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‘We are hostages': A Saudi princess reveals her life of hell

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Princess my a$$

a human, perhaps...

i tell you this story... the driver-cum-owner of the transportation in my former employment stayed in the gcc nations for long... oman, dubai and saudia... he told me that he wanted only makkah and madinah to remain standing...

it is funny... and supremely tragic... that usa military goes about doing regime-changes in actually free societies to install "democracy" but usa's allies are the most anti-human and anti-democracy governments or societies in history... the monarchies of the gulf and england and holland.. monarchies in 2014... then the inhuman systems of india, iran, brunei, indonesia... other western bloc capitalist governments... and so on...

In North Africa, Algerians see the Sauds ( the ruling family, not the citizen) as a wart that need to be removed. They made Saudi Arabia, look like a cyst that is the cause of the downfall of Islam and the rise of Islamophobia and the mayhem thru the muslim world. What has happened in Iran under the Shah who was swept by a popular uprising, is happening in KSA too.

yes... and especially brave are the ladies who drive out alone... and what is this?? ladies in saudia cannot have bank account by themselves?? how anti-islami can the sauds get??
 
a human, perhaps...

i tell you this story... the driver-cum-owner of the transportation in my former employment stayed in the gcc nations for long... oman, dubai and saudia... he told me that he wanted only makkah and madinah to remain standing...

it is funny... and supremely tragic... that usa military goes about doing regime-changes in actually free societies to install "democracy" but usa's allies are the most anti-human and anti-democracy governments or societies in history... the monarchies of the gulf and england and holland.. monarchies in 2014... then the inhuman systems of india, iran, brunei, indonesia... other western bloc capitalist governments... and so on...

BS article, and a useless spat by you, beat it kid.
 
Al Saud’s Repressive Monarchy Creates Traction For Saudi Revolution
Though Saudi Arabia hasn’t yet fallen victim to the Arab Spring, it may only be a matter of time, especially as the parallels between Iran under the Shah and present-day Saudi Arabia become alarmingly more apparent.
06d2b5a9aec43adf0828fa625b569e24.jpg

Saudi King Abdullah speaks before a meeting with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry at his private residence in the Red Sea city of in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Friday, June 27, 2014.

An absolute theocracy, Saudi Arabia has lived since its inception in September 1932 under the thumb of two very powerful forces: the House of Saud and the Wahhabi religious paradigm. Hejaz, which stretches along the western part of the Saudi kingdom, was fused with two formerly independent tribal-led sultanates — Nejd in the west and Asir in the south — to become a Wahhabi kingdom.

“Saudi Arabia is really the manifestation of the alliance of Mohammed Abdul-Wahhab, a late 18th century controversial religious figure, and Mohammed bin Saud, the forefather of Al Saud,” Mohsen Kia, an Iranian political analyst with a Ph.D. in Islamic History, told MintPress News.

“Saudi Arabia was very much engineered to subdue the Arabian Peninsula under the weight of both religious dogma and political despotism,” he said, noting: “Its structure sits on quicksand as related to the state’s ability to maintain its people into servitude.”

A relatively young monarchy, at least from an historical standpoint, Saudi Arabia is essentially a tribal patchwork united by one powerful tribe — Al Saud — under foreign patronage to act as a buffer against the Ottomans and the Persians. The rise of Al Saud of Nejd began in the 19th century, when a deal was struck with imperial Britain to create a counter-power to the expansionist and ambitious Ottoman and Persian empires in the Arabian Peninsula, a region that Britain has always understood to be too geostrategically important to let go of or lose sight over.

As tribes became bound, territories were fused and tribal borders disappeared, the world came to understand Saudi Arabia as a single functional entity, one united nation under the banner of Al Saud.

Yet that unity stands today as little more than a facade.

“The kingdom is not as stable as Western powers would like to think,” Kia said. “This projected stability is but a manifestation of Al Saud’s systematic repressive methods, it is artificial.”

This kingdom which both the United States and Britain have come to identify as an ally in the Middle East, this regional superpower which has manipulated the Arab world to its own benefit through an intricate web of financial, political and religious patronage, could soon unravel under the weight of its own brand of despotism.

Now, with democracy central to people’s demands and aspirations across the Arab world, Saudi Arabia has stubbornly isolated itself from the tumult of the Arab Spring. It’s pulling strings from behind the curtain to re-assert a political and institutional order that suits its agenda and will ultimately affirm its dominance over that of its immediate regional challengers – Turkey and Iran.

Just weeks into Tunisia’s uprising in February 2011, Rachel Bronson, vice president of programs and studies at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, wrote for the Washington Post: “Could the next Mideast uprising happen in Saudi Arabia?”

While Bronson noted that “the notion of a revolution in the Saudi kingdom seems unthinkable,” this idea that Saudi Arabia would come to experience its own democratic awakening has become a recurring theme in the media and political circles.

As Sultan Mubarak, an Egyptian political analyst based in Cairo, noted to MintPress: “If Saudi Arabia has so far appeared immune to the Arab Spring it is not to say that it will remain so. Al Saud’s very hand in the counter-revolution … officials’ determination to lay waste democracy by means of military intervention under the cover of fighting terror could actually become the trigger.”

He added that Saudi Arabia has “lost sight” of what is happening domestically because it’s been “so bent on controlling foreign developments.”

“Saudi Arabia exists only under repression, there is no real cohesion. This house of cards is bound to unravel, whether it happens sooner rather than later is up to the people.”



Immovable Saudi Arabia
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Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, and head of the Council of Senior Religious Scholars, Sheik Abdul-Aziz Al-Sheik, prays at the Imam Turki bin Abdullah mosque during Eid al-Fitr morning prayers in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

Commenting on Saudi Arabia’s apparent institutional immovability, Jose Naffah, director of the Caracas-based geostrategic analysis firm Byblos Consulting, told MintPress: “The kingdom has projected this sense of political confidence and control over regional affairs as a defense mechanism, almost. The Saudi monarchy’s distastes changes as with changes come the unknown. The Arab Spring has exploded the Middle East and set in motion a chain reaction which Al Saud is fast losing control over because all it knows is repression.”

“The last time the kingdom faced such a threat to its ruling paradigm was under the influence of late Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser,” he said. “In many ways the Arab Spring movement is but an extension of Nasser’s grand nationalism philosophy. Saudi Arabia might remain for now this oasis of calm, but what one needs to look at is how it stands cornered by fast-moving change – Yemen to the south, Iraq north, Bahrain east, Egypt west.”

Naffah’s assessment of Saudi Arabia was echoed by human rights activist Hussein Hareeshi, based in Qatif, Saudi Arabia. Hareeshi said, “I would say this – Al Saud’s meddling and systematic reactionary stance is what will erode at its powerhouse. You cannot keep a people together artificially.”

“Saudi Arabia is not our country — this is Al Saud’s creation. Under Al Saud we all have known, Shia and Sunnis alike, repression, oppression, brutality and injustice,” Hareeshi continued. “Saudi Arabia’s revolution is as inevitable as people’s desire for freedom is inherent to their nature.”

With the Middle East being swept up in a revolutionary torrent, swallowed by fast-moving change and instability in the forms of radicalism and terror, Saudi Arabia has undergone its own internal battle against change — a battle it’s waged out of the media eye.



Against repression we stand
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Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister Saud al-Faisal gives a press conference with German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, in Jiddah, Saudi Arabia.

Many experts have theorized that Saudi Arabia’s wealth is what has shielded its regime from falling victim to the Arab Spring. Lorraine Swartz, an independent researcher and political analyst based in London, is one of these experts.

“While Saudi Arabia is as repressive – if not more – than its former counterparts in the region,” Swartz said, naming Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, Col. Moammar Gadhafi in Libya, and Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen, “it has enjoyed greater economic stability. The economic factor is what has prevented people this far from rebelling against the regime.”

“They have not yet been pushed beyond the tolerable.”

She continued, explaining: “There is a key psychological and social factor to any revolution. Once people have nothing left to lose rebellion comes easy. But the Saudi regime is fast approaching this invisible barrier of ‘tolerance.’ Aggravated repression has exacerbated popular hatred toward the regime, poverty and unemployment are on the rise, and a state-run sectarian campaign against the minority Shia community in Qatif has led to the fragmentation of the kingdom alongside religious lines.”

She noted that in terms of stability, “It’s not looking good.”

In January, Saoud Kebelli wrote in Al Hayat that increased friction between the old Middle Eastern order, as defined by Al Saud and its foreign allies, and the people had given birth to a regional revolutionary movement — traction for which is being fed by repression. He argued that the very structure of Gulf monarchies is what has delayed the revolutionary movement and kept regimes immune from dissent, referring to relative economic stability and employment opportunities.

Kebelli posited that the real threats Saudi Arabia and Gulf monarchies currently face are solely internal — particularly, depreciating economic factors and social injustice — and not immediately related to the Arab Spring, though it acted as a trigger. “The real threat does not lie in the impact of the Arab Spring revolutions on Saudi Arabia’s internal scene,” he wrote.

If Saudi Arabia’s wealth has indeed held back the revolutionary tide, state-supported oppression could ultimately arouse what many have already called the “sleeping revolutionary giant,” comparing Al Saud’s battle against political and religious dissent with the Shah of Iran and the 1979 Islamic Revolution.



The Shah, the king and the revolutionary
Kia, the Iranian political analyst, said that whether Al Saud cares to admit it, parallels between Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution and the budding uprising that is slowly taking shape in Saudi Arabia have become too apparent to ignore.

“While Saudis and Iranians are very different in terms of how they envision their religious and political environment, at their core both people yearn for freedom of expression, social justice and political self-determination. If Iranians never questioned their national identity as the Saudis seem to be doing, they too grew wary of the Shah’s obscene show of wealth, his repressive stance and keenness to put foreign interests before that of his people.”

“The Shah was too an American ally and asset, the Shah, like Al Saud, conducted his own religious indoctrination — only he thought to secularize Iran, where Al Saud has worked to radicalize its people under the Wahhabi school of thought. The Shah paid no heed to the people’s calls for reforms, and the Shah, too, used the sword to crush activists,” he explained, adding: “We all know how it ended.”

With dissent on the rise in the Saudi cities of Hijaj and Qatif — regions which have never truly fused with Nejd due to deep-seated social and religious incompatibilities, Saudi Arabia could soon face a border backlash with its unruly Yemeni neighbor, as the Houthis have called for the return of Asir, a Saudi province formerly belonging to Yemen.

With the old Middle Eastern order in complete freefall and the ever louder revolutionary cries being heard in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia’s real troubles may very well have only just begun.
 
By Stacy Brown

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The princesses with their father, King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, in an undated photo. From left: Sahar, Jawaher, Hala (on the king's shoulders) and Maha. Inset: Sahar, the kind's oldest daughter, spoke with The Post about her ordeal as a prisoner in her father's palace. "We are cut off and isolated and alone," she says.
It was a life out of a fairy tale — until it became one they couldn’t escape.

Sahar, Maha, Hala and Jawaher Al Saud are daughters of King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, the Saudi Arabian monarch who is worth an estimated $15 billion.

With such riches, the sisters, when younger, would take ski trips to luxurious resorts in Europe and go on endless shopping sprees, buying silk robes and jasmine oil, while their doting father bought them parures — matching jewelry sets — topped with jewel-encrusted tiaras.

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Maha, Hala, mom Alanoud Al Fayez, Sahar and Jawaher in the 1980s.

The women roamed elegant tents, filled with fresh fruits and treats, on an 85-acre, $740 million compound that included a helipad emblazoned with the king’s initials.

Each of them desired a normal, albeit privileged, life: to study abroad, travel the world, and eventually marry and have children.

Now they are prisoners.

Not only has the 89-year-old king forbidden any man to seek his daughters’ hands in marriage, he’s confined them, against their will, in separate dark and suffocating quarters at his palace.

The king’s eldest daughter, 42-year-old Sahar, spoke with The Post in a rare and surreptitious phone call.

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King Abdullah bin AbdulazizPhoto: Getty Images

“We are cut off and isolated and alone,” she says. “We are hostages. No one can come see us, and we can’t go see anyone. Our father is responsible and his sons, our half-brothers, are both culprits in this tragedy.”

Why are the princesses being held captive?

Because they believe women in Saudi Arabia, one of the most oppressive Islamic nations in the world, should be free. Their mother, Alanoud Al Fayez, long ago fled to London.

When the sisters openly spoke in opposition to women being illegally detained and placed in mental wards, the king had enough and no longer considered them his daughters.

“That was it for him. It was the end for us,” Sahar says.

“They once had a normal life for Saudi Arabia, but they are free thinkers, and their father hates that,” mom Al Fayez says. “They are compassionate about the plight of women in Saudi Arabia and throughout the Arab world. The injustices that we see are terrible, and someone must say something.”

Punished for having daughters
Al Fayez, a descendant of a well-to-do Jordanian family, recalls the first time she saw Abdullah. It was 1972. She was 15, he was 48, and she was told that he would be her husband.

“I was being given to him in marriage,” she says. “It was arranged.”

Despite the riches and the servants and the pampering, life quickly became “monotonous,” she says. Almost immediately, she got pregnant.

“After I was forced to marry him, Abdullah would come to my room as a visitor for a few hours every now and then,” Al Fayez says. “And then he’d go to his other wives, so you don’t even fight, you don’t even matter.”



‘THE INJUSTICES THAT WE SEE ARE TERRIBLE, AND SOMEONE MUST SAY SOMETHING.’

- Al FayezWithin four years of the wedding, Al Fayez had given birth to four girls. This was unacceptable: She was, in the king’s eyes, incapable of producing a son, and so she was worthless.


Abdullah, who has had 30 wives and fathered more than 40 children, finally divorced Al Fayez sometime in the 1980s — but she didn’t find out until two years later, through an intermediary. In Saudi Arabia, a husband can divorce his wife without her knowledge.

“Really, he had divorced me a number of times and he’d abuse me, beat me and had me beaten by guards,” Al Fayez says. “And the more I took the abuse, the more I was abused.”

“The last straw, if you want to call it a last straw, really was that when my daughters got real sick, they wouldn’t let me supervise their care or participate in soothing them in any way.

“So that sparked my desire to break away and get to the West and tell the world about the abuses of women in Saudi Arabia.”

When it comes to the rights of women, Saudi Arabia has one of the worst human-rights records in the world. Women don’t have a say in raising their children. They can’t go to school, travel, open a bank account, conduct any kind of business or get medical treatment — especially gynecological surgery — without male permission.

In public, everything except the eyes and the hands must be covered, and the slightest infraction can result in a death sentence.

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Al Fayez with her daughters.

With the help of one of Abdullah’s security guards, Al Fayez fled the compound in the dark of night to Jeddah airport, where, with the help of a women’s rights group, she eventually flew to London.

It was an agonizing decision. Al Fayez says she would have fled with her daughters, but Abdullah had already confiscated the women’s passports and separated them from Al Fayez.

She also said she thought he’d eventually release them to spare the embarrassment of Al Fayez going public with her charges. At the very least, she thought their lives would be better than hers — that he would not mistreat his own children.

“Leaving my daughters was very difficult, but I never thought they’d be subjected to this,” she says. “After all, they are [the king’s] daughters too.”

Prisoners in his home
Al Fayez was wrong.

In 2002, less than one year after her escape, Abdullah began tormenting his daughters. They are in intermittent phone contact with their mother and have told her that he’s drugged their food and water to keep them docile.

“They had felt some oppression before I left, but when he found that I had gone, he vowed that he would kill the girls, slowly,” Al Fayez says. “At one point, he tried to get me to come back, saying that he would take away the divorce and release them, but that wasn’t true and I know that I couldn’t do it. I couldn’t trust that.”

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Saudi Princesses Jawaher (left) and Sahar are confined in their rooms at the palace.

It was then, about 2005, that she first began to fear for her daughters’ safety, she said. “That’s when I thought, now he’d do anything, even punish them till they die, which is exactly what he’s trying to do now.”

The king locked Sahar and the youngest, Jawaher, now 38, in one area of the palace, while confining Mahar, 41, and Hala, 39, to yet another closet-size and unkempt room.

Doctors aren’t even allowed in for checkups.

“The rooms they are locked in are so hot, they wilt from the desert heat,” Al Fayez says. They suffer from dehydration, nausea and heat stroke.

Her daughter Sahar says the king is starving them all to death. They haven’t had a full meal in more than a month, she says, and are forced to eat canned goods that they pry open with nail files.

“We are not angels dropped from the sky as a gift to our father,” Sahar says, “but I assure you that we didn’t commit a crime or do anything to deserve this.”



SHE WAS, IN THE KING’S EYES, INCAPABLE OF PRODUCING A SON, AND SO SHE WAS WORTHLESS.
Power, running water and electricity are shut off at random, sometimes for days or even weeks at a time. Their rooms are overrun with bugs and rodents.


“Our energy is quite low, and we’re trying our best to survive,” Sahar says. Their “gilded cage” is only gilded on the outside. “We live amid ruins. You hear ‘palace,’ but we don’t feel like we’re in a palace at all.”

An official at the Saudi embassy in London tells The Post that the women are free to move about, but because they are royalty, they must be accompanied by armed security guards.

Al Fayez says that’s a lie.

“That place was once a home,” she says. “Now it’s a cage . . . The king wants them dead and he wants them to die in front of the world, yet he will deny any of this ever happened.”

All four women are routinely tortured, sometimes by their own relatives.

“They come in, the men, our own half-brothers, and they beat us with sticks,” Sahar says. “They yell at us and tell us we will die here.”

Marriage isn’t an escape
Each daughter, says their mother, once dreamed of marrying a prince. But with no chance to meet men on their own, and with their father indifferent, they remained single.

“He won’t let anyone take them in marriage, and he’s threatened to kill anyone who would ask,” Al Fayez says. “It’s about psychological warfare and breaking them down.”

Al Fayez said she feels every bit of her daughters’ pain, yet she tries to remind herself of how strong and special each of her girls is.

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King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz

“Sahar is very bright and has always made us laugh. She’s the eldest, and she’s an artist and a free thinker,” Al Fayez says.

“Maha is sensitive but has a penchant for business and politics. Hala is compassionate and brilliant; she majored in psychology and graduated at the top of her class. She loves to play the piano and compose music. Jawaher, my youngest, is very similar in character to Maha. She also loves music and hopes to earn a degree in sound engineering.”

Her daughters, she says, have much to offer. She says she taught each of them to be strong, to stand up to their powerful father, and now that has backfired.

“My children have been living in agony,” Al Fayez says, “and this is far too great to bear. They are wasting away.”

Curiously, Abdullah has other daughters from other wives who are treated far, far better.

Princess Adila, for example, is married to a well-to-do Saudi businessman; she often speaks on behalf of her father. Abdullah appointed another daughter, Aliya, to the lead post in a Jeddah social-service program.

Princess Maryam, says Al Fayez, “is a doctor in Europe and she stays away.” The king’s youngest daughter, Sahab, 21, was given in marriage to Bahraini King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa in 2011.

Why are these four different?

“His hatred stems from their outspokenness,” Al Fayez says. “But from the beginning, even when he paid attention to them, he was angry that I didn’t give him sons. The fact that they are like me bothered him.”



‘WE LIVE AMID RUINS. YOU HEAR ‘PALACE,’ BUT WE DON’T FEEL LIKE WE’RE IN A PALACE AT ALL.’

- SaharAl Fayez says she’s had little help in trying to secure her daughters’ release. She’s hired British and American lawyers, but Abdullah has refused to be questioned.


“We know that the daughters have gone for 30 days without any food or water,” says Ali Al-Ahmed, director of the human-rights group Institute for Gulf Affairs and a former Saudi political prisoner himself.

“They’ve been resourceful, putting away a little food here and there,” he says. “They are in survival mode.”

Sahar tells The Post that she’s constantly threatened by her father and has been told that death is the only way out.

“My father said that after his death, our brothers would continue to detain us and abuse us,” she says.

Al Fayez is frantic. Time, she says, is running out.

“My daughters want the right to see their mother, and I want to see my daughters,” Al Fayez says. “They are just trying to hold on to their sanity.

“They are suffering . . . with no hope for salvation.”

‘We are hostages': A Saudi princess reveals her life of hell | New York Post



Desperate house wives of Riyad Saudi Arabia.

or even better title for the TV show

Desperate house princesses of Riyad Saudi Arabia.

hahaha.


Sorry if I sound callous. Because I am when it comes to "difficult lives" of princes and princes.

yeah. I cry my heart out, when I see them being "abused" in the big mansions, in the Rolls Royces, and gold plated personal jets.

Call me cry baby.

Ok. Call me whatever. But I must draw a line when the top priviliged people of the world come down and cry and cry and cry as to how bad they have it.

They expect us the lowly PDF posters to cry with them

And I refuse.

Yeah.

Give me a small cut out of your Rolls, yeah the one with real gold on it.

Then I may reconsider.

Until then

you can remain 40 year old virgins

or some desperate house wife of Jeddah.

I don't care.

Sorry.



p.s. This is nothing to do with oppression of millions of women being oppressed in the tribal societies.
P. p.s. This is nothing to do with oppression of millions of women being oppressed in the so called civilized societies.
 
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a human, perhaps...

i tell you this story... the driver-cum-owner of the transportation in my former employment stayed in the gcc nations for long... oman, dubai and saudia... he told me that he wanted only makkah and madinah to remain standing...

it is funny... and supremely tragic... that usa military goes about doing regime-changes in actually free societies to install "democracy" but usa's allies are the most anti-human and anti-democracy governments or societies in history... the monarchies of the gulf and england and holland.. monarchies in 2014... then the inhuman systems of india, iran, brunei, indonesia... other western bloc capitalist governments... and so on...



yes... and especially brave are the ladies who drive out alone... and what is this?? ladies in saudia cannot have bank account by themselves?? how anti-islami can the sauds get??

I think not only SA, but Qatar as well. They are stuck in some frozen time in a time wrap!! Poor ladies!!
 
Al Saud’s Repressive Monarchy Creates Traction For Saudi Revolution
Though Saudi Arabia hasn’t yet fallen victim to the Arab Spring, it may only be a matter of time, especially as the parallels between Iran under the Shah and present-day Saudi Arabia become alarmingly more apparent.
View attachment 141339
Saudi King Abdullah speaks before a meeting with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry at his private residence in the Red Sea city of in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Friday, June 27, 2014.

An absolute theocracy, Saudi Arabia has lived since its inception in September 1932 under the thumb of two very powerful forces: the House of Saud and the Wahhabi religious paradigm. Hejaz, which stretches along the western part of the Saudi kingdom, was fused with two formerly independent tribal-led sultanates — Nejd in the west and Asir in the south — to become a Wahhabi kingdom.

“Saudi Arabia is really the manifestation of the alliance of Mohammed Abdul-Wahhab, a late 18th century controversial religious figure, and Mohammed bin Saud, the forefather of Al Saud,” Mohsen Kia, an Iranian political analyst with a Ph.D. in Islamic History, told MintPress News.

“Saudi Arabia was very much engineered to subdue the Arabian Peninsula under the weight of both religious dogma and political despotism,” he said, noting: “Its structure sits on quicksand as related to the state’s ability to maintain its people into servitude.”

A relatively young monarchy, at least from an historical standpoint, Saudi Arabia is essentially a tribal patchwork united by one powerful tribe — Al Saud — under foreign patronage to act as a buffer against the Ottomans and the Persians. The rise of Al Saud of Nejd began in the 19th century, when a deal was struck with imperial Britain to create a counter-power to the expansionist and ambitious Ottoman and Persian empires in the Arabian Peninsula, a region that Britain has always understood to be too geostrategically important to let go of or lose sight over.

As tribes became bound, territories were fused and tribal borders disappeared, the world came to understand Saudi Arabia as a single functional entity, one united nation under the banner of Al Saud.

Yet that unity stands today as little more than a facade.

“The kingdom is not as stable as Western powers would like to think,” Kia said. “This projected stability is but a manifestation of Al Saud’s systematic repressive methods, it is artificial.”

This kingdom which both the United States and Britain have come to identify as an ally in the Middle East, this regional superpower which has manipulated the Arab world to its own benefit through an intricate web of financial, political and religious patronage, could soon unravel under the weight of its own brand of despotism.

Now, with democracy central to people’s demands and aspirations across the Arab world, Saudi Arabia has stubbornly isolated itself from the tumult of the Arab Spring. It’s pulling strings from behind the curtain to re-assert a political and institutional order that suits its agenda and will ultimately affirm its dominance over that of its immediate regional challengers – Turkey and Iran.

Just weeks into Tunisia’s uprising in February 2011, Rachel Bronson, vice president of programs and studies at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, wrote for the Washington Post: “Could the next Mideast uprising happen in Saudi Arabia?”

While Bronson noted that “the notion of a revolution in the Saudi kingdom seems unthinkable,” this idea that Saudi Arabia would come to experience its own democratic awakening has become a recurring theme in the media and political circles.

As Sultan Mubarak, an Egyptian political analyst based in Cairo, noted to MintPress: “If Saudi Arabia has so far appeared immune to the Arab Spring it is not to say that it will remain so. Al Saud’s very hand in the counter-revolution … officials’ determination to lay waste democracy by means of military intervention under the cover of fighting terror could actually become the trigger.”

He added that Saudi Arabia has “lost sight” of what is happening domestically because it’s been “so bent on controlling foreign developments.”

“Saudi Arabia exists only under repression, there is no real cohesion. This house of cards is bound to unravel, whether it happens sooner rather than later is up to the people.”



Immovable Saudi Arabia
View attachment 141340
Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, and head of the Council of Senior Religious Scholars, Sheik Abdul-Aziz Al-Sheik, prays at the Imam Turki bin Abdullah mosque during Eid al-Fitr morning prayers in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

Commenting on Saudi Arabia’s apparent institutional immovability, Jose Naffah, director of the Caracas-based geostrategic analysis firm Byblos Consulting, told MintPress: “The kingdom has projected this sense of political confidence and control over regional affairs as a defense mechanism, almost. The Saudi monarchy’s distastes changes as with changes come the unknown. The Arab Spring has exploded the Middle East and set in motion a chain reaction which Al Saud is fast losing control over because all it knows is repression.”

“The last time the kingdom faced such a threat to its ruling paradigm was under the influence of late Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser,” he said. “In many ways the Arab Spring movement is but an extension of Nasser’s grand nationalism philosophy. Saudi Arabia might remain for now this oasis of calm, but what one needs to look at is how it stands cornered by fast-moving change – Yemen to the south, Iraq north, Bahrain east, Egypt west.”

Naffah’s assessment of Saudi Arabia was echoed by human rights activist Hussein Hareeshi, based in Qatif, Saudi Arabia. Hareeshi said, “I would say this – Al Saud’s meddling and systematic reactionary stance is what will erode at its powerhouse. You cannot keep a people together artificially.”

“Saudi Arabia is not our country — this is Al Saud’s creation. Under Al Saud we all have known, Shia and Sunnis alike, repression, oppression, brutality and injustice,” Hareeshi continued. “Saudi Arabia’s revolution is as inevitable as people’s desire for freedom is inherent to their nature.”

With the Middle East being swept up in a revolutionary torrent, swallowed by fast-moving change and instability in the forms of radicalism and terror, Saudi Arabia has undergone its own internal battle against change — a battle it’s waged out of the media eye.



Against repression we stand
View attachment 141341
Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister Saud al-Faisal gives a press conference with German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, in Jiddah, Saudi Arabia.

Many experts have theorized that Saudi Arabia’s wealth is what has shielded its regime from falling victim to the Arab Spring. Lorraine Swartz, an independent researcher and political analyst based in London, is one of these experts.

“While Saudi Arabia is as repressive – if not more – than its former counterparts in the region,” Swartz said, naming Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, Col. Moammar Gadhafi in Libya, and Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen, “it has enjoyed greater economic stability. The economic factor is what has prevented people this far from rebelling against the regime.”

“They have not yet been pushed beyond the tolerable.”

She continued, explaining: “There is a key psychological and social factor to any revolution. Once people have nothing left to lose rebellion comes easy. But the Saudi regime is fast approaching this invisible barrier of ‘tolerance.’ Aggravated repression has exacerbated popular hatred toward the regime, poverty and unemployment are on the rise, and a state-run sectarian campaign against the minority Shia community in Qatif has led to the fragmentation of the kingdom alongside religious lines.”

She noted that in terms of stability, “It’s not looking good.”

In January, Saoud Kebelli wrote in Al Hayat that increased friction between the old Middle Eastern order, as defined by Al Saud and its foreign allies, and the people had given birth to a regional revolutionary movement — traction for which is being fed by repression. He argued that the very structure of Gulf monarchies is what has delayed the revolutionary movement and kept regimes immune from dissent, referring to relative economic stability and employment opportunities.

Kebelli posited that the real threats Saudi Arabia and Gulf monarchies currently face are solely internal — particularly, depreciating economic factors and social injustice — and not immediately related to the Arab Spring, though it acted as a trigger. “The real threat does not lie in the impact of the Arab Spring revolutions on Saudi Arabia’s internal scene,” he wrote.

If Saudi Arabia’s wealth has indeed held back the revolutionary tide, state-supported oppression could ultimately arouse what many have already called the “sleeping revolutionary giant,” comparing Al Saud’s battle against political and religious dissent with the Shah of Iran and the 1979 Islamic Revolution.



The Shah, the king and the revolutionary
Kia, the Iranian political analyst, said that whether Al Saud cares to admit it, parallels between Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution and the budding uprising that is slowly taking shape in Saudi Arabia have become too apparent to ignore.

“While Saudis and Iranians are very different in terms of how they envision their religious and political environment, at their core both people yearn for freedom of expression, social justice and political self-determination. If Iranians never questioned their national identity as the Saudis seem to be doing, they too grew wary of the Shah’s obscene show of wealth, his repressive stance and keenness to put foreign interests before that of his people.”

“The Shah was too an American ally and asset, the Shah, like Al Saud, conducted his own religious indoctrination — only he thought to secularize Iran, where Al Saud has worked to radicalize its people under the Wahhabi school of thought. The Shah paid no heed to the people’s calls for reforms, and the Shah, too, used the sword to crush activists,” he explained, adding: “We all know how it ended.”

With dissent on the rise in the Saudi cities of Hijaj and Qatif — regions which have never truly fused with Nejd due to deep-seated social and religious incompatibilities, Saudi Arabia could soon face a border backlash with its unruly Yemeni neighbor, as the Houthis have called for the return of Asir, a Saudi province formerly belonging to Yemen.

With the old Middle Eastern order in complete freefall and the ever louder revolutionary cries being heard in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia’s real troubles may very well have only just begun.


If you think this is repression, what do you think will happen when the mullahs take over?

I am no fan of the Saudi Royal family, but they are a product of their society - perhaps the most open minded element of it - for that reason I would wish that the stay in power for a long time.

I really wish they would stop funding ideological movements in the 3rd world so negligently though.
 
Desperate house wives of Riyad Saudi Arabia.

or even better title for the TV show

Desperate house princesses of Riyad Saudi Arabia.

hahaha.


Sorry if I sound callous. Because I am when it comes to "difficult lives" of princes and princes.

yeah. I cry my heart out, when I see them being "abused" in the big mansions, in the Rolls Royces, and gold plated personal jets.

Call me cry baby.

Ok. Call me whatever. But I must draw a line when the top priviliged people of the world come down and cry and cry and cry as to how bad they have it.

They expect us the lowly PDF posters to cry with them

And I refuse.

Yeah.

Give me a small cut out of your Rolls, yeah the one with real gold on it.

Then I may reconsider.

Until then

you can remain 40 year old virgins

or some desperate house wife of Jeddah.

I don't care.

Sorry.



p.s. This is nothing to do with oppression of millions of women being oppressed in the tribal societies.
P. p.s. This is nothing to do with oppression of millions of women being oppressed in the so called civilized societies.
You know what? You're more complicated than women.....
 
You know what? You're more complicated than women.....


pearls of wisdom my dear.

Pearls you spread.

A bit cloudy, but still pearls.

Some may say, fake plastic made in china, yet they are pearls.

May be a princess will love you for such gifts.

May be.
 
pearls of wisdom my dear.

Pearls you spread.

A bit cloudy, but still pearls.

Some may say, fake plastic made in china, yet they are pearls.

May be a princess will love you for such gifts.

May be.

i have said before and i say now... you sir, are a poet...
 
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