Thales is preparing a 'zero to hero' training package for the MMEA which assumes that operators will have little experience operating UAVs.
The Fulmar X can be land-based as well, and Moore indicated Thales continues to talk to both the MMEA and Royal Malaysian Navy about further sales.
Thales is also proffering its Watchkeeper X, which has a 16-hour endurance, to Malaysia and Indonesia. Both these countries face significant maritime surveillance needs and threats.
The NGPCs are the biggest patrol boats Destini has built to date, with the 297t vessels based on a Fassmer design. The sixth and final boat is due for delivery by June 2018.
The NGPC is armed with Aselsan's 30mm SMASH stabilised gun, this being the Turkish company's first major defence sale to Malaysia. The boats have a top speed of 24kt.
The six vessels will be used for search and rescue, fire-fighting, fishery protection, law enforcement, disaster relief, training, pollution control (e.g. oil spills) and EEZ duties.
LIMA 2017: Fulmar meets its Destini
24th March 2017 - 0:09by Gordon Arthur in Langkawi
The Fulmar X UAV is combining with New Generation Patrol Craft (NGPC) of the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency (MMEA) to create a more effective surveillance tool to monitor Malaysian waters.
The first boat, KM Bagan Datuk, was commissioned at Port Klang on 15 March and it put in an appearance at the LIMA 2017 exhibition in Langkawi. Both Thales and Destini Shipbuilding & Engineering were highlighting their respective contributions at the show.
This was the first sale of the Fulmar X for Thales España. Destini is actually the direct customer, as the shipbuilder was responsible for sourcing a UAV for its six 44.25m vessels ordered under a $93.3 million contract awarded in 2015.
This is the first time the MMEA has operated its own UAVs and certainly it is the first time that Malaysia has integrated from the outset a UAV capability onto its ships.
The 19kg Fulmar has a 3.1m wingspan and its 8-hour endurance offers the ship captain an extra 80km range of surveillance. An aluminium launcher rail is mounted forward of the bridge, while a foldaway net is erected behind it to recover the UAVs.
Two Fulmar operators – a pilot and sensor operator – work inside the boat.
Matt Moore, Thales' head of UAS strategy and product development, said the addition of the Fulmar X will greatly extend the surveillance reach of the NGPV and imagery from the UAVs will be integrated into the craft's common operational picture.
Thales is preparing a 'zero to hero' training package for the MMEA which assumes that operators will have little experience operating UAVs.
The Fulmar X can be land-based as well, and Moore indicated Thales continues to talk to both the MMEA and Royal Malaysian Navy about further sales.
Thales is also proffering its Watchkeeper X, which has a 16-hour endurance, to Malaysia and Indonesia. Both these countries face significant maritime surveillance needs and threats.
The NGPCs are the biggest patrol boats Destini has built to date, with the 297t vessels based on a Fassmer design. The sixth and final boat is due for delivery by June 2018.
The NGPC is armed with Aselsan's 30mm SMASH stabilised gun, this being the Turkish company's first major defence sale to Malaysia. The boats have a top speed of 24kt.
The six vessels will be used for search and rescue, fire-fighting, fishery protection, law enforcement, disaster relief, training, pollution control (e.g. oil spills) and EEZ duties.
Bennedict
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Here's the english version
FROM INDONESIA
INDONESIA PELAJARI OPSI LISENSI PRODUKSI AMUNISI DAN KOMPONEN BMP-3F
25 MARCH 2017 DIANEKO_LC LEAVE A COMMENT
Indonesia sedang mempelajari opsi untuk memulai lisensi produksi amunisi dan komponen untuk BMP-3F, ungkap Wakil Kepala Russia’s Federal Service for Military and Technical Cooperation, Mikhail Petukhov.
Dilansir dari armyrecognition (24/03), Petukhov membuat pernyataan ini di pameran senjata internasional LIMA 2017. “Indonesia saat ini sedang mempelajari penawaran mengenai lisensi produksi amunisasi dan komponen terpisah BMP-3F yang sebelumnya juga telah dikirim,” kata wakil kepala. Menurut dia, Rusia siap untuk bekerja sama dengan pelanggan asing potensial di bidang produksi berlisensi.
“Kami siap untuk kerjasama semacam ini seperti pemanfaatan, parameter dan prospek harus dipertimbangkan dalam setiap kasus tertentu,” kata wakil kepala. Hari ini, Angkatan Bersenjata Indonesia memiliki armada BMP-3F. Seperti dilaporkan sebelumnya, Indonesia menerima 17 unit BMP-3F pada tahun 2010. Kemudian, eksportir senjata Rosoboronexport Rusia menyampaikan batch kedua sejumlah 37 unit BMP-3F kepada Indonesia.
BMP-3F adalah versi dasar dari kendaraan yang dirancang untuk Korps Marinir. Kendaraan dapat digunakan untuk unit pertahanan dan penjaga perbatasan di wilayah pesisir.
Kendaraan ini dirancang untuk pertempuran di wilayah pesisir dan pantai untuk pendaratan amfibi. Kendaraan ini dipersenjatai dengan senjata utama meriam 100mm, koaksial gun 30mm, rudal anti-tank dan senapan mesin 7.62mm. BMP-3F memiliki tiga awak dan dapat membawa tujuh prajurit marinir.
Photo : BMP-3F Marinir (zr0)
Editor : (D.E.S)
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Indonesia is Considering the Possibility of a Licensed Production of Components for BMP-3F
LANGKAWI / Malaysia / TASS / - Indonesia is considering the possibility to establish a licensed production of shells and components for infantry fighting vehicles BMP-3F, Mikhail Petukhov, deputy director-general of the Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation (FSMTC), told reporters at the LIMA arms exhibition.
"At present, the Indonesian side is studying Russian proposals for the organization of licensed production of ammunition and individual components for previously delivered BMP-3F," Petukhov said.
According to him, Russia is ready to cooperate with potential foreign customers in the field of licensed production of equipment. "We are ready for this format of cooperation, but its appropriateness, parameters and prospects should be considered in each specific case," he said.
BMP-3F is a version of a combat vehicle for the Marine Corps, it can also be used by the Coast Guard and border guards. The machine is used to conduct combat in the coastal zone, on the coast, during the landing of the sea assault. Its arms include guns of 100 and 30 millimeters caliber, anti-tank guided missiles, a 7.62 millimeter machine gun. Crew BMP-3F consists of three people, the car can carry up to seven people landing.
The first BMP-3F was delivered to Indonesia in 2010, then the Asian country received 17 vehicles. Later, the Indonesian military received 37 more infantry fighting vehicles.
Exhibition LIMA 2017 takes place on the island of Langkawi from 21 to 25 March. More than 550 companies from 36 countries participate in it, over 300 official representatives from more than 60 countries are invited to the events.
https://vpk.name/news/177539_indoneziya_rassmatrivaet_vozmozhnost_licenzionnogo_vyipuska_komplektuyushih_dlya_bmp3f.html
pr1v4t33r
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The Counterterrorism Yearbook 2017: Indonesia
Indonesia’s 2016 was bookended by two significant terrorist events. The first was the 14 January bombing and shooting attack by four people near the Sarinah department store in the centre of Jakarta , which killed eight people and injured 23 others. The second was a series of arrests for terrorism offences, including a planned suicide bombing of the presidential palace by a female jihadist, intended for 11 December but thwarted by CT police the day before.
Those were just two of at least 13 terrorist incidents and plots in 2016, but they were notable for several reasons. Both were inspired by the Islamic State (IS) and directed by senior Indonesian members of IS in Syria. Indeed, the Sarinah attack was the first IS terrorist operation in Southeast Asia to result in the loss of life. Although in many ways a bungled operation, the attack revealed the ability of senior Indonesian jihadists in Syria to organise violence at home, rather than just recruiting Indonesians to go to the Middle East to fight for IS, as had previously been the case.
The failed 11 December plot was the first involving a potential female suicide bomber in Indonesia. Women have long played an important role in Southeast Asia’s terrorist networks, but to date have never directly participated in an operation. That marks an important change in the dynamics of Indonesian terrorism.
Since the emergence of IS in late 2013, there have been predictions that it would further radicalise terrorists in Indonesia, leading to a return to the types of mass-casualty attacks not seen since the Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotel bombings in Jakarta in August 2009. But for much of 2014 and 2015, IS’s main concern was to attract Southeast Asians to Syria and Iraq as fighters. It made little practical effort to promote operations within Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines—the sources of most of its Southeast Asian fighters. The number of returnees from the Middle East increased over 2016, suggesting that they will pose a mounting security threat for Indonesian counter-terrorism officials. In addition to pro-IS groups intensifying their activity, other sections of the jihadist community, particularly Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), are showing signs of consolidation, though they haven’t been involved in recent violent activity.
While Indonesia’s terrorism threat levels have risen because of IS factors, they remain well below those of the 2000s, when JI-linked terrorists, many of them former Mujahidin who had trained in Afghanistan and northern Pakistan in the late 1980s and early 1990s, put together a succession of highly lethal attacks that resulted in more than 300 deaths and a thousand serious injuries.
Virtually all terrorist bomb attacks and plots over the past seven years have been of low technical competence and were often amateurish in their execution. But if better leadership and technical competence became available, especially through returnees from Syria, then threat levels could rise significantly. I also contend that, despite the continued success by CT police in detecting, arresting and prosecuting violent jihadists, the Indonesian Government’s overall CT strategies are patchy and misconceived.
It’s important to keep Indonesia’s terrorism problem in perspective—something that the media isn’t always inclined to do. While Indonesia has the largest jihadist community in Southeast Asia, it suffers fewer terrorism fatalities than the Philippines. Of the several thousand Indonesian jihadists, most aren’t supporters of IS, and they don’t involve themselves in or approve of terrorist attacks against civilians, at least for now. Of the minority who are IS aligned, very few have the skills and discipline to mount major attacks, though many have the wish to do so.
While foreigners and non-Muslim Indonesians are high-priority targets for IS members and affiliates, Indonesian Government officials, especially police and prosecutors, remain at the top of the enemy list and are the most vulnerable to attack.
Indonesia is very likely to experience worsening terrorism problems in the coming years. Despite police success at breaking up terrorist cells and plots, there’s a ready supply of new recruits to extreme jihadist causes like IS. Some recruits are older, more experienced jihadists who’ve come to regard IS’s struggle as more virtuous or compelling than that of other jihadist groups to which they’ve been affiliated. But many of the new recruits are younger and from backgrounds with little trace of militancy or puritanism.
As IS’s military fortunes continue to decline in Syria and Iraq, opening up the prospect of its partial collapse, the possible return of skilled, battle-hardened jihadists to Indonesia could substantially add to the potency of local terrorist groups. If Indonesia’s experience of Mujahidin returning from Afghanistan and Pakistan 25 years ago is any guide, many IS returnees will be committed to violent jihad at home.
The likelihood of a worsening terrorism threat should impel the Jokowi government to bolster its broader counter-terrorist efforts. The National Counter-Terrorism Agency is struggling to properly address many of the key issues relating to radicalisation, and most of Indonesia’s successes in counterterrorism are due to law enforcement, rather than prevention campaigns. Better researched and more tightly targeted deradicalisation programs, along with more professional management of terrorist prisoners and closer monitoring of releasees, would be a substantial advance in Indonesia’s combating of extremism.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/counterterrorism-yearbook-2017-indonesia/
Indonesia’s 2016 was bookended by two significant terrorist events. The first was the 14 January bombing and shooting attack by four people near the Sarinah department store in the centre of Jakarta , which killed eight people and injured 23 others. The second was a series of arrests for terrorism offences, including a planned suicide bombing of the presidential palace by a female jihadist, intended for 11 December but thwarted by CT police the day before.
Those were just two of at least 13 terrorist incidents and plots in 2016, but they were notable for several reasons. Both were inspired by the Islamic State (IS) and directed by senior Indonesian members of IS in Syria. Indeed, the Sarinah attack was the first IS terrorist operation in Southeast Asia to result in the loss of life. Although in many ways a bungled operation, the attack revealed the ability of senior Indonesian jihadists in Syria to organise violence at home, rather than just recruiting Indonesians to go to the Middle East to fight for IS, as had previously been the case.
The failed 11 December plot was the first involving a potential female suicide bomber in Indonesia. Women have long played an important role in Southeast Asia’s terrorist networks, but to date have never directly participated in an operation. That marks an important change in the dynamics of Indonesian terrorism.
Since the emergence of IS in late 2013, there have been predictions that it would further radicalise terrorists in Indonesia, leading to a return to the types of mass-casualty attacks not seen since the Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotel bombings in Jakarta in August 2009. But for much of 2014 and 2015, IS’s main concern was to attract Southeast Asians to Syria and Iraq as fighters. It made little practical effort to promote operations within Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines—the sources of most of its Southeast Asian fighters. The number of returnees from the Middle East increased over 2016, suggesting that they will pose a mounting security threat for Indonesian counter-terrorism officials. In addition to pro-IS groups intensifying their activity, other sections of the jihadist community, particularly Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), are showing signs of consolidation, though they haven’t been involved in recent violent activity.
While Indonesia’s terrorism threat levels have risen because of IS factors, they remain well below those of the 2000s, when JI-linked terrorists, many of them former Mujahidin who had trained in Afghanistan and northern Pakistan in the late 1980s and early 1990s, put together a succession of highly lethal attacks that resulted in more than 300 deaths and a thousand serious injuries.
Virtually all terrorist bomb attacks and plots over the past seven years have been of low technical competence and were often amateurish in their execution. But if better leadership and technical competence became available, especially through returnees from Syria, then threat levels could rise significantly. I also contend that, despite the continued success by CT police in detecting, arresting and prosecuting violent jihadists, the Indonesian Government’s overall CT strategies are patchy and misconceived.
It’s important to keep Indonesia’s terrorism problem in perspective—something that the media isn’t always inclined to do. While Indonesia has the largest jihadist community in Southeast Asia, it suffers fewer terrorism fatalities than the Philippines. Of the several thousand Indonesian jihadists, most aren’t supporters of IS, and they don’t involve themselves in or approve of terrorist attacks against civilians, at least for now. Of the minority who are IS aligned, very few have the skills and discipline to mount major attacks, though many have the wish to do so.
While foreigners and non-Muslim Indonesians are high-priority targets for IS members and affiliates, Indonesian Government officials, especially police and prosecutors, remain at the top of the enemy list and are the most vulnerable to attack.
Indonesia is very likely to experience worsening terrorism problems in the coming years. Despite police success at breaking up terrorist cells and plots, there’s a ready supply of new recruits to extreme jihadist causes like IS. Some recruits are older, more experienced jihadists who’ve come to regard IS’s struggle as more virtuous or compelling than that of other jihadist groups to which they’ve been affiliated. But many of the new recruits are younger and from backgrounds with little trace of militancy or puritanism.
As IS’s military fortunes continue to decline in Syria and Iraq, opening up the prospect of its partial collapse, the possible return of skilled, battle-hardened jihadists to Indonesia could substantially add to the potency of local terrorist groups. If Indonesia’s experience of Mujahidin returning from Afghanistan and Pakistan 25 years ago is any guide, many IS returnees will be committed to violent jihad at home.
The likelihood of a worsening terrorism threat should impel the Jokowi government to bolster its broader counter-terrorist efforts. The National Counter-Terrorism Agency is struggling to properly address many of the key issues relating to radicalisation, and most of Indonesia’s successes in counterterrorism are due to law enforcement, rather than prevention campaigns. Better researched and more tightly targeted deradicalisation programs, along with more professional management of terrorist prisoners and closer monitoring of releasees, would be a substantial advance in Indonesia’s combating of extremism.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/counterterrorism-yearbook-2017-indonesia/
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Jakartans@PkDef
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its part of a deal for 24 units of refurbished and upgraded F-16 C/D block 25.
18 has come, 6 more to go.
pr1v4t33r
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Big Oz bets on Asia
The descriptor ‘Asia’ attempts to identify so much that it delivers sparse meaning. So making a series of big bets on Asia will help define the many tasks and pressures confronting the Foreign Policy White Paper. The Asia bets flow from the need to Trump-proof the alliance. The previous column outlined Australian bets on Japan stepping up as an independent strategic leader in Asia and on Australia seeking membership of ASEAN. Now for further bets on Indonesia and India (with China on the table next week).
These big punts are an Oz version of Pascal’s Wager, living to secure infinite gains (heaven) and avoid infinite losses (hell). Australia must wager that the emerging Asian order can achieve some levels of rationality, cohesion and peace—and not send us to hell. Indonesia is a prime example of the uncertainties that bedevil Australia’s Asia bets. Name two neighbouring states with less in common. Maybe Australia and Papua New Guinea come close. Indonesia can direct Australia’s regional dreams or dominate its nightmares. Just as Papua New Guinea shapes the way Australia thinks about the South Pacific, Indonesia frames Australia’s view of Southeast Asia.
Australia and Indonesia make a disparate pair, destined to discomfort, elevating a bit of common pragmatism to a guiding principle: we must live together though we are ever apart. The Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Frances Adamson, frames the Indonesia bet in the White Paper: ‘A key question for Australian diplomacy is what influence we will have in Indonesia as it grows in stature?’
Her answer:
‘As Indonesia reaches its potential as a top-ten or even top-five economy, with strategic weight to match, we want Indonesia to look to Australia as a reliable source of acute judgements and sensitive advice.’
In this bilateral relationship, the power meter keeps shifting Jakarta’s way. The problem for Oz is a 1960s Jakarta jest that still resonates: ‘Australia is like your appendix, you only think about it when it hurts.’ In the 20th century, the relationship was defined by differences. This century, Australia must seek equality and partnership with an ever-more powerful Indonesia. Our mindset must change.
As on most things Oz–Indonesia, the late Jamie Mackie is a reliable source. Here’s a ten-point guide drawing on many years listening to Jamie, as well as the study he wrote (a decade old, yet as fresh as tomorrow): ‘Australia and Indonesia: Current problems, future prospects’.
A central Mackie thought:
‘We should endeavour to ensure at all costs that our broader regional and global policies diverge from Indonesia’s as little as possible—and ideally should follow essentially convergent trajectories.’
Continually measuring Australia’s choices against Indonesian regional policy is a distinctly new way to steer Canberra’s mindset, and will constitute one of our big bets. Such an alignment will feed into the slow shift that would see Australia and New Zealand eventually join ASEAN.
readmore: https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/big-oz-bets-asia-part-two/
The descriptor ‘Asia’ attempts to identify so much that it delivers sparse meaning. So making a series of big bets on Asia will help define the many tasks and pressures confronting the Foreign Policy White Paper. The Asia bets flow from the need to Trump-proof the alliance. The previous column outlined Australian bets on Japan stepping up as an independent strategic leader in Asia and on Australia seeking membership of ASEAN. Now for further bets on Indonesia and India (with China on the table next week).
These big punts are an Oz version of Pascal’s Wager, living to secure infinite gains (heaven) and avoid infinite losses (hell). Australia must wager that the emerging Asian order can achieve some levels of rationality, cohesion and peace—and not send us to hell. Indonesia is a prime example of the uncertainties that bedevil Australia’s Asia bets. Name two neighbouring states with less in common. Maybe Australia and Papua New Guinea come close. Indonesia can direct Australia’s regional dreams or dominate its nightmares. Just as Papua New Guinea shapes the way Australia thinks about the South Pacific, Indonesia frames Australia’s view of Southeast Asia.
Australia and Indonesia make a disparate pair, destined to discomfort, elevating a bit of common pragmatism to a guiding principle: we must live together though we are ever apart. The Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Frances Adamson, frames the Indonesia bet in the White Paper: ‘A key question for Australian diplomacy is what influence we will have in Indonesia as it grows in stature?’
Her answer:
‘As Indonesia reaches its potential as a top-ten or even top-five economy, with strategic weight to match, we want Indonesia to look to Australia as a reliable source of acute judgements and sensitive advice.’
In this bilateral relationship, the power meter keeps shifting Jakarta’s way. The problem for Oz is a 1960s Jakarta jest that still resonates: ‘Australia is like your appendix, you only think about it when it hurts.’ In the 20th century, the relationship was defined by differences. This century, Australia must seek equality and partnership with an ever-more powerful Indonesia. Our mindset must change.
As on most things Oz–Indonesia, the late Jamie Mackie is a reliable source. Here’s a ten-point guide drawing on many years listening to Jamie, as well as the study he wrote (a decade old, yet as fresh as tomorrow): ‘Australia and Indonesia: Current problems, future prospects’.
A central Mackie thought:
‘We should endeavour to ensure at all costs that our broader regional and global policies diverge from Indonesia’s as little as possible—and ideally should follow essentially convergent trajectories.’
Continually measuring Australia’s choices against Indonesian regional policy is a distinctly new way to steer Canberra’s mindset, and will constitute one of our big bets. Such an alignment will feed into the slow shift that would see Australia and New Zealand eventually join ASEAN.
readmore: https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/big-oz-bets-asia-part-two/
Last edited:
anas_nurhafidz
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LIMA 17
JUPITER AND BLACK EAGLE
JUPITER AND BLACK EAGLE
pr1v4t33r
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Naval HQ VI Makassar, gets 2 units Sea Rider
Sea rider baru milik Lantamal VI ini memiliki panjang 7,5 meter dan lebar 3 meter. Sea rider ini mampu mengangkut delapan orang anggota untuk melaksanakan patroli. Memiliki daya bobot sebesar 2.200 kg, sea rider ini mampu mencapai kecepatan maksimum 25 knots yang dihasilkan dari mesin Yamaha 2 x 85 HP. Sea rider yang dilengkapai sistem GPS cangih ini mampu melakukan pendeteksian dan pengejaran terhadap kapal-kapal yang melakukan pelanggaran.
Sea rider baru milik Lantamal VI ini memiliki panjang 7,5 meter dan lebar 3 meter. Sea rider ini mampu mengangkut delapan orang anggota untuk melaksanakan patroli. Memiliki daya bobot sebesar 2.200 kg, sea rider ini mampu mencapai kecepatan maksimum 25 knots yang dihasilkan dari mesin Yamaha 2 x 85 HP. Sea rider yang dilengkapai sistem GPS cangih ini mampu melakukan pendeteksian dan pengejaran terhadap kapal-kapal yang melakukan pelanggaran.
mandala
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First Steel Cutting of another PC-40 M Patrol Boat for the Indonesian Navy by PT Caputra Mitra Sejati.
DANLANAL BANTEN HADIRI FIRST STEEL CUTTING KAPAL PC 40 METER
Berkat keberhasilannya dalam membuat KRI jenis PC 40 M yang saat ini bernama KRI Kurau-856 yang telah di launching pada tanggal 07 Maret 2017, Galangan Kapal PT. Caputra Mitra Sejati (CMS) Banten kembali mendapat kepercayaan dari TNI Angkatan Laut untuk membuat kapal perang dengan jenis yang sama dan spektek yang tidak jauh berbeda dengan kapal sebelumnya. Kapal yang akan dibuat kali ini juga akan dilengkapi dengan persenjataannya. (Kamis, 23/03/2017).
Dalam amanatnya Kepala Dinas Pengadaan Angkatan Laut (Kadisadal) Laksma TNI Prasetya Nugraha, S.T. yang dibacakan oleh Sekdisadal Kolonel Laut (T) Supriatno mengatakan ucapan terima kasih kepada Direktur Utama PT. CMS beserta jajarannya atas terselenggaranya First Steel Cutting kapal PC 40 M dengan senjata yang merupakan simbolisasi Formal dimulainya proses pembangunan satu unit kapal perang Republik Indonesia jenis PC jenis PC 40 meter dengan senjata. Pembangunan kapal PC 40 M dengan senjata saat ini merupakan tindak lanjut pengadaan alut sista dalam rangka meningkatkan kekuatan dan kemampuan TNI Angkatan Laut mengacu kepada kebijakan dasar pembangunan TNI Angkatan Laut menuju kekuatan pokok Minimum Essential Force.
Kadisadal berharap dengan telah terselenggaranya kegiatan First Steel Cutting agar seluruh personel Satgas DN Yekda dapat mengawal pembangunan kapal ini dengan bekerjasama dan berkomunikasi yang baik, dengan pihak galangan maupun surveyor/biro klasifikasi yang ditunjuk sehingga produk kapal PC 40 Meter yang dihasilkan nanti sesuai dengan Requerement yang diharapkan serta sesuai dengan kualitas, schedule dan budget yang telah disepakati.
Dalam acara tersebut hadir Irdalog Itjenal Kol Laut (T) T Surachman, Paban 2 Mat Slogal Kolonel Laut (T) Ir. Yudi Trividya, Sekdisadal Kolonel Laut (T) Supriatno, Kasubdis dalada Kolonel Laut (T) Edhi Prasetya, Kasubdis adagri Kolonel Laut (T) Supriyanto, Danlanal Banten Letkol Laut (P) Rudi Haryanto, S.E, DAN Satgas PC 40 TA. 2016 Kolonel Laut (T) Al Sunaryo, DAN Satgas PC 40 TA. 2017 Kolonel Laut (T) Christanto Pratomo, Dirut PT. CMS beserta jajaran direksi PT. CMS Banten.
(Pen Lanal Banten)
http://www.tnial.mil.id/tabid/79/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/34963/Default.aspx
DANLANAL BANTEN HADIRI FIRST STEEL CUTTING KAPAL PC 40 METER
Berkat keberhasilannya dalam membuat KRI jenis PC 40 M yang saat ini bernama KRI Kurau-856 yang telah di launching pada tanggal 07 Maret 2017, Galangan Kapal PT. Caputra Mitra Sejati (CMS) Banten kembali mendapat kepercayaan dari TNI Angkatan Laut untuk membuat kapal perang dengan jenis yang sama dan spektek yang tidak jauh berbeda dengan kapal sebelumnya. Kapal yang akan dibuat kali ini juga akan dilengkapi dengan persenjataannya. (Kamis, 23/03/2017).
Dalam amanatnya Kepala Dinas Pengadaan Angkatan Laut (Kadisadal) Laksma TNI Prasetya Nugraha, S.T. yang dibacakan oleh Sekdisadal Kolonel Laut (T) Supriatno mengatakan ucapan terima kasih kepada Direktur Utama PT. CMS beserta jajarannya atas terselenggaranya First Steel Cutting kapal PC 40 M dengan senjata yang merupakan simbolisasi Formal dimulainya proses pembangunan satu unit kapal perang Republik Indonesia jenis PC jenis PC 40 meter dengan senjata. Pembangunan kapal PC 40 M dengan senjata saat ini merupakan tindak lanjut pengadaan alut sista dalam rangka meningkatkan kekuatan dan kemampuan TNI Angkatan Laut mengacu kepada kebijakan dasar pembangunan TNI Angkatan Laut menuju kekuatan pokok Minimum Essential Force.
Kadisadal berharap dengan telah terselenggaranya kegiatan First Steel Cutting agar seluruh personel Satgas DN Yekda dapat mengawal pembangunan kapal ini dengan bekerjasama dan berkomunikasi yang baik, dengan pihak galangan maupun surveyor/biro klasifikasi yang ditunjuk sehingga produk kapal PC 40 Meter yang dihasilkan nanti sesuai dengan Requerement yang diharapkan serta sesuai dengan kualitas, schedule dan budget yang telah disepakati.
Dalam acara tersebut hadir Irdalog Itjenal Kol Laut (T) T Surachman, Paban 2 Mat Slogal Kolonel Laut (T) Ir. Yudi Trividya, Sekdisadal Kolonel Laut (T) Supriatno, Kasubdis dalada Kolonel Laut (T) Edhi Prasetya, Kasubdis adagri Kolonel Laut (T) Supriyanto, Danlanal Banten Letkol Laut (P) Rudi Haryanto, S.E, DAN Satgas PC 40 TA. 2016 Kolonel Laut (T) Al Sunaryo, DAN Satgas PC 40 TA. 2017 Kolonel Laut (T) Christanto Pratomo, Dirut PT. CMS beserta jajaran direksi PT. CMS Banten.
(Pen Lanal Banten)
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