This is not our war? Still?

[Juice]

This is our war and guns now need to be turned to India. Jahil talibs have nothing to gain from P3C orions or SAAB-2000 Eriye. Its clear as day who is behind it and this is how it needs to be treated.

Every one here seems to think AWACs and such are only to moniter borders for foriegn incursions...thus only an outside power would wish them destroyed. The Pakistani Taliban have a better understanding than most on this forum. Not only does the loss of these assets cost money, weaken morale and resolve...but AWACs co-ordinate air assets...and without the air support (which the Taliban don't have..or an effective answer to) Close support missions for the Army will be less effective in the event they actually attack the Taliban strong-holds.

 

[Pakistanisage]

This is not our war? Still?

By Kamran Shafi
Published: August 16, 2012

The writer is a columnist, a former major of the Pakistan Army and served as press secretary to Benazir Bhutto kamran.shafi@tribune.com.pk


So then, our ‘assets’ have attacked the extremely high security installation, the Kamra Airbase and Pakistan Aeronautical Complex killing one soldier and damaging an aircraft or two. Whilst earlier reports said that one terrorist had been captured alive, we are now being told that all eight, some say nine, have been killed.

If I had anything to do with the investigations, I would certainly look into the matter of the death of the terrorist caught alive, because you see, just like Mehran, I suspect that this was an inside job too.

There is a report also that says all the attackers were foreigners while others say only one was. Be which as it may this only proves the point that there is a collection of terrorists from across the Muslim world congregated in Fata and comfortably embedded with said ‘assets’.

Now then, after all of the attacks this country has suffered at the Taliban’s hands: Kamra; POFs; Sakesar; GHQ; Hamza Camp; ISI buses; Parade Lane; ISI HQs in Lahore and Faisalabad; Moon Market; Marriott; Lahore Cantonment; Mehran airbase; Lt Gen Mushtaq’s brutal murder in Rawalpindi; Peshawar Meena Bazaar and many others, this is still not our fight; not OUR war? Till when will we live in denial, friends, till when will we call these murdering brutes our ‘assets’?

Are things changing though? Is there a fresh breeze blowing? There might well be, considering General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani’s speech at the PMA, in Kakul. First, kudos to him for clearly stating that Pakistan needed to crush the terrorists without exception. And more for saying all of us are at fault for bringing the country to its present pass. He particularly named the armed forces, read army. He also said, to his credit, that no single institution had all the answers.

Whilst one would have hoped that he had also said that the major blame lay on the faulty strategic thinking of our army brass, e.g., strategic depth in Afghanistan and mollycoddling terrorists of all stripes in the hope that they would help this country face its perceived enemies, I would like to build upon what he did say.

Well, general, this is good and well as our regimental mate Brigadier Ashraf Afridi used to say, now let’s all of us put our shoulders to the wheel and try and get our country out of the morass it is in. For starters, please order the immediate closing down of the media cell in the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) — ISPR is more than equal to the task — and then open a civilised dialogue with lay Pakistanis on the way forward.

And please, please become less India-centric. I can assure you that if it dares to attack our country every Pakistani will stand by you.

And now for contempt. The majesty of the Supreme Court that comes to the fore every time a prime minister is ordered to appear before it is truly awe-inspiring. Indeed, the alacrity with which PMs have presented themselves (under notice of contempt) before the Court: Nawaz Sharif twice; Yousaf Raza Gilani thrice; Raja Pervaiz Ashraf (the Lord only how many times he will appear), convinces one like nothing else that the superior judiciary in our country is truly superior.

Indeed, this judiciary hanged an elected PM, committing judicial murder, no less. Indeed, whilst Nawaz Sharif escaped punishment while he was PM, he was given a life sentence after the Commando’s coup. And Yousaf Raza Gilani was kicked out of his elected office even though he was chief executive of the country. If this isn’t majesty and superiority all rolled into one, what is?

Which is why, it grates upon one’s sensibilities when uniformed servants of the state either refuse to appear at all, or if they condescend to (as in the one appearance of the DG Frontier Corps, Balochistan), appear in civvies. Perish the thought that any general will be summoned like ordinary PMs.

What brought the subject to mind was the re-appearance of the case of the Adiala Eleven, now reduced to Seven, four of them being tortured/starved to death and their bodies strewn hither and thither. If I recall, the last time we heard about these unfortunates was some months ago when the Mother of All Agencies was forced to produce them in the Supreme Court, and the Court handed them over to the K-P government for safe custody.

This is part of the latest report of the matter in a section of our press: “The Supreme Court sought the record from the intelligence agency’s counsel regarding the seven prisoners of Adiala Jail, allegedly abducted by the intelligence agencies. Appearing on notice, Raja Muhammad Irshad, counsel for the intelligence agencies, told the court that the seven prisoners had been arrested for attacking Hamza Camp of the ISI. He said the cases could not be lodged under the Army Act against former prisoners in the Adiala Jail due to the lack (sic) of evidence.

“The chief justice reminded the learned counsel that the report prepared by the Punjab chief secretary was with the court according to which 11 missing persons were picked up by intelligence agencies from outside the Adiala Jail.

“Raja Muhammad Irshad told the court that they had presented their written reply on the issue. The chief justice commented that it was a serious matter and had progressed beyond just statements.”

Now then, according to the lawyer of the ‘Agencies’, the ISI and the MI, there were only seven people who were ‘arrested’. He has conveniently forgotten that there is every evidence, including a report from the Punjab government (as stated by the CJ himself) that 11 prisoners were taken away by the ISI and the MI from Adiala Jail after they were released by the Lahore High Court, both agencies admitting that they had joint custody of them.

Is this not contempt of the worst kind, to lie before the court in the face of the court? Why does the Court not summon a general or two so that this cruel charade is ended?

I have to end with this link and request the Chief Justice to watch the clip himself from 4:04 to 4:20, just 16 seconds. In it Shiekh Rashid ‘Tulli’ is calling on the CJ to commit murder. Suo motu, any of you, My Lords?

Published in The Express Tribune, August 17th, 2012.

This was not our war but there are powers sitting in Afghanistan who control TTP who are working hard to make this our war.

I think it is time for pakistan to send the GOOD Taliban after the BAD Taliban and that should solve the problem.

 

[wild_fire1979]

It is a rapid degeneration of society as such. All of us sitting and discussing this are reasonable well off and educated. We all like to bury our collective head in the sand and would like to blame others. But at the core, it is about lack of a sustainable life in south asia. Lack of proper food, sub-standard living conditions with economies faltering so that their is no hope for a bright future. With the gap widening between rich and poor, people are disfranchised. They feel that revolting against the state, be it in the name of religion or otherwise is the only way to take back power.

 

[third eye]

This is our war and guns now need to be turned to India. Jahil talibs have nothing to gain from P3C orions or SAAB-2000 Eriye. Its clear as day who is behind it and this is how it needs to be treated.

Best our guest, not that our hospitality has not been enjoyed earlier.

However, if targeting an aircraft is reason enough to ' turn' the guns to India then it leads to a few questions.

Whom were the guns pointing to till now ? .. and to what avail ?

Next , what took so long to reach this conclusion ? Attacks on the GHQ too could have been an Indian plot.

The fact of the matter is military establishments like those of the Navy & AF have large spreads and towns have grown around them or close to them.

Nothing gives better publicity than a shots fired at them - they are easier fixed targets to engage.

So long as Pak continues to look at the wrong places its grief shall remain.

Turning guns towards india suits everyone in Pak . In India, nothing will better ensure re election of the existing UPA govt than a war / skirmish with Pak.

Be our guest.

 

[clmeta]

This is not Pakistan's war alone.
This is a global war.

 

[Slides]

We can drop Kamran Shafi into FATA to fight his war. When the US is already leaving in 2014, the focus should be, as always, on political, education and economic policy from the civilian government to control extremism. Fighting "shock and awe" campaigns has largely proven to be a failure as demonstrated by ISAF/NATO/US.

 

[TalibanSwatter]

THURSDAY’S attack on the airbase in Kamra shows that terrorist groups in Pakistan have developed a level of resilience that has survived the killing of several high-profile leaders.

It is for another day to consider why this attack failed where others have caused considerable material damage to security forces.

After the killings of Ilyas Kashmiri, a self-styled expert in multilayered terrorist attacks, Qari Hussain, who was known as ustadul fidayeen (master of suicide bombers), Badar Mansoor, chief of Al Qaeda’s operational network in Pakistan, and Abu Laith al-Libi, strategic mastermind of Al Qaeda in the country, it was presumed that the terrorists were losing their destructive edge.

There were indications that they would need time to recover from these losses. Terrorist attacks decreased by 46 per cent in the first half of the year compared to the same period in 2011.

At the same time, a change in the nature of attacks reflected that the terrorists were under some pressure or lacked human resources. Their reliance on target killings grew. There was a clear decline in the number of suicide attacks in the first quarter of 2012: 13 attacks occurred during that period, a 65 per cent drop over the same period in 2011.

These factors provided reason to believe that the space for terrorists in Pakistan’s tribal areas was shrinking amid the ongoing military campaign and US drone strikes against them.

The Taliban appear to have quickly realised that the erosion of high-value resources could lead to the annihilation of their movement. First, they combined their scattered forces and formed a shura-i-murakeba to resolve their internal disputes.

Al Qaeda took the initiative and brokered an alliance among the Haqqanis, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and militant groups led by Hafiz Gul Bahadur and Mullah Nazir.

The shura also resolved differences between TTP head Hakeemullah Mehsud and his deputy, Waliur Rehman. Members of the shura-i-murakeba agreed to cease attacks against Pakistani security forces and focus their attention on Nato forces in Afghanistan.

After this alliance came about, the strike on the airbase in Kamra is a major assault aimed perhaps at impressing upon the people and the military that these terrorist groups still have the capability to launch substantial operations against high-profile installations.

In order to identify the true potential of the threat they pose, it is important to consider how they managed to evolve a recovery mechanism after heavy losses.

As far as the objective and selection of the target is concerned, it was obvious that they wanted to convey they could target and breach the military’s defences and, perhaps more importantly, make these seem vulnerable. As TTP spokesman Ihsanullah Ihsan claimed, they will continue to attack security installations “until the establishment of a true Islamic state in Pakistan”.

The pattern indicated that Al Qaeda was involved in the attack at a certain level just as Saiful Adil, Al Qaeda’s strategic mastermind, had allegedly been involved in the GHQ and Mehran naval base attacks along with Ilyas Kashmiri.

The question is, in the absence of key masterminds, how was the attack managed and by whom?

Initial investigation has focused on, among others, Adnan Rasheed, a former employee of the air force who was sentenced to death for his role in an attempt to assassinate Gen Pervez Musharraf. He was among those who escaped from Bannu jail in April this year.

It is possible that Rasheed was part of the planning team, as he could be aware of details about security at the airbase and could have sympathisers inside the base, but it is yet to be established if he could have managed a high-profile attack. If that is the case, some to follow in Ilyas Kashmiri’s mould may be available to the terrorists. An even more important question is the identity of the strategic mind behind the attack, especially when al-Libi has been killed.

Anyone including Farman Ali Shinwari, successor of Badar Mansoor as Al Qaeda’s operational chief in Pakistan, Ustad Farooq, head of the so-called Punjabi Taliban, Abdul Shakoor al-Turkistani, a powerful Al Qaeda leader, Saiful Adil, who operates from Iran, or Hakeemullah Mehsud could have been the mastermind.

Although the terrorists failed to show the level of destructive skill in the Kamra attack that they did under Kashmiri’s supervision in the Mehran base, GHQ and Lahore police academy attacks, the emerging pattern reflects that they will continue to try.

Besides collaborative operations, the terrorist groups are also looking for a replacement for Qari Hussain, and the Darra Adam Khel Taliban have reportedly taken responsibility for filling this void.

The unity among terrorist groups is not the only source of their strength. They also gain strength from fragmentation and confusion over the war against terrorism among the security, political and civil society leaderships in Pakistan.

The spread and reach of terrorists has become a critical challenge for the state, and yet ambiguity on the issue of terrorism pervades society. The collective mindset reflects a state of out-and-out denial.

Although the army chief’s speech on Independence Day was encouraging, as he stressed clarity on the issue of extremism and terrorism, the political leadership has not shown commensurate enthusiasm.

Ahead of the general elections, political parties do not appear to be ready to take any clear stance because of the uncertainty over the issue and its external linkages. Parties are staying on the sidelines despite a dire need for a national security policy that security experts have been crying themselves hoarse about for many years.

In order to avoid external and regional caveats, the security and political leadership ought to at least be able to agree on an internal security paradigm and mechanism that should be based on close vigilance and appropriate response in view of the threat perception.

 

[Capt.Popeye]

This was not our war but there are powers sitting in Afghanistan who control TTP who are working hard to make this our war.

I think it is time for pakistan to send the GOOD Taliban after the BAD Taliban and that should solve the problem.

LOL. Has anybody ever succeeded in sending GOOD SNAKES after the BAD SNAKES to take them out? And if the solution to this log-festering problem was so obvious and simple as this, then why has not been done so far? And would'nt the success have benn apparent already?
Its just this; all the SNAKES (Good, Bad and Ugly) are simply taking over the breeding grounds, while the owners are having to scurry about.

 

[TalibanSwatter]

THE NEWS

Tsunamis are known for the height of their waves, and Pakistan Tehreek e Insaaf (PTI)’s tsunami would probably register its tallest wave yet if it hits the mountains of Waziristan next month. Organising a jalsa inside the Taliban stronghold of Waziristan would be no small achievement, given the Taliban disapproval of electoral politics and their habit of expressing disapproval through violence.

One would expect the Tehreek i Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to have a soft corner for the PTI, given that the PTI has always opposed any military action against the TTP. The PTI believes Talibanisation in Pakistan to be a direct consequence of Pakistan’s support for the US-led war on terror (WoT). While it condemns Taliban attacks within Pakistan, it regards them as a response to the WoT. To quote party Chairman Imran Khan, terrorism as epitomised by the Taliban is “a reaction to drone strikes and military operations; suicide bombings are a tool of the weak used to attack oppressors”.

But surprisingly in this case, the “weak” consider Imran Khan to be part of the “oppressors” as well. Back in 2011 TTP’s spokesperson Ehsanullah Ehsan declared Imran Khan a “ghulam” (slave) of the West. More recently the TTP has upped the ante by declaring Khan, an “infidel” because of the latter’s audacity to call himself a “liberal”. Presently, the TTP is deliberating upon whether to allow the Khan tsunami into Waziristan, but, if one is to go by the TTP’s track record in dealing with infidels, then he could be as legitimate a target as were many others who were killed for the crimes of being liberal, infidel etc.

These recent events have highlighted some very interesting anomalies in the PTI’s stance vis a vis the TTP. To begin with, it lays bare the naiveté in PTI’s overly simplistic analysis of the Taliban threat. For almost a decade now Imran Khan has been citing Pakistan’s support for the WoT as the main reason behind the Taliban phenomenon. With his anti drone dharnas he represents that counterfactual policy position, which he thinks is the only solution to the Taliban problem. But despite his anti WoT rhetoric the Taliban have labelled him a “slave of the West” (ironically the same epitaph that Khan often bestows upon President Zardari). It should be obvious that there is much more on the Taliban’s agenda, than the mere departure of US troops from Afghanistan.

But even more interesting is Imran Khan’s response to the TTP, which is eerily similar to that of the ANP leadership when they are faced with such threats. While there is nothing wrong in invoking the name of Allah and putting on a fearless posture, for Imran Khan this is a contradiction of his belief to reject any notion of confrontation with the Taliban. He has always proposed negotiations with the TTP to avoid unnecessary deaths and had recently even offered his own services as a mediator between the government and the Taliban.

Surprisingly with the lives of his own party workers at stake, he seems in no mood to negotiate with the Taliban, who have declared his belief in democracy to be un-Islamic and thus the main source of contention. One would expect the PTI to explain its vision of an “Islamic Welfare State” to the TTP and address this grievance of theirs, but so far there has been no indication of that.

So instead of negotiating a safe entry, the PTI would be relying on its Waziristan chapter for the security of the tsunami. Imran Khan believes that “every man in the tribal area is a warrior, and carries a gun”, a belief that stands challenged by the thousands of IDPs from Waziristan who were reluctant to go back home because of threats from the TTP. But nevertheless, even if one believes this romanticised notion, then by galvanising this heavily armed “peace caravan” the PTI is in fact planning to raise an armed lashkar to counter potential threats from the TTP.

This might be the first time that the chairman of the PTI is differentiating between the Taliban and the people of Fata, but during the last ten years, several such lashkars of “infidels” have been formed to resist the Taliban. However, doing so has come at very high costs, as the massacre of more than 200 tribal elders across Fata stands testament to the fate of those who have dared to defy the TTP.

While Imran Khan has clearly stated that he has no desire to get himself or anyone else injured or killed, barging into the TTP controlled areas at the head of an armed procession is certainly not the way to ensure that. Interestingly, Imran Khan’s ex wife Jemima Khan has announced the cancellation of her plans through her Twitter account, she took this decision after the chairman of PTI told her that going to Waziristan would be “too dangerous”, a fear that he has certainly not shared with the rest of the 100,000 expected at the event.

With parties such as the ANP restricting their political activities under threat from the Taliban, the chairman of the PTI should also reconsider his decision as the cost of it could be measured in terms of human lives.

The time has come for the rank and file of the PTI to demand a clear party position on the Taliban. If Taliban violence will continue to be directed at the vote registering “infidels” of Pakistan even after the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, then this present war against the Taliban is definitely our war. A war that would become increasingly difficult to fight once the TTP is free of US pressure and Pakistan is devoid of military aid. If it is our war then let’s fight it as we are supposed to, rather than shy away from it by clinging on to ridiculous theories.

 

[TalibanSwatter]

Ayaz Amir

Gen Kayani’s speech at PMA Kakul on August 14 repays a close study. The war against religious extremism was our war, he said. This was the kernel of his remarks. It would have helped if this clarity had come much earlier...but better late than never.

Extremism gone wild and threatening to become virulent is our most serious problem, dwarfing all others, including our economic woes. Indeed it is no exaggeration to say that this derangement of the Pakistani mind, expressed in extremism, threatens the foundations of the state.

We survived the loss of East Pakistan. Germany has survived the loss of territory. Russia is still Russia despite the breakup of the Soviet Union. But Pakistan will not remain Pakistan if the havoc being wrought in the name of religion and by religious extremism is allowed to go unchecked. Pakistan was created in the name of religion. Is it to be undone in the name of religion?

And we are still caught up in the debate whether this is our war or not. If this is not our war there never will be a war we can call our own. Imran Khan wouldn’t be able to survive a day in Hakimullah Mehsud’s Islamic Emirate. So what is he talking about?

North Waziristan today, for all practical purposes, is an independent emirate where the Pakistan flag does not fly, where the authority of the Pakistan state, such as it is, is not recognised. And politicians of all hues, from left to right, beat their breasts and shed copious tears regarding drone strikes in this territory whose control has passed out of our hands. The comic sentimentality on which they feed, and whose flag-bearers they are ever ready to be, is equalled only by their tunnel vision.


But mediocre men mouthing meaningless clichés can be forgiven their petty sins. The larger sin rests with the mighty institution now revising its doctrine and entering the realm of second thoughts.

Extremism in Pakistan did not spread through the medium of the stars or the application of cosmic rays. The engine of this growth – and my heart sinks as I write this – was the Pakistan Army, from General Zia to General Beg, with ISI chiefs leading the charge. To our lasting ill luck, jihad was promoted as an instrument of national policy and extremist organisations, whose names we have come to know and dread, were encouraged to set up camp and recruit followers, and spread the message of hate and bigotry.

This policy, if it can be distinguished by that name, was meant as an external instrument – jihad as an extension of foreign policy. But as happens with such things the fallout it created fell back on us, the fallout or blowback proving hotter than the original flames. But this is history and let it pass. Even if late in the day, the ideological re-emphasis – I almost said ideological turnaround – mirrored in Gen Kayani’s remarks on extremism needs to be welcomed.

It should have been the task of the political leadership to voice such thoughts. Gen Kayani’s speech should have come from the president (let’s leave the prime minister alone, he is caught up in other things) or from national leaders-in-waiting. If they choose to remain silent, emphasising the intellectual vacuum that exists in Pakistan today, the army command is not to be blamed if it seeks to fill the void.

And there is no use blaming American visitors for making a bee-line for General Headquarters when they come visiting Pakistan. Taking decisions is one thing. But even if the churning of ideas – or what pass for ideas in this country – is to take place there, then it is obvious that quality time they will choose to spend in Rawalpindi rather than in the vacuous corridors of Islamabad.

Anyway, let’s hope the PMA speech is not just rhetoric but marks a turning point, a change of direction. Even so, we should be clear what extremism has come to mean in Pakistan. It is not just the waves of violence emanating from the independent emirate of North Waziristan. That would be no great matter. The cancer could be isolated and treated (lanced is the better word) when circumstances permitted. But the problem is more complicated than that.

North Waziristan extremism has ideological sympathisers, sleeper cells and a support network, a mosque support network, running from one end of Pakistan to the other. And it is thriving in an atmosphere of radicalisation marked by such incidents as the killing of Shias in Quetta, the murder of Shias in Kohistan.

When the misuse of mosque loudspeakers becomes a national pastime, and the spewing of hatred against different sects an everyday occurrence; when a poor Christian girl such as Aasia Bibi in Sheikhupura is held on a blasphemy charge, setting off a train of events leading ultimately to the murder of governor Salmaan Taseer at the hands of one of his guards, and the guard is hailed as a hero of the faith, and lawyers shower him with rose petals when he appears before a magistrate; when someone in Bahawalpur is held on a blasphemy charge and after being sprung from police lockup is set on fire by an enraged mob; when another poor Christian girl is held on a blasphemy charge near Islamabad; and the Muslim community, which should be moved to outrage at such outrages, chooses to remain silent and do nothing; and when, in a comic interlude, the highest security agencies use clerical windbags to whip up the froth of a false nationalism; then be not surprised if religious radicalisation keeps receiving shots in the arm, and extremism as an ideological force turns into a more poisonous brew.

When the next bunch of Shias is murdered we read it as a newspaper item and shrug our shoulders and carry on as usual. And the call to prayers is sounded and it makes not the slightest difference to our collective conduct.

The kingdom of dread which religious extremism has created is much wider than the geographic confines of North Waziristan. Has America done this to us? Is America the sole agent of our misfortunes? Or, painful thought, did we sow the dragon’s teeth ourselves? And if that was the past, are we not watering the spreading plant even now?

The task at hand, it should be clear at this stage, is much larger than the necessity of any single military operation. Pakistan’s face has been distorted and it is that which must be set right if we are serious about rescuing what we like to call Iqbal and Jinnah’s Pakistan. Our minds have become twisted and a part of them are numb, incapable of feeling and thought, and that is why we choose to keep silent when our hearts should be brimming with outrage.

If we want to emerge from the shadows, into the dustbin of history must be cast the shibboleths and attitudes of our eminently forgettable past. This war now upon us can be won only if the first order of business is the liberation and emancipation of the Pakistani mind.

 

[Solomon2]

This policy, if it can be distinguished by that name, was meant as an external instrument – jihad as an extension of foreign policy. But as happens with such things the fallout it created fell back on us, the fallout or blowback proving hotter than the original flames

Was it due to bad luck or the deliberate purpose of General Hamid Gul? Gul did, after all, set up his own intelligence and "wet job" service OUTSIDE of the normal Pakistani Army command structure and civilian accountability - and as far as I know this "alumni club" remains active to this day.

 

[Bill Longley]

he is a biased idiot who want to score points infront of out siders so that he be acknowledged as an intellectual.

its like saying " Israel created Hamas to balance PLO and still Hamas is Israeli Asset"

We lost more than 40 thousand Pakistanes and more then 3 thousand Troops more then ISAF forces combined and still the writer shows bais against our forces and people.

come out of Pakistan fobia. we suffered and are suffering for you and you blame us and I will call it thanklessness. this behaviour will ultimately make concensus in minds of Pakistani nation against this so called war.

try to appreciate Pakistani sacrifised and plzz dont read such type of writers.

 

[Solomon2]

We lost more than 40 thousand Pakistanes and more then 3 thousand Troops more then ISAF forces combined -

Why don't you blame incompetent military leadership for such things?

 

[Bill Longley]

Why don't you blame incompetent military leadership for such things?

incompetant militery leadership ???

we are fighting people who are from our own race and nation . we cannot afford to drop daisy cutter from 20 thousand feets to kill one terrorist because colletral damage means own damage, un-like ISAF who dont have to care for civillians ,we have to do it.

So Bro respect, learn to respect

 

[Solomon2]

incompetant militery leadership ???
we are fighting people who are from our own race and nation . we cannot afford to drop daisy cutter from 20 thousand feets to kill one terrorist because colletral damage means own damage, un-like ISAF who dont have to care for civillians ,we have to do it.
So Bro respect, learn to respect

You have aspirations to be a reporter. You know one of the duties of a reporter is to sift fact from convenient fiction - and absolutely everybody knows that for the past five years the U.S. has been knocking off terrorists one little missile at a time, not by huge bombs.

You don't know if Pakistan's generals are purposely sending their jawans into situations that will decimate them, just to rack up the body count and gain the credibility you cite. If you don't consider it your duty to investigate that, how can you consider yourself either a good citizen or good reporter?