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#WT20 is finished , #YuvrajSingh's dismal performance is also covered, #BJPManifesto was also released , so finally I can have some media-space , time to get slapped !!! - #KHUJLIWAL aka#AK49 aka #BHAGODAKEJRI

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Any new clip of Rahul?:partay:
 
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Congress candidates aren’t getting much money from the party

NEW DELHI: As if the burden of incumbency wasn't enough, Congress's task in the current Lok Sabha polls seems to have been further complicated by what party managers claim is a severe funds crunch, which has put it at a further disadvantage vis-a-vis a resurgent BJP.

A Congress heavyweight told this paper, "Between Congress and BJP, they are getting 90% of the money, we are getting just 10%." Even if that sounds like a bit of an exaggeration, conversations with Congress candidates and their managers over the past week indicate that the ruling party has, for a change, been vastly outgunned by the BJP, and may actually be running on half-empty.

"I have seen several Lok Sabha and assembly elections, but the financial deficit Congress is facing this time is unprecedented," says a veteran Congress MP.

Saffron is daubed all over - on billboards, bus stand shelters, kiosks and newspapers - forming the backdrop to the smiling visage of Narendra Modi. When you don't see him, you hear him on the radio and on your phone. Indeed, rarely has the country seen such an election advertising blitz.

In comparison, the Congress appears in bits and patches. Rahul Gandhi, with several aam admi and aurat in tow, stands defensively with his hands folded on billboards, which are few and far between.

Party managers in states like Chhattisgarh, Punjab and Maharashtra say the money this time is well below normal. The big donors - industrialists and other sundry moneybags - appear to have divined which way the wind is blowing. And their money is flowing in that direction.

While Congress claims the gap is due to big business's proximity to Modi - there are stories of how at least two houses are backing him to the hilt - those familiar with the business of campaign finance say India Inc makes a cold-blooded assessment of the prospects of different contenders, more so in this era of coalitions and diverse polity when different parties are at the helm in different states and smaller parties enjoy disproportionate clout in decision-making. So the money is distributed after calculating who needs to be kept happy where.

Congress's own success in the UPA years bears testimony to this. The party, which won in 2004 ostensibly because of a backlash against BJP's 'India Shining' pitch - shorthand for pro-business - and zealously pursued its aam aadmi plank, pulled in more funds than the BJP in the last decade.

According to income tax returns filed by the two parties and analyzed by Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), Congress' income in 2004-05, the year UPA-1 was formed, was Rs 222 crore against BJP's Rs 104 crore. Ever since, the ruling party's coffers have swelled and its total income in the eight years till 2011-12, the latest for which I-T returns are available, was Rs 2,338 crore. During the eight-year period, BJP received Rs 1,303 crore. The big two were followed by CPM with an income of Rs 520 crore and BSP with around Rs 500 crore.

This story seems to have changed. Congress veterans in Uttar Pradesh say flow of funds from the party is down almost 30% this time. The party typically sends one-fourth of the amount by cheque to the candidate's account. The rest comes in cash; this is mainly directed towards winnable seats. Said a sitting MP from Maharashtra: "The well-off candidates can make do without leaning on the party, but the others are badly hamstrung this time."

Leading business houses, and sectors that are flush with cash like real estate and mining, are this time almost fully behind the BJP. Half of the 48 Congress-NCP candidates in Maharashtra that TOI spoke to admitted as much. A top builder told this paper, "Most of us are very unhappy with the (Maharashtra) government. In the last three years, hardly any projects have been cleared."

The paucity of funds is apparent from the delay in their disbursal. In 2009, "official" financial assistance came immediately after the names of candidates were announced. This year, the party candidates in Western UP - which goes to the polls in the first three rounds - have had to wait till the last date of withdrawal before receiving any assistance.

In the December assembly polls, sources said the central leadership gave Rs 60 lakh for most seats in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, while Delhi and Rajasthan had Congress governments which took care of the candidates.

Partymen in Chhattisgarh say only two seats are likely to see "extra and special" financial help. There was fond hope that the party would give funds to individual seats at par with what was given in 2009, with a hike based on five years of inflation - Rs 1 crore per seat. Nothing has come yet. The anxiety stems from the fact that Congressmen are up against candidates being supported by three-time chief minister Raman Singh who is flush with funds and has the backing of industrialists.

Most leaders in resource-rich Punjab are said to be capable of self-financing yet party money matters in the fight against Akali Dal. A senior leader confessed "it will be like this" - which means that expectations of central funding have to be lowered this time.

The most curious case is the financial powerhouse of Maharashtra. Though Congress has been in government in Mumbai for 15 years, a party leader confessed, "Even we are feeling it." The state has traditionally done without central funding, but this time candidates are having to canvas support personally and even ask resourceful colleagues for help.

In the 2009 Lok Sabha and assembly polls, most Congress nominees had received a healthy financial boost from the party; some figures put it at Rs 50 lakh per candidate. Not this time.

UP Congress leaders say Congress follows a standard system for fund distribution here. Constituencies are graded 'A', 'B' or 'C', depending on the strength of a candidate and the seat's winnability, 'A' being the strongest and 'C' the weakest. Funds are then allotted accordingly.

Congressmen say the party has released up to Rs 50 lakh for seats like Ghaziabad and Saharanpur - both 'A' grade seats. Bigger electoral fights like Lucknow and Varanasi are expected to attract more funds - up to Rs 3-4 crore.

In all this, Congress leaders say, the worst affected would be states like Tamil Nadu where the party has no hope this election after its failure to find a strong ally. Given the dismal state of affairs, TN candidates are not only low on the central leadership's list of priorities, they unable to find sponsors even locally.

In Karnataka, it's different. Several Congress candidates have intensified their campaign minus any financial support from the party. But they aren't complaining. "Gone are the days when we used to get an assured sum from the party. Now there is an unwritten rule in the party that candidates have to fight elections on their own. We are not sure whether it's because of a funds crunch or any other reason," says a party candidate, who is fighting his second successive Lok Sabha polls.

Congress candidates aren’t getting much money from the party - The Times of India
 
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UP se kon he yaha ?

Ye azamkhan ki speech se aab esa lagta he wo apni seat bacha ne ki koshish kar raha he usse pata chal gaya ge SP ka UP me aab kuch nahi ho sakta kyunki ese statment se hindu vote to aab milne se rahe uski constituency me majority muslim vote ki hongi ....
 
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UP se kon he yaha ?

Ye azamkhan ki speech se aab esa lagta he wo apni seat bacha ne ki koshish kar raha he usse pata chal gaya ge SP ka UP me aab kuch nahi ho sakta kyunki ese statment se hindu vote to aab milne se rahe uski constituency me majority muslim vote ki hongi ....

don't underestimate the stupidity of Hindus
 
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Amit Shah moves HC to get a stay on his arrest??

Why is he doing it?
 
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Why intellectuals are running scared of Modi


In democracies, a change of government is no big deal. In India, however, it is a rarity at the national level. In the 66 years of Independence, the Congress has nominally been excluded from power for only 10 years. More interestingly, no prime minister apart from Atal Bihari Vajpayee has been free of any Congress association. Yet, even in the six NDA years, the larger power structure at the Centre was never entirely Congress-mukt. Under Vajpayee, his extremely competent principal secretary Brajesh Mishra, a former diplomat from a prominent Congress family, ensured that the old Establishment was only nominally dispossessed.

It is instructive to be mindful of the past when engaging with the prophecies of impending doom that seem to be dominating conversations of the beautiful people with a stake in next month’s electoral outcome.

The doomsday narrative has captivated an influential section of the Delhi-based intelligentsia and its global friends. They have interpreted the fierce desire for change that is resonating in India as the harbinger of a new authoritarianism that will pander to corporate greed and religious intolerance. In the immediate aftermath of the December 2013 Assembly election, this anxiety was translated into a gush-gush endorsement of the Aam Aadmi Party. However, ever since the white-cap crusaders got drunk on media hype and made a series of tactical miscalculations, concern has given way to visible depression. If the Modi-is-coming jingle on TV is sending the NaMo army into bouts of premature celebration, it is proving psychologically devastating to the Praetorian guards of the “idea of India”.

Of course, not all better-off Indians are living in dread of a possible ‘regime change’. Sensing imminent change, the financial markets are witnessing an unwarranted bull run. Opinion polls also indicate that the surge in the support for Narendra Modi is being primarily driven by aspirational Indians in the 18 to 35 age group. The social profile of the average Modi voter is that he is educated, young and seeking better opportunities. Moreover, support for Modi isn’t confined only to segments where the BJP has a footfall. The polls suggest NaMo is the buzzword throughout India and among all classes and social groups, including Dalits and adivasis but not Muslims.

The question naturally arises: why is a very powerful section of the Establishment, particularly in academia and the media, so utterly unresponsive to the larger groundswell from below? Why did The Economist, for example, shoehorn itself into a distant election battle with a anyone-but-Modi editorial aimed at amused Indians?

Earlier there was a fear that the Modi campaign would exacerbate social tensions and leave India emotionally polarized. However, Modi appears to have stuck to his pro-development and anti-Congress script faithfully and not been derailed by identity concerns. Indeed, apart from stray examples of local politicians allowing rhetorical flourishes to get the better of good sense, the 2014 campaign has been fierce but civil. There are pre-existing faultlines but the campaign hasn’t made them sharper.

Yes, there are sharp differences between the BJP and the Congress on economic manage ment, national security and, at a pinch, foreign policy. That’s only natural and it is the articula tion of alternative perspectives that give mean ing to competitive politics. Nor is it the case that Modi champions a voodoo economics that inter national capital finds unappealing compared to the noblesse oblige of the Gandhis Both Margaret Thatcher in 1979 and Ronald Reagan in 1980 fought elections promising a break with ‘consensus politics’. At that time neither Britain nor the US witnessed agonized intellectuals threatening to go into self-exile if the voters chose discontinuity. So what’s unique about Modi?

Part of the answer may lie in Modi’s out sider status. Over generations the Congress has nurtured and patronized an intellectual estab lishment that loosely shared its political as sumptions. These notables fear marginalization and consequent loss of social importance and political influence. They feared it in 1998 too but inveigled their way back, fiercely exploiting the strange desire of some BJP leaders to acquire social respectability.

Modi, they believe, is cut from a very differ ent cloth. If elected, he may actually begin craft ing an alternative counter-Establishment and not give a damn for the prevailing wisdom in the boudoirs of Sujan Singh Park.
 
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