‘No room for those who preach hatred’
Ikram Junaidi |
Shiza Malik
Updated about 5 hours ago
Civil society activists demonstrate in support of the Peshawar school massacre victims in front of Lal Masjid, after its cleric refused to condemn the massacre on a television talk-show, in Islamabad on December 19, 2014. - AFP
The spontaneous protests that began outside the Lal Masjid on Thursday quickly snowballed into a wider movement against Taliban apologists and extremists everywhere.
As the protesters pressed for the acceptance of their demands and an FIR was lodged against Lal Masjid cleric Abdul Aziz, Dawn spoke to some of those present at the sit-in outside Aabpara Police Station and asked them about their motivations for coming out.
Jibran Nasir, lawyer and rights activist
“I came to Islamabad for a conference, but then the Peshawar tragedy struck and everything changed. The next day, Lal Masjid cleric issued a statement that I couldn’t stomach and I decided that rather than going back to Karachi, we should protest. We want to reclaim our mosques, our communities, our cities, indeed our entire country from the extremists. We can no longer allow anyone to stand on at a pulpit and preach hatred. We will no longer stand by and watch people like Abdul Aziz use the name of our Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) and our religion to perpetuate violence. I call upon the people of Islamabad to come out of their homes and reclaim their city.”
Arieb Azhar, musician
“I heard about this event on Facebook and saw that it was not being organised by any political party or non-governmental organisation, but ordinary people from all walks of life, so I decided to be a part of it. I believe both our nation and our religion are being hijacked by people who don’t have any respect for humanity. People like Abdul Aziz are acting like spokespersons [for the enemy] and openly telling the world that they support militancy and organisations like ISIS. We must stand up against them.”
Nadia Naviwala, academic
“This has been a season of protests in Islamabad but I never came out to join any of them. But we see now that the response of the state is disappointing to say the least, so the people need to respond themselves. I believe the people of Pakistan must take back their streets, their public spaces. Once they do, they will be able to wield political power as well. Today, I saw so many people I know outside the Lal Masjid; these are not people who normally come out of their homes to protest, so I know that this [issue] is something that really spoke to people.”
Zeeshan Mansoor, musician
“I was deeply moved by the Peshawar tragedy and wanted to do something about it. But I felt a sense of helplessness and futility in just lighting candles at vigils. Coming here to reclaim this mosque is taking concrete action, which is why I decided to join in. I’ve lived on the street next to the Lal Masjid all my life and it always disturbed me knowing that hatred and extremism is being preached right here in my neighbourhood. This is why I decided to come out tonight.”
Published in Dawn December 20th , 2014
A turning point?
Editorial
Updated about 11 hours ago
Members of the civil society stage a protest near Lal Masjid on the second consecutive day in Islamabad on Friday evening. — Photo by Tanveer Shahzad
EVEN when they have violated every tenet of humanity, purveyors of hate and obscurantism have long remained virtually unchallenged in Pakistan. Their triumphalist ideology has been the bedrock upon which the justification of every atrocity has been based.
Even at a seminal moment such as now, in the aftermath of the Peshawar school attack, the collective outpouring of grief found no resonance with Maulana Abdul Aziz, chief cleric of Lal Masjid in Islamabad.
Asked for his reaction, he refused to condemn the massacre of students and teachers, seeking instead to explain it away on the grounds of “wrong decisions” taken by the state. His prevarication was greeted with revulsion across society, and on Thursday night an unprecedented protest took place outside Lal Masjid, with participants chanting slogans against Maulana Aziz and lighting candles in memory of the victims.
Take a look: Lal Masjid protest: FIR registered against Maulana Aziz
A member of the mosque administration warned them that no further chanting would be tolerated, while police, anticipating a clash, asked the crowd to disperse. An FIR was filed against the participants for violating Section 144. The police also accused them of using “hate speech” against the mosque administration.
But why should we be surprised at this grotesque inversion of culpability? After all, let alone the right wing, even extremists are above the law in this country, able to openly promote their views from the pulpit, from television screens, in the political forum, with utter and complete immunity.
Banned organisations have been allowed to resurrect themselves under new names and continue to spew their noxious rhetoric. The state has not merely tolerated these individuals; it has patronised and employed them as a means to further its strategic objectives and shape the national discourse.
They are a handy means of fomenting agitation against perceived external threats as and when needed, and for negotiating with terrorists who pose an existential threat to Pakistan.
As a result, they have become emboldened enough to sometimes adopt a stance completely at variance with that of the state that has given them succour. A glance at Maulana Aziz’s own recent record is proof of this: he has named the library in his seminary after Osama bin Laden, and voiced his support for the self-styled Islamic State.
As the right wing — represented by the likes of Maulana Aziz — gradually intimidated society into submission, several progressive voices — represented by the likes of Rashid Rehman — were silenced through violence.
Now that the state finds itself scrambling to construct a befitting response to the tide of extremism that has begun to devour its own, it should take a cue from those who came to Lal Masjid to demand that apologists for extremism be held to account. In fact, it is imperative for the state to seize the moment and craft a counter narrative, one that abjures links with any shade of extremism, politically expedient or otherwise.
Published in Dawn December 20th , 2014