China has devised a set of comprehensive rebalancing strategies to Asean focusing on Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. They would strengthen Bejing's new diplomatic strongholds under the fifth generation leader, President Xi Jinping. Given the present regional strategic environment, Asean is the top priority of China's foreign policy towards neighbouring countries.
Two distinctive features of China's latest diplomatic charm offensive - long-term economic engagement and increased security commitment. The three Asean countries are major trading partners with China. Their two-way trade volume - with emphasis on "balanced trade" - would surpass US$500 billion over the overall target of Asean-China trade worth US$1 trillion in 2020. Furthermore, they are the grouping's core members with weighty influence that goes beyond their borders. Indonesia and Malaysia are also the world's leading moderate Muslim countries and non-aligned members.
Upon a close scrutiny, the Asean trips were also related to strategic prepositioning of China in the mainland and maritime Southeast Asian nations. Beijing's new blueprints come amid increased fluidity of power relations within Asean and their relations with major powers. Washington has already outlined its Asian pivot and Tokyo also became more assertive diplomatically. Both have forged closer maritime security cooperation with Asean members, which are connected to the South China Sea disputes.
On the mainland Southeast Asia, Thailand has emerged as China's closest friend - a virtual ally of sort - although it still does not have the traditional security arrangements as the US has enjoyed. Apart from growing economic interdependence, Thailand and China have agreed to increase both traditional and non-traditional cooperation including joint training of their special forces. Since December 2011, Thailand, Laos and Myanmar have been cooperative security partners with China patrolling the region's longest river, Mekong - the first multilateral security forces China engaged with foreign countries.
In coming decade, Beijing will rely on its geostrategic position linking China's southern region with the mainland's Asean countries. China has been the major dialogue partner taking up the master plan of Asean Connectivity seriously. During their visits, both Xi and Li made clear of China's readiness to invest in connectivity plans, particular the North-South corridor.
In Thailand, Li called on the Thai politicians to back the multi-billion dollars high-speed train project linking Yunnan to Bangkok, via Vientiane, in his speech at the Thai Parliament. In the future, the railway could be extended to Malaysia and Singapore.
As the chair of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders' Meeting next year, the connectivity theme will also reflect on China's agenda. Other dialogue countries, while expressed interests in the Asean connectivity, have not approached Aean with financial packages. In this case, the plan to establish an infrastructure bank by Beijing is useful - so far Asean has not been able to garner sufficient fund for many super infrastructural projects. The Asian Development Bank says Asean would need at least US$60 billion annually.
Further south, China's policy towards Malaysia is distinctive due to the huge presence of oversea Chinese and currently the No. 1 Asean trading nation with China. As a conflicting party to the South China Sea dispute, Malaysia has been discreet - and very cool headed too - in pursuing bilateral negotiations and Asean sanction process. Together with Brunei, Malaysia is another claimant that has cordial ties with China.
From Beijing's vantage points, Malaysia has been listed as a friendly country, along with Indonesia that treats China as a comprehensive partner not a threat. Malaysia's pan-Asia preference in 1990's still has a strong resonance in Beijing today. Kuala Lumpur also invited Beijing to attend the first Asean meeting in July 1991, which subsequently led to current status as the grouping's most extensive bilateral relations.
In the maritime Southeast Asia, Indonesia stands out as the most important country for China. When Xi visited Jakarta and became the first foreign leader to address the National Assembly, it was a barometer of the extent both countries were willing to accommodate with each other. With further democratic consolidation and rising regional status, Indonesia is not shy to engage China in security and strategic matters. Jakarta has come up with several proposals to break the impasse of South China Sea quagmire as well as preventive and management of conflict in Asean and beyond.
When Li spoke of China's Treaty of Friendship and Neighborliness with Asean, he credited Indonesia's earlier idea of collective security in the region. With Beijing and Jakarta on the same page on strategic matters, the chance of misunderstanding between the world's second economic power and third largest democracy would be minimal - a far cry from four decades ago when China was viewed with hostility.
China's rebalancing strategies to Asean - The Nation
Two distinctive features of China's latest diplomatic charm offensive - long-term economic engagement and increased security commitment. The three Asean countries are major trading partners with China. Their two-way trade volume - with emphasis on "balanced trade" - would surpass US$500 billion over the overall target of Asean-China trade worth US$1 trillion in 2020. Furthermore, they are the grouping's core members with weighty influence that goes beyond their borders. Indonesia and Malaysia are also the world's leading moderate Muslim countries and non-aligned members.
Upon a close scrutiny, the Asean trips were also related to strategic prepositioning of China in the mainland and maritime Southeast Asian nations. Beijing's new blueprints come amid increased fluidity of power relations within Asean and their relations with major powers. Washington has already outlined its Asian pivot and Tokyo also became more assertive diplomatically. Both have forged closer maritime security cooperation with Asean members, which are connected to the South China Sea disputes.
On the mainland Southeast Asia, Thailand has emerged as China's closest friend - a virtual ally of sort - although it still does not have the traditional security arrangements as the US has enjoyed. Apart from growing economic interdependence, Thailand and China have agreed to increase both traditional and non-traditional cooperation including joint training of their special forces. Since December 2011, Thailand, Laos and Myanmar have been cooperative security partners with China patrolling the region's longest river, Mekong - the first multilateral security forces China engaged with foreign countries.
In coming decade, Beijing will rely on its geostrategic position linking China's southern region with the mainland's Asean countries. China has been the major dialogue partner taking up the master plan of Asean Connectivity seriously. During their visits, both Xi and Li made clear of China's readiness to invest in connectivity plans, particular the North-South corridor.
In Thailand, Li called on the Thai politicians to back the multi-billion dollars high-speed train project linking Yunnan to Bangkok, via Vientiane, in his speech at the Thai Parliament. In the future, the railway could be extended to Malaysia and Singapore.
As the chair of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders' Meeting next year, the connectivity theme will also reflect on China's agenda. Other dialogue countries, while expressed interests in the Asean connectivity, have not approached Aean with financial packages. In this case, the plan to establish an infrastructure bank by Beijing is useful - so far Asean has not been able to garner sufficient fund for many super infrastructural projects. The Asian Development Bank says Asean would need at least US$60 billion annually.
Further south, China's policy towards Malaysia is distinctive due to the huge presence of oversea Chinese and currently the No. 1 Asean trading nation with China. As a conflicting party to the South China Sea dispute, Malaysia has been discreet - and very cool headed too - in pursuing bilateral negotiations and Asean sanction process. Together with Brunei, Malaysia is another claimant that has cordial ties with China.
From Beijing's vantage points, Malaysia has been listed as a friendly country, along with Indonesia that treats China as a comprehensive partner not a threat. Malaysia's pan-Asia preference in 1990's still has a strong resonance in Beijing today. Kuala Lumpur also invited Beijing to attend the first Asean meeting in July 1991, which subsequently led to current status as the grouping's most extensive bilateral relations.
In the maritime Southeast Asia, Indonesia stands out as the most important country for China. When Xi visited Jakarta and became the first foreign leader to address the National Assembly, it was a barometer of the extent both countries were willing to accommodate with each other. With further democratic consolidation and rising regional status, Indonesia is not shy to engage China in security and strategic matters. Jakarta has come up with several proposals to break the impasse of South China Sea quagmire as well as preventive and management of conflict in Asean and beyond.
When Li spoke of China's Treaty of Friendship and Neighborliness with Asean, he credited Indonesia's earlier idea of collective security in the region. With Beijing and Jakarta on the same page on strategic matters, the chance of misunderstanding between the world's second economic power and third largest democracy would be minimal - a far cry from four decades ago when China was viewed with hostility.
China's rebalancing strategies to Asean - The Nation
