Joe Shearer
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Well, I don't know how strong the East Turkistan movement is, but I would definitely like something to be done about the unequal treatment of Uighurs in China. I believe that separatist feelings can be defeated in Xinjiang if the Uighurs get similar treatment as the Han Chinese, which quite apparently they don't. Also, a little more sensitivity on the issue by the Chinese will be beneficial, because it is a well proven fact that by blocking Muslims from praying on Friday, you will only increase the aggravation. The Chinese need to study the issue and deal with is properly, rather than to just suppress with force for the short-term, increasing anger and tension in the long-run.
Dear Sir,
Thank you for your thoughtful post.
There is no easy response to this issue, no silver bullet. We are up against that most difficult proposition, the question of 'nationalities', which was used during the lead-up to Partition and Independence to justify their stands by both the AIML and the INC. In fact, what China faces is precisely the same problem of defining nationhood and citizenship in a satisfactory manner.
If I might be allowed to summarise briefly:
- Nationality is used in two senses, first as an equivalent term to citizenship, and second as constituting a self-awareness born of several factors;
- In the second use, 'nationality' is often substituted by the term 'identity'.
- Identity has several factors forming the realisation of identity among the concerned population and their observers and neighbours.
- These factors include ethnicity, language, culture (very broadly speaking) and religion;
- These factors, 'identifiers', if you like, occur together, sometimes in hierarchic fashion, sometimes parallel and equal; there is no fixed rule and each 'identity' needs independent analysis;
- There are some special characteristics relating to Islamic identity which may interest readers on this forum.
Where an ethno-linguistic group following the Islamic religion forms part of the Arab group including the population of eastern North Africa (i.e., not including parts of Algeria and Morocco, but including Libya, Tunisia and Egypt), it has a dominant Islamic identity.
Where an ethno-linguistic group outside this zone is Islamic by religion, they tend to define themselves by ethno-linguistic group, not by Islam, which remains important in terms of religion. Examples are Turks in Turkey, Iranians, Malays, Indonesians. These examples are people who are Turkish first, or Iranian first, and so on, without repudiating Islam in any way.
Where any group following Islam is a minority, anywhere at all, it stresses its Islamic identity. This includes Muslims in India, in the UK, in France, in Germany, in the US, in Russia, almost every case I have observed.
Only when this third category gets sufficient autonomy and independence to consider itself a majority does its ethno-linguistic character again re-surface. Till then, they have a siege mentality, and will stop at nothing to free itself. Consider Bangladesh as a part of the British Empire, and thereafter.
I am afraid that the situation under discussion seems to be of the third type. I have also observed that Muslims in this situation will not give up their struggle, irrespective of the methods used against them. Period. Consider Bosnia-Herzegovina, and you will understand what I mean.
I hope that this will give readers a perspective on what lies ahead for the Chinese leadership, and in what ways they can very easily defuse the situation without losing possession of the large oil reserves and the strategic location of the Xinjiang province.
In any case, I do hope that this is found interesting.
'Joe S.'