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shashikant
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We will drag it to 5000 pages.
Fire at Haryana govt office, records, equipment gutted - The Times of India
Just before an election or a change of guard, these mysterious fires seem to strike govt buildings, esp places where records are kept. hmmm..
Just before an election or a change of guard, these mysterious fires seem to strike govt buildings, esp places where records are kept. hmmm..
Echo_419
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Congressio ki Sarkaar ne bade kamene kam keye hai,ek na ek ke liye toh sale phass he jayenge
shashikant
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Two Gandhis have always meant trouble, will adding Priyanka finish Congress? - Firstpost
.
Priyanka Gandhi has scotched the
latest round of speculation on her
taking up some big responsibility in
the Congress with an open denial.
However, given the fascination with
her in the media and the general
suspicion at Rahul Gandhi’s
leadership acumen another bout of
excitement around her supposed
‘big role’ could only be round the
corner.
While the cycle of speculation and
denials will be endless given her
unique presence in the Congress
scheme of things, there is a bigger
question that slips under the radar
all the time: can the party handle
three Gandhis at the top?
Two Gandhis at the helm of affairs
have more often than not spelt
trouble for the Congress. Take the
case of Jawaharlal Nehru-Indira
Gandhi or Indira-Sanjay Gandhi or
Sonia-Rahul. On the face of it, each
looks a formidable and invincible
combination. But in reality, specially
in the case of the latter two, it put
the organisation and the
government under strain, added to
the pulls and pressures and created
confusion among workers as the
centre of gravity in the organization/
government see-sawed, depending
on the occasion and situation.
And now there are loud demands for
inducting a third into the
organisation.
Will the entry of a third ---in this
case, Priyanka Vadra or Priyanka
Gandhi Vadra as many would have it
--reverse the trend? Or will it make
it go bust as portended by the oft-
quoted Hindi saying: ``teen tigada,
kaam bigada? (three spells trouble)?
If two is many, three is perhaps two
too many. More so, when instead of
being aides whose prominence and
role a party can absorb, the second
or even third Gandhi steps in to
share authority and responsibility
without any clear cut division of
work.
No political party brooks a division
of authority at the top even if can
withstand a powerful coterie trying
to tap the fountainhead. And when
a dynast or a leader deliberately
splits his/her authority (as distinct
from delegating it), he/she sows the
seeds of divided loyalties and
approaches that ends up bleeding
the organisation.
Nehru and Indira
It all began in a small way during
the Nehru era when Indira started
helping out her father Jawaharlal
Nehru, the country’s first prime
minister and a charismatic and
towering personality. Even though
she experimented with politics as
Allahabad party chief and Congress
Working Committee member, she
remained his understudy, absorbing
and learning all she could from him,
but with little or no direct or visible
authority of her own.
But in 1959, when she was elected
Congress president, her role as party
chief came in conflict with the Prime
Minister’s, particularly on handling
communist ruled Kerala where the
party’s state unit was battling the
red cadres. Though she kept the
post only for a year, reports of that
time suggest that while the aging
leader, given his mindset, was
reluctant to dismiss the
democratically elected communist
government in 1960, he did it at her
behest. If he was accused of
nepotism for installing her as party
chief, the dismissal opened him to
the charge of being undemocratic
and using her as a front. During
that period, Indira also sanctioned
the Congress’s tie up with the
Muslim League and the Church—
which set the stage for coalition
governments in Kerala---which Nehru
may not have liked but did not stop.
Indira and Sanjay
After Nehru’s death in 1964 and Lal
Bahadur Shastri’s in 1966, the
Congress installed Indira as prime
minister. Dismissed as a ``gungi
gudiya’’ (dumb doll) initially, she
soon came into her own as she split
the Congress and took firm control of
the party and the government.
The problems began with 25-year old
Sanjay coming to the fore and
functioning as an extra-
constitutional and political
authority. For nine years since 1971
when he became an aide, advisor
and political heir to his mother, the
Congress found itself pulled in two
different directions—the one it had
been following and the one Sanjay
wanted it to follow---with Indira’s
constitutional and political role
often in conflict with her motherly
instincts, shades of which could also
be seen in the Sonia-Rahul chapter.
The controversy over her
government’s decision to give Sanjay
a license to make an indigenous
``people’s car’’ was eclipsed by the
1971 Bangladesh war and her
landslide victory in the national
elections which made her and her
son more powerful. It emboldened
them even as protests gradually
built up outside. By the time the
Emergency was declared in 1975,
Sanjay was calling the shots, he and
his friends were managing the
organisation and the PM’s house--
and not her office--was running the
government. Those who resented his
interference had, like then I&B
Minister I K Gujral, to quit.
Decisions like razing the Turkman
Gate tenements in Delhi and the
1976 compulsory sterilization
programme fuelled public anger and
outrage.
Contesting his first election in 1977,
Sanjay lost in Amethi, Indira in Rae
Bareli and the party was wiped out
in North India.
But the collapse of the new Janata
party government saw Indira
storming back to power in January
1980, with Sanjay in tow as an MP.
Four months later she legitimized
his pre-eminence by making him
general secretary. A month later he
died in a plane crash, the Congress
floundered and Indira’s plan of a
dynastic succession went awry.
Indira and Rajiv
Though Sanjay’s widow Maneka was
keen to enter politics, Indira
preferred to rope in her older son
Rajiv---which led to a fall-out and
her ouster from the Gandhi
household. A reluctant politician,
Rajiv was elected from Amethi in
1981 and as part of his political
grooming made general secretary
and in charge of organizing the 1982
Asian Games.
But before he could become a power
centre along with Indira in the
manner in which Sanjay did, the
party and government were
overtaken by problems like the
growing militancy in Punjab which
led her to launch Operation Bluestar
at the Golden Temple in Amritsar.
Politically, the move cost the
Congress very heavy and Indira was
assassinated by her guards on 31
October 1984.
Though temperamentally different
from his brash and ambitious
brother, the four years Rajiv spent
with his mother in active politics
were too short for him to
superimpose himself on the party
and government in the manner
Sanjay had done. He was seen to be
growing into the number 2 slot;
Sanjay was already number 2.
After Indira’s death, 40 year old
Rajiv became the PM. His wife Sonia
abhorred politics like he had done
and his children were much too
young to play any role when he
moved to South Bloc. There was no
confusion that the power and
authority he wielded was his alone,
though he had his own coterie
around him. In 1991 he too was
assassinated.
Sonia and Rahul
The story of another set of Gandhis
leading the charge began in 2004
when Sonia got a reluctant Rahul to
represent Amethi. In the first few
years, he took a back seat, observing
and absorbing but giving little
indication that his interest in
politics had grown. Made general
secretary in 2007, he focused on
revamping the frontal organizations
which remains an incomplete
exercise. Any influence he had on
the Congress was discreet while he
was politically correct while
petitioning Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh for an expanded
NREGA or a Bundelkhand package.
Sonia dominated the show as she
steered the party, the UPA and the
government. There was no doubt
that in the Sonia-Manmohan-Rahul
trinity, she held the reins of power
and authority.
The trouble started after 2009 in
UPA-2 when Sonia began to entrust
her son with some of her own
responsibilities, specially when she
went abroad for surgery in 2011. And
as she stepped back, Rahul’s own
performance came in for closer
scrutiny and he was found wanting.
The Congress’s youth icon was
nowhere to be seen when youngsters
came out to back Anna Hazare’s
anti-graft agitation in 2011 or
protested over the Delhi gangrape in
2012.
His invisibility and inaccessibility
damaged his and his party’s image,
his clinical style of functioning and
failure to deliver in elections worried
Congress workers and his growing
clout created tensions between the
party’s old guard and the new
brigade he was nurturing which
damaged the organisation.
Anointed vice president in early
2013, despite his failures, Rahul
shocked everyone by publicly
rubbishing as ``nonsense’’ the
cabinet’s proposed ordinance to
protect convicted lawmakers. The PM
had to roll back the decision, his
depleted authority further eroded
while Rahul himself came across as
half a leader, immature and
hotheaded.
The series of electoral defeats
including in Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat,
Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Delhi and the recent
Lok Sabha debacle in the backdrop
of price rise and allegations of
corruption left an already weakened
Congress reeling. As the party lost
track and appeal, Congress leaders
attacked Rahul’s uninspiring
leadership and dubbed him a
``joker’’.
Demands grew for Sonia to resume
control of the party. But even she
was not spared this time, with senior
leader Jagmeet Brar advising the duo
to take a break and hand over the
reins to someone else. Desperate
Congressmen called on Priyanka
Vadra to come forward and revive the
party which had, under Rahul’s
stewardship, won just 44 Lok Sabha
seats and could not even claim the
status of Leader of Opposition
position. They wanted to be led, not
by Rahul, but a triad of Priyanka-
Sonia-Rahul in that order.
Sonia, Rahul and Priyanka
If Priyanka joins politics, it would be
a completely new situation with
three members of the same family in
the political frame at the same time.
On earlier occasions, the third family
member either had to play a
supporting role---as Nehru’s sister
Vijayalaxmi did during his tenure---
or be cast out as Maneka was. When
Sanjay held sway, Rajiv was happy
flying planes as a commercial pilot.
Will Priyanka’s entry bring clarity or
lead to a further fragmentation of
authority? Will it add to the existing
strains in the electorally mauled
outfit, create more confusion among
Congress workers desperately seeking
guidance and inspiration and worsen
the situation or will it provide a
healing touch and a much needed
balance to put the party back on an
even keel?
There are far too many questions
and imponderables before the party.
Even if Sonia-Rahul-Priyanka work as
a team, there is little doubt who the
grass-root workers, yearning for a
saviour, want right now. And if they
have their choice, Rahul would have
to play second fiddle to Priyanka and
Sonia her no matter what position
he holds.
However, there is also the question
whether Priyanka has it in her to
revive the party. Her ground level
forays have been limited to the
family’s parliamentary boroughs of
Rae Bareli and Amethi where victory
was taken for granted and her only
role was to secure an impressive
margin. She succeeded in it even
though she and Rahul had to sweat
it out in Amethi this time. But her
much talked about magic failed in
the 2012 assembly polls where she
could deliver just two out of the 10
assembly seats in the region.
If she steps in, she has a long haul
before her to rebuild the party and
the experiment of a trinity and its
impact on the organisation would be
put to test.
Those who lost polls still engaging in vote-bank politics: PM
.
New Delhi: In a veiled attack on Congress and Samajwadi Party, Prime Minister Narendra Modi today accused them of continuing to practice vote-bank politics to divide society and asserted that disturbance of peace and harmony will not be tolerated. "BJP never accepts incidents (of violence) which are taking place in the country. Peace, unity and harmony are the pre-requisites for progress and there will be no compromise on this. "Those who have suffered a massive defeat in the elections are still not able to desist from engaging in old vote-bank politics. They are engaged in disturbing the social fabric," Modi said addressing the BJP's National Council meeting in New Delhi. His attack on rivals without naming them comes against the backdrop of BJP being accused of fanning communal violence in Uttar Pradesh. Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi, who stormed the Well of the Lok Sabha to demand debate on rising communal violence, has said the violence in Uttar Pradesh was "artificially and deliberately engineered". In this hour, Modi said, BJP workers will have to play a crucial role to ensure communal and national unity so that the nation moves forward. "When the country makes progress, its 125 crore people make progress," he said. Talking about his government which was formed after BJP's landslide victory, the prime minister said "different and tough yardsticks" are being applied to gauge its performance. "Those who have not done anything for 60 years are asking for our account of 60 days," he said attacking Congress yet again. "We are judged by different and tough yardsticks. I don't know why it is happening. Only time will tell. But we should accept this challenge. It is good for us that we are judged by stringent yardstick. We will pass the test," Modi said. "I have myself come out of 14 years of trial," said the former Gujarat chief minister who was constantly under attack over the 2002 riots. Noting that people have given their verdict through the ballot, he said, "it is our turn now" and "we will adequately fulfill the aspirations of people". Contending that things have started changing after 60 days of BJP coming to power, Modi said, "We will be successful in bringing about the change.. we have to have faith in ourselves. We will never bow before adversities." He said after being at the helm of government for 60 days, he has got the grasp of things and is confident that major tasks can be executed. Modi said that outlook of the world towards India has changed because BJP has come to power with full majority. "It reposes confidence in them (foreign countries)," he said. He underlined the need for taking advantage globally of the fact that BJP has got such a big majority. Taking a dig at his rivals, he said questions were asked as to "who knows Modi outside Gujarat" but "people were in a mood to give and they gave". The prime minister admitted that he knew very little about Delhi or Parliament before winning the elections but after 60 days, he was confident of fulfilling the expectations of the people. He recalled that at the start of the election campaign he had started saying that BJP should get 300 seats on its own. "Some of my colleagues said why I am talking about numbers. But I felt that people had made up their mind to vote for BJP and just wanted someone to ask for it," said Modi who led the party's campaign as its prime ministerial candidate. Modi suggests that BJP should dedicate each year to promoting social causes like energy conservation, toilets, girl child education.
.
Priyanka Gandhi has scotched the
latest round of speculation on her
taking up some big responsibility in
the Congress with an open denial.
However, given the fascination with
her in the media and the general
suspicion at Rahul Gandhi’s
leadership acumen another bout of
excitement around her supposed
‘big role’ could only be round the
corner.
While the cycle of speculation and
denials will be endless given her
unique presence in the Congress
scheme of things, there is a bigger
question that slips under the radar
all the time: can the party handle
three Gandhis at the top?
Two Gandhis at the helm of affairs
have more often than not spelt
trouble for the Congress. Take the
case of Jawaharlal Nehru-Indira
Gandhi or Indira-Sanjay Gandhi or
Sonia-Rahul. On the face of it, each
looks a formidable and invincible
combination. But in reality, specially
in the case of the latter two, it put
the organisation and the
government under strain, added to
the pulls and pressures and created
confusion among workers as the
centre of gravity in the organization/
government see-sawed, depending
on the occasion and situation.
And now there are loud demands for
inducting a third into the
organisation.
Will the entry of a third ---in this
case, Priyanka Vadra or Priyanka
Gandhi Vadra as many would have it
--reverse the trend? Or will it make
it go bust as portended by the oft-
quoted Hindi saying: ``teen tigada,
kaam bigada? (three spells trouble)?
If two is many, three is perhaps two
too many. More so, when instead of
being aides whose prominence and
role a party can absorb, the second
or even third Gandhi steps in to
share authority and responsibility
without any clear cut division of
work.
No political party brooks a division
of authority at the top even if can
withstand a powerful coterie trying
to tap the fountainhead. And when
a dynast or a leader deliberately
splits his/her authority (as distinct
from delegating it), he/she sows the
seeds of divided loyalties and
approaches that ends up bleeding
the organisation.
Nehru and Indira
It all began in a small way during
the Nehru era when Indira started
helping out her father Jawaharlal
Nehru, the country’s first prime
minister and a charismatic and
towering personality. Even though
she experimented with politics as
Allahabad party chief and Congress
Working Committee member, she
remained his understudy, absorbing
and learning all she could from him,
but with little or no direct or visible
authority of her own.
But in 1959, when she was elected
Congress president, her role as party
chief came in conflict with the Prime
Minister’s, particularly on handling
communist ruled Kerala where the
party’s state unit was battling the
red cadres. Though she kept the
post only for a year, reports of that
time suggest that while the aging
leader, given his mindset, was
reluctant to dismiss the
democratically elected communist
government in 1960, he did it at her
behest. If he was accused of
nepotism for installing her as party
chief, the dismissal opened him to
the charge of being undemocratic
and using her as a front. During
that period, Indira also sanctioned
the Congress’s tie up with the
Muslim League and the Church—
which set the stage for coalition
governments in Kerala---which Nehru
may not have liked but did not stop.
Indira and Sanjay
After Nehru’s death in 1964 and Lal
Bahadur Shastri’s in 1966, the
Congress installed Indira as prime
minister. Dismissed as a ``gungi
gudiya’’ (dumb doll) initially, she
soon came into her own as she split
the Congress and took firm control of
the party and the government.
The problems began with 25-year old
Sanjay coming to the fore and
functioning as an extra-
constitutional and political
authority. For nine years since 1971
when he became an aide, advisor
and political heir to his mother, the
Congress found itself pulled in two
different directions—the one it had
been following and the one Sanjay
wanted it to follow---with Indira’s
constitutional and political role
often in conflict with her motherly
instincts, shades of which could also
be seen in the Sonia-Rahul chapter.
The controversy over her
government’s decision to give Sanjay
a license to make an indigenous
``people’s car’’ was eclipsed by the
1971 Bangladesh war and her
landslide victory in the national
elections which made her and her
son more powerful. It emboldened
them even as protests gradually
built up outside. By the time the
Emergency was declared in 1975,
Sanjay was calling the shots, he and
his friends were managing the
organisation and the PM’s house--
and not her office--was running the
government. Those who resented his
interference had, like then I&B
Minister I K Gujral, to quit.
Decisions like razing the Turkman
Gate tenements in Delhi and the
1976 compulsory sterilization
programme fuelled public anger and
outrage.
Contesting his first election in 1977,
Sanjay lost in Amethi, Indira in Rae
Bareli and the party was wiped out
in North India.
But the collapse of the new Janata
party government saw Indira
storming back to power in January
1980, with Sanjay in tow as an MP.
Four months later she legitimized
his pre-eminence by making him
general secretary. A month later he
died in a plane crash, the Congress
floundered and Indira’s plan of a
dynastic succession went awry.
Indira and Rajiv
Though Sanjay’s widow Maneka was
keen to enter politics, Indira
preferred to rope in her older son
Rajiv---which led to a fall-out and
her ouster from the Gandhi
household. A reluctant politician,
Rajiv was elected from Amethi in
1981 and as part of his political
grooming made general secretary
and in charge of organizing the 1982
Asian Games.
But before he could become a power
centre along with Indira in the
manner in which Sanjay did, the
party and government were
overtaken by problems like the
growing militancy in Punjab which
led her to launch Operation Bluestar
at the Golden Temple in Amritsar.
Politically, the move cost the
Congress very heavy and Indira was
assassinated by her guards on 31
October 1984.
Though temperamentally different
from his brash and ambitious
brother, the four years Rajiv spent
with his mother in active politics
were too short for him to
superimpose himself on the party
and government in the manner
Sanjay had done. He was seen to be
growing into the number 2 slot;
Sanjay was already number 2.
After Indira’s death, 40 year old
Rajiv became the PM. His wife Sonia
abhorred politics like he had done
and his children were much too
young to play any role when he
moved to South Bloc. There was no
confusion that the power and
authority he wielded was his alone,
though he had his own coterie
around him. In 1991 he too was
assassinated.
Sonia and Rahul
The story of another set of Gandhis
leading the charge began in 2004
when Sonia got a reluctant Rahul to
represent Amethi. In the first few
years, he took a back seat, observing
and absorbing but giving little
indication that his interest in
politics had grown. Made general
secretary in 2007, he focused on
revamping the frontal organizations
which remains an incomplete
exercise. Any influence he had on
the Congress was discreet while he
was politically correct while
petitioning Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh for an expanded
NREGA or a Bundelkhand package.
Sonia dominated the show as she
steered the party, the UPA and the
government. There was no doubt
that in the Sonia-Manmohan-Rahul
trinity, she held the reins of power
and authority.
The trouble started after 2009 in
UPA-2 when Sonia began to entrust
her son with some of her own
responsibilities, specially when she
went abroad for surgery in 2011. And
as she stepped back, Rahul’s own
performance came in for closer
scrutiny and he was found wanting.
The Congress’s youth icon was
nowhere to be seen when youngsters
came out to back Anna Hazare’s
anti-graft agitation in 2011 or
protested over the Delhi gangrape in
2012.
His invisibility and inaccessibility
damaged his and his party’s image,
his clinical style of functioning and
failure to deliver in elections worried
Congress workers and his growing
clout created tensions between the
party’s old guard and the new
brigade he was nurturing which
damaged the organisation.
Anointed vice president in early
2013, despite his failures, Rahul
shocked everyone by publicly
rubbishing as ``nonsense’’ the
cabinet’s proposed ordinance to
protect convicted lawmakers. The PM
had to roll back the decision, his
depleted authority further eroded
while Rahul himself came across as
half a leader, immature and
hotheaded.
The series of electoral defeats
including in Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat,
Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Delhi and the recent
Lok Sabha debacle in the backdrop
of price rise and allegations of
corruption left an already weakened
Congress reeling. As the party lost
track and appeal, Congress leaders
attacked Rahul’s uninspiring
leadership and dubbed him a
``joker’’.
Demands grew for Sonia to resume
control of the party. But even she
was not spared this time, with senior
leader Jagmeet Brar advising the duo
to take a break and hand over the
reins to someone else. Desperate
Congressmen called on Priyanka
Vadra to come forward and revive the
party which had, under Rahul’s
stewardship, won just 44 Lok Sabha
seats and could not even claim the
status of Leader of Opposition
position. They wanted to be led, not
by Rahul, but a triad of Priyanka-
Sonia-Rahul in that order.
Sonia, Rahul and Priyanka
If Priyanka joins politics, it would be
a completely new situation with
three members of the same family in
the political frame at the same time.
On earlier occasions, the third family
member either had to play a
supporting role---as Nehru’s sister
Vijayalaxmi did during his tenure---
or be cast out as Maneka was. When
Sanjay held sway, Rajiv was happy
flying planes as a commercial pilot.
Will Priyanka’s entry bring clarity or
lead to a further fragmentation of
authority? Will it add to the existing
strains in the electorally mauled
outfit, create more confusion among
Congress workers desperately seeking
guidance and inspiration and worsen
the situation or will it provide a
healing touch and a much needed
balance to put the party back on an
even keel?
There are far too many questions
and imponderables before the party.
Even if Sonia-Rahul-Priyanka work as
a team, there is little doubt who the
grass-root workers, yearning for a
saviour, want right now. And if they
have their choice, Rahul would have
to play second fiddle to Priyanka and
Sonia her no matter what position
he holds.
However, there is also the question
whether Priyanka has it in her to
revive the party. Her ground level
forays have been limited to the
family’s parliamentary boroughs of
Rae Bareli and Amethi where victory
was taken for granted and her only
role was to secure an impressive
margin. She succeeded in it even
though she and Rahul had to sweat
it out in Amethi this time. But her
much talked about magic failed in
the 2012 assembly polls where she
could deliver just two out of the 10
assembly seats in the region.
If she steps in, she has a long haul
before her to rebuild the party and
the experiment of a trinity and its
impact on the organisation would be
put to test.
Those who lost polls still engaging in vote-bank politics: PM
.
New Delhi: In a veiled attack on Congress and Samajwadi Party, Prime Minister Narendra Modi today accused them of continuing to practice vote-bank politics to divide society and asserted that disturbance of peace and harmony will not be tolerated. "BJP never accepts incidents (of violence) which are taking place in the country. Peace, unity and harmony are the pre-requisites for progress and there will be no compromise on this. "Those who have suffered a massive defeat in the elections are still not able to desist from engaging in old vote-bank politics. They are engaged in disturbing the social fabric," Modi said addressing the BJP's National Council meeting in New Delhi. His attack on rivals without naming them comes against the backdrop of BJP being accused of fanning communal violence in Uttar Pradesh. Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi, who stormed the Well of the Lok Sabha to demand debate on rising communal violence, has said the violence in Uttar Pradesh was "artificially and deliberately engineered". In this hour, Modi said, BJP workers will have to play a crucial role to ensure communal and national unity so that the nation moves forward. "When the country makes progress, its 125 crore people make progress," he said. Talking about his government which was formed after BJP's landslide victory, the prime minister said "different and tough yardsticks" are being applied to gauge its performance. "Those who have not done anything for 60 years are asking for our account of 60 days," he said attacking Congress yet again. "We are judged by different and tough yardsticks. I don't know why it is happening. Only time will tell. But we should accept this challenge. It is good for us that we are judged by stringent yardstick. We will pass the test," Modi said. "I have myself come out of 14 years of trial," said the former Gujarat chief minister who was constantly under attack over the 2002 riots. Noting that people have given their verdict through the ballot, he said, "it is our turn now" and "we will adequately fulfill the aspirations of people". Contending that things have started changing after 60 days of BJP coming to power, Modi said, "We will be successful in bringing about the change.. we have to have faith in ourselves. We will never bow before adversities." He said after being at the helm of government for 60 days, he has got the grasp of things and is confident that major tasks can be executed. Modi said that outlook of the world towards India has changed because BJP has come to power with full majority. "It reposes confidence in them (foreign countries)," he said. He underlined the need for taking advantage globally of the fact that BJP has got such a big majority. Taking a dig at his rivals, he said questions were asked as to "who knows Modi outside Gujarat" but "people were in a mood to give and they gave". The prime minister admitted that he knew very little about Delhi or Parliament before winning the elections but after 60 days, he was confident of fulfilling the expectations of the people. He recalled that at the start of the election campaign he had started saying that BJP should get 300 seats on its own. "Some of my colleagues said why I am talking about numbers. But I felt that people had made up their mind to vote for BJP and just wanted someone to ask for it," said Modi who led the party's campaign as its prime ministerial candidate. Modi suggests that BJP should dedicate each year to promoting social causes like energy conservation, toilets, girl child education.
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Modi's profile on DD, directives to states: Will BJP turn I-day into giant publicity vehicle? - Firstpost
.
The Narendra Modi government has
directed states to take
Independence Day 'seriously' and
make sure that the celebrations
match the status of the day.
Now, it's no secret that in 2013, that
Modi, who was then the Chief
Minister of Gujarat and BJP's PM
nominee took the Independence Day
very 'seriously'. While it is not
unusual for a chief minister to
address his state on the day, the
BJP and Modi's PR machinery
announced that he would in fact
address the nation, much like the
Prime Minister of a country, on last
year's Independence Day. So the day
turned into a full-fledged political
slug-fest with Modi tearing everyone
from the Gandhis to the Congress
alleged social media army apart.
Former PM Manmohan Singh also
took potshots at Modi, though it was
no match for Modi's blistering attack
on his party.
The move was high on jingoism and
rich in political cunning - after all a
speech on Independence Day would
make an impact no other speech
would.
While critics, including members of
the BJP old guard like LK Advani,
questioned Modi's move to challenge
the PM on Independence Day, his
fans (and they far outnumbered
critics) argued that the state of the
country's politics was such that even
Independence Day was not too
sacred to highlight the failings of
the incumbent government.
This year however, the spotlight will
be Modi's alone. And he wants to
make sure, that this moment, when
he unfurls the Indian flag and
addresses the nation from the Red
Fort, is celebrated with the sobriety
the occasion deserves.
The Economic Times reports: "ET
has accessed a letter written by the
Home Ministry to the chief
secretaries of all states on August 8,
specifying the model drill for
Independence Day celebrations at
state, district, block and even the
village level. The Home Ministry has
said in the letter that amongst other
things, "the speech at the function
must explain the significance of 15th
August and extort the audience to
work for the unity and integrity of
the country. "
It is clear from the government's
directive that it is on a full-blown
drive to come across as a strongly
nationalistic government, not that it
needs to prove thiss anymore.
However, with the state polls coming
up in a new months, it would only
help the BJP's cause to resurrect the
strong nationalistic pitch that Modi
refined and rode towards a
mindblowing victory.
Also, asking states to take
Independence Day 'seriously' seems
perfectly in line with PM Modi's new
'country-first, everything later'
approach to governance and politics.
In fact in the National Council, Modi
cut his own party down to size and
asked it to stop its obsession with
political wrangling. He reportedly
asked the state units to take up an
important social cause instead.
Firstpost's Sanjay Singh reported,
"His next big idea for the BJP is that
that besides doing whatever a
political party is supposed to do, it
should adopt one big social cause
and dedicate a year to that cause,
be it energy conservation (electric
and fuel of all kinds), a toilet in
every household in rural or urban
areas."
Almost echoing the Prime Minister's
directions to his party, the home
ministry's directions to the states on
Independence Day says, "Rural
sports and recognising importance of
rural development should also be
made part of the Independence Day
celebrations at the state and village
level."
Given that the math in state polls
work slightly differently from the one
that guides the general elections, it
is understandable that both Modi
and the BJP will use its
Independence Day blitzkrieg for
maximum effect. The NDA
government, in its run-time, has not
taken any radical decision that
affects the country's political
trajectory or economy yet. Modi is
also struggling with a number of
domestic issues like high inflation,
price rise and communal violence.
Also, the states going to polls -
Jammu and Kashmir, Maharashtra,
Haryana, Delhi among others - are
not known to be BJP strongholds.
While the party seems to have made
definite and strong inroads during
the Lok Sabha elections, it is clear
that they don't want to keep any
stone unturned. Which means
essentially, that Independence Day
is most likely to turn into a massive
publicity machine for the BJP and
the fledgling Modi government.
The Doordarshan's Independence
Day plan is a confirmation of the
same. The government broadcaster
intends to top it's I-Day schedule
with a three-minute audio-visual on
PM Narendra Modi. The Indian
Express reports, "Although DD’s
coverage would commence the
traditional way with Vande Mataram,
the state broadcaster for the first
time would be airing patriotic songs
in several regional languages right
at the beginning of its coverage.
This, sources said, is in line with the
new government’s emphasis on
“regional representation” and
“inclusion”."
However you would not be wrong in
thinking that Doordarshan's song-list
is almost a musical counterpart to
Modi sporting the headgear of
different states during his poll
campaign, to make them feel
included. That was a hit, and so in
all probability, will this.
The Modi's profile will be preceded
by a profile on India's past Prime
Ministers. The profiles will be
telecast shortly before the live
telecast of the flag hoisting
programme. The IE report notes,
"While profiles of former PMs have
been shown in the past as well, it
would be for the first time that the
profile of the incumbent PM will be
aired, the sources said."
Given the great buzz around Modi's
first speech as the Prime Minister,
the BJP is most likely to grab the
most eyeballs with that AV.
It looks like the BJP has decided to
sound the bugle, ever so subtly,
against opposition parties for the
state polls on Independence Day.
.
The Narendra Modi government has
directed states to take
Independence Day 'seriously' and
make sure that the celebrations
match the status of the day.
Now, it's no secret that in 2013, that
Modi, who was then the Chief
Minister of Gujarat and BJP's PM
nominee took the Independence Day
very 'seriously'. While it is not
unusual for a chief minister to
address his state on the day, the
BJP and Modi's PR machinery
announced that he would in fact
address the nation, much like the
Prime Minister of a country, on last
year's Independence Day. So the day
turned into a full-fledged political
slug-fest with Modi tearing everyone
from the Gandhis to the Congress
alleged social media army apart.
Former PM Manmohan Singh also
took potshots at Modi, though it was
no match for Modi's blistering attack
on his party.
The move was high on jingoism and
rich in political cunning - after all a
speech on Independence Day would
make an impact no other speech
would.
While critics, including members of
the BJP old guard like LK Advani,
questioned Modi's move to challenge
the PM on Independence Day, his
fans (and they far outnumbered
critics) argued that the state of the
country's politics was such that even
Independence Day was not too
sacred to highlight the failings of
the incumbent government.
This year however, the spotlight will
be Modi's alone. And he wants to
make sure, that this moment, when
he unfurls the Indian flag and
addresses the nation from the Red
Fort, is celebrated with the sobriety
the occasion deserves.
The Economic Times reports: "ET
has accessed a letter written by the
Home Ministry to the chief
secretaries of all states on August 8,
specifying the model drill for
Independence Day celebrations at
state, district, block and even the
village level. The Home Ministry has
said in the letter that amongst other
things, "the speech at the function
must explain the significance of 15th
August and extort the audience to
work for the unity and integrity of
the country. "
It is clear from the government's
directive that it is on a full-blown
drive to come across as a strongly
nationalistic government, not that it
needs to prove thiss anymore.
However, with the state polls coming
up in a new months, it would only
help the BJP's cause to resurrect the
strong nationalistic pitch that Modi
refined and rode towards a
mindblowing victory.
Also, asking states to take
Independence Day 'seriously' seems
perfectly in line with PM Modi's new
'country-first, everything later'
approach to governance and politics.
In fact in the National Council, Modi
cut his own party down to size and
asked it to stop its obsession with
political wrangling. He reportedly
asked the state units to take up an
important social cause instead.
Firstpost's Sanjay Singh reported,
"His next big idea for the BJP is that
that besides doing whatever a
political party is supposed to do, it
should adopt one big social cause
and dedicate a year to that cause,
be it energy conservation (electric
and fuel of all kinds), a toilet in
every household in rural or urban
areas."
Almost echoing the Prime Minister's
directions to his party, the home
ministry's directions to the states on
Independence Day says, "Rural
sports and recognising importance of
rural development should also be
made part of the Independence Day
celebrations at the state and village
level."
Given that the math in state polls
work slightly differently from the one
that guides the general elections, it
is understandable that both Modi
and the BJP will use its
Independence Day blitzkrieg for
maximum effect. The NDA
government, in its run-time, has not
taken any radical decision that
affects the country's political
trajectory or economy yet. Modi is
also struggling with a number of
domestic issues like high inflation,
price rise and communal violence.
Also, the states going to polls -
Jammu and Kashmir, Maharashtra,
Haryana, Delhi among others - are
not known to be BJP strongholds.
While the party seems to have made
definite and strong inroads during
the Lok Sabha elections, it is clear
that they don't want to keep any
stone unturned. Which means
essentially, that Independence Day
is most likely to turn into a massive
publicity machine for the BJP and
the fledgling Modi government.
The Doordarshan's Independence
Day plan is a confirmation of the
same. The government broadcaster
intends to top it's I-Day schedule
with a three-minute audio-visual on
PM Narendra Modi. The Indian
Express reports, "Although DD’s
coverage would commence the
traditional way with Vande Mataram,
the state broadcaster for the first
time would be airing patriotic songs
in several regional languages right
at the beginning of its coverage.
This, sources said, is in line with the
new government’s emphasis on
“regional representation” and
“inclusion”."
However you would not be wrong in
thinking that Doordarshan's song-list
is almost a musical counterpart to
Modi sporting the headgear of
different states during his poll
campaign, to make them feel
included. That was a hit, and so in
all probability, will this.
The Modi's profile will be preceded
by a profile on India's past Prime
Ministers. The profiles will be
telecast shortly before the live
telecast of the flag hoisting
programme. The IE report notes,
"While profiles of former PMs have
been shown in the past as well, it
would be for the first time that the
profile of the incumbent PM will be
aired, the sources said."
Given the great buzz around Modi's
first speech as the Prime Minister,
the BJP is most likely to grab the
most eyeballs with that AV.
It looks like the BJP has decided to
sound the bugle, ever so subtly,
against opposition parties for the
state polls on Independence Day.
Echo_419
ELITE MEMBER
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- Sep 12, 2012
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- 13,111
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- -4
- Country
- Location
Reading stuff in this format is pain in the A$$ man,post the articles in normal forum
shashikant
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- May 10, 2014
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Modi's message to the BJP: Political bluster is over, get down to work
.
Narendra Modi has cut his flab. First
he did this with his government,
now with his body. He is looking
leaner and fighting fit, much more
energetic, out with fresh ideas to
strengthen the BJP's organisational
structure.
Things have changed in the BJP. The
party seem to have perfected the art
of organising things in style: make
the whole ambience look beautiful
and have the saffron green imprint
of the party flag and lotus visible
everywhere but not make it overtly
pompous.
Modi started to make that change
when he began campaigning for the
parliamentary elections and it
attained a new high in the
organisation of the National Council
meeting. Amit Shah, the BJP
president said that 2014 marks the
beginning of a new era where the
BJP has transformed from a “political
force” to the one which is making a
“political impact”.
Modi’s stress was on further
strengthening the party's
organisational structure, so that this
victory does not remain a one-off
affair. He raised the bar for
membership drives, urging his party
to find 100 PMs to work for every
single booth in the country. Before
his believers, over 2000 delegates of
the National Council drawn from all
parts of India, could get confused he
clarified: PM means `primary
member’.
That made the audience laugh
heartily.
If anyone was looking for any more
indication of the new power
structure within the party, there was
something for all to see. On the dais
there were two podiums for the
speaker, one simple on the corner of
the dais, the other ornate and
placed in the middle.
That podium was used by Modi and
Amit Shah. LK Adavni was also given
the same honour but that was
because of his seniority. Modi called
Rajnath Singh captain of the team
that made BJP win elections but he
named Amit Shah the man of the
match.
It was an occasion for Modi to
remind everyone that he was on top
because he could think two steps
ahead: “Remember February 2013
National Council meeting where I
was felicitated for winning Gujarat
on three consecutive times? I had
said 'Hum chale ya na chale yeh
desh chal chukka hai. Janata den
eke mood me thi'. When after a
while in campaigning I started
seeking 300 seats, many of my
colleagues thought I should not
have quoted a figure…”
His next big idea for the BJP is that
that besides doing whatever a
political party is supposed to do, it
should adopt one big social cause
and dedicate a year to that cause,
be it energy conservation (electric
and fuel of all kinds), a toilet in
every household in rural or urban
areas. He wants his party workers to
work with full sincerity for that
cause. His protégé Amit Shah wants
the Clean Ganga project to be
turned into a popular movement.
Modi's thrust was on doing that
extra bit, which could make the BJP
distinct from other political parties.
He didn’t use Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s
catch phrase, “party with a
difference”. He knew that this
phrase had come in for severe
criticism post 2004, a fact narrated
by LK Advani in his speech, delivered
just before Modi spoke.
This was the first National Council,
held less than three months after
the BJP became the first non-
Congress party to have majority of
its own, and the first party of any
stripe in last 30 years, but there was
no celebratory mood. Though this
fact was mentioned by speaker after
speaker, everyone was quick to add
the responsibilities that it entailed.
Even among his own men and
women, all of whom have unflinching
faith in him, Modi’s pitch was low
but sincere and the stress was on
delivery. He hit out at the Congress
but did not raise the pitch,
mentioning how it was playing
politics on the World Trade
Organisation issue and on stray
instances of communal violence in
UP. He spoke more in terms of the
new responsibilities they now had.
He urged his party to set new
milestones but consciously avoided
any word or sentence that could
instill a sense of aggression in them.
He is aware that with the kind of
mandate that the party has
achieved, overly celebratory mood
could make some go berserk and
that could complicate the situation
for him and his party.
It was important for Modi that his
foot soldiers left the venue with a
sense of conviction that the workers'
contribution was valued by the party
and the new government was on the
right track.
"Most of my time in the last two
months went in cleaning and
changing the work culture. Those
who could not do anything in the
last 60 years have already started
making a noise asking for results in
60 days. I can assure you that the
experience that I have gathered in
the last 60 days have given me
enough confidence that we can
fulfill what we had promised. Isn't it
great that most of the things
promised in our manifesto have
found place in the first budget itself
and we already have a road map for
them... With formation of this
government, with an absolute
majority that outlook of foreign
nations about India has changed”.
Ab Hindutan ka Danka Chalega, he
said.
.
Narendra Modi has cut his flab. First
he did this with his government,
now with his body. He is looking
leaner and fighting fit, much more
energetic, out with fresh ideas to
strengthen the BJP's organisational
structure.
Things have changed in the BJP. The
party seem to have perfected the art
of organising things in style: make
the whole ambience look beautiful
and have the saffron green imprint
of the party flag and lotus visible
everywhere but not make it overtly
pompous.
Modi started to make that change
when he began campaigning for the
parliamentary elections and it
attained a new high in the
organisation of the National Council
meeting. Amit Shah, the BJP
president said that 2014 marks the
beginning of a new era where the
BJP has transformed from a “political
force” to the one which is making a
“political impact”.
Modi’s stress was on further
strengthening the party's
organisational structure, so that this
victory does not remain a one-off
affair. He raised the bar for
membership drives, urging his party
to find 100 PMs to work for every
single booth in the country. Before
his believers, over 2000 delegates of
the National Council drawn from all
parts of India, could get confused he
clarified: PM means `primary
member’.
That made the audience laugh
heartily.
If anyone was looking for any more
indication of the new power
structure within the party, there was
something for all to see. On the dais
there were two podiums for the
speaker, one simple on the corner of
the dais, the other ornate and
placed in the middle.
That podium was used by Modi and
Amit Shah. LK Adavni was also given
the same honour but that was
because of his seniority. Modi called
Rajnath Singh captain of the team
that made BJP win elections but he
named Amit Shah the man of the
match.
It was an occasion for Modi to
remind everyone that he was on top
because he could think two steps
ahead: “Remember February 2013
National Council meeting where I
was felicitated for winning Gujarat
on three consecutive times? I had
said 'Hum chale ya na chale yeh
desh chal chukka hai. Janata den
eke mood me thi'. When after a
while in campaigning I started
seeking 300 seats, many of my
colleagues thought I should not
have quoted a figure…”
His next big idea for the BJP is that
that besides doing whatever a
political party is supposed to do, it
should adopt one big social cause
and dedicate a year to that cause,
be it energy conservation (electric
and fuel of all kinds), a toilet in
every household in rural or urban
areas. He wants his party workers to
work with full sincerity for that
cause. His protégé Amit Shah wants
the Clean Ganga project to be
turned into a popular movement.
Modi's thrust was on doing that
extra bit, which could make the BJP
distinct from other political parties.
He didn’t use Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s
catch phrase, “party with a
difference”. He knew that this
phrase had come in for severe
criticism post 2004, a fact narrated
by LK Advani in his speech, delivered
just before Modi spoke.
This was the first National Council,
held less than three months after
the BJP became the first non-
Congress party to have majority of
its own, and the first party of any
stripe in last 30 years, but there was
no celebratory mood. Though this
fact was mentioned by speaker after
speaker, everyone was quick to add
the responsibilities that it entailed.
Even among his own men and
women, all of whom have unflinching
faith in him, Modi’s pitch was low
but sincere and the stress was on
delivery. He hit out at the Congress
but did not raise the pitch,
mentioning how it was playing
politics on the World Trade
Organisation issue and on stray
instances of communal violence in
UP. He spoke more in terms of the
new responsibilities they now had.
He urged his party to set new
milestones but consciously avoided
any word or sentence that could
instill a sense of aggression in them.
He is aware that with the kind of
mandate that the party has
achieved, overly celebratory mood
could make some go berserk and
that could complicate the situation
for him and his party.
It was important for Modi that his
foot soldiers left the venue with a
sense of conviction that the workers'
contribution was valued by the party
and the new government was on the
right track.
"Most of my time in the last two
months went in cleaning and
changing the work culture. Those
who could not do anything in the
last 60 years have already started
making a noise asking for results in
60 days. I can assure you that the
experience that I have gathered in
the last 60 days have given me
enough confidence that we can
fulfill what we had promised. Isn't it
great that most of the things
promised in our manifesto have
found place in the first budget itself
and we already have a road map for
them... With formation of this
government, with an absolute
majority that outlook of foreign
nations about India has changed”.
Ab Hindutan ka Danka Chalega, he
said.
shashikant
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- May 10, 2014
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- 242
- Reaction score
- -1
- Country
- Location
Last edited:
When you post from a mobile, the formatting goes down the shitter. Please just link the article to us, it's a pain to read otherwise.
shashikant
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- Location
will do it next time.
IndoCarib
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Nitish-Lalu reunion after 23 years a ‘flop show’ - The Times of India
The much-heralded coming together of political enemies, Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad, after 23 years failed to live up to its billing when only a few hundred people turned up to witness the grand alliance in this Yadav stronghold, barely 35km from the capital, Patna, on Monday.
The much-heralded coming together of political enemies, Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad, after 23 years failed to live up to its billing when only a few hundred people turned up to witness the grand alliance in this Yadav stronghold, barely 35km from the capital, Patna, on Monday.
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