One, the lower economic status of Muslims is related to where they are located, and not (usually) their religion. The 2001 census figures show that the Muslim literacy rate is actually higher than the Hindu one in seven major states – Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat, Jharkhand and Maharashtra. In Kerala, Muslims and Hindus are level, and the former suffer no discrimination, whatsoever. In fact, they have benefited the most from the state’s high-quality education system and access to lucrative Gulf jobs because of their religion.
In the states where Muslims are faring worse, the explanations are clear. UP and Bihar were the worst-governed states till recently. As for West Bengal, Assam and Jammu & Kashmir, the explanations are even more obvious: illegal immigration from Bangladesh in the first two cases, and terrorism and infiltration by jihadi groups in Kashmir. Both skew the Muslim picture enormously.
The 2011 census should offer us further confirmation in this regard – and possibly a closing of the gap between Hindu and Muslim literacy rates, which stood at 65% and 59% in favour of Hindus in 2001.
Two, you cannot build a case for discrimination only by looking at areas where the numbers are stacked against the community. Muslims may be under-represented in government jobs, but they are over-represented in several other booming areas: Bollywood, employment in the Gulf, the media and entertainment sectors, BPO, automobile servicing and repairs, and several traditional industries like glass-making, leather, powerlooms, carpet-making and zari work – to name just a few examples.
Three, you cannot build a sense of empowerment among Muslims without talking about their success stories. Whether it is an Azim Premji at Wipro, Yusuf Hamied at Cipla or Habil Khorakiwala at Wockhardt, these are the role models to provide inspiration. But Sachar does not even mention them.
Are these success stories aberrations? Can a community lift itself without its own sense of heroes? How many Muslims would be energised by the symbolism personified by the Khans of Bollywood as opposed to the Sachar symbols of crutches and life-support systems?
Four, the Sachar data is highly biased in three ways. First, it is not “normalised”. Apples are compared with oranges. Second, the Muslim data is compared only to the upper classes/castes in Hindu society and not the whole of it (SC/ST Hindus are excluded from the comparison). When you choose your own yardstick for comparison, you will get the results you want (discrimination).
As Sunil Jain pointed out in Business Standard some years ago, the data are not comparable. If we have too few Muslim IAS officers, we have to look deeper, for the raw numbers provide no explanation. The real issue is few Muslims even sat for the IAS. But things are changing, and the 2010 IAS topper was a Kashmiri Muslim – Shah Faesal. Jain also says that Muslims figure lower in the economic league because they have fewer members among the salaried classes.
Five, Nitish Sengupta, a former MP and secretary to the Union government, also points to a more fundamental flaw in Sachar’s loaded report. According to him, the lower economic status of Muslims in India was the result of partition, which saw the best and brightest leaving for Pakistan. This automatically robbed Indian Muslims of their elite, those who were best equipped to succeed in independent India.
Says Sengupta: “Those (Muslims) who stayed back in India were, by and large, the rural community, the self-employed and the service providers. A great majority of them, under the influence of powerful mullahs, kept away from modern education and, in consequence, modern jobs and professions. Thus, the figures for Muslim percentage in government jobs practically started from a zero base. This point should have been mentioned in the report’s overall analysis. Its omission is a serious statistical error.”
Six, Sachar completely ignores the internal factors that may be holding back Muslims. It did not look at the reasons why Muslims opted out of a secular education, why they have looked to mullahs and imams for leadership instead of modernists like Arif Mohammed Khan (who supported the Shah Banu court verdict) or even a Salman Khursheed.