analysis: Flags flying over Bajaur —Salman Tarik Kureshi
Since independence, however, Britain’s successor state Pakistan has done nothing to integrate these regions with the rest of the country and extend the benefits (or otherwise) of Pakistani administration, legislation or sovereignty over them
Major General Tariq Khan, inspired
by the sight of the Pakistan flag being raised over Damadola (Bajaur), claimed that this was probably the first time since Pakistan’s independence in August 1947 that the national flag had flown here. That is right. That is what he said! Okay, so we understood that the murderous traitors of the TTP were not enamoured of our green ensign and chose to fly some other pennant altogether. But not since independence? Was there a slip of the tongue here?
Probably not. The fact of the matter is that, in these regions, the writ of the sovereign state of Pakistan never ran effectively anyhow. And that was before anyone had ever heard of any kind of Taliban.
FATA — Bajaur Agency; Orakzai Agency; Mohmand Agency; Khyber Agency; Kurram Agency; North Waziristan Agency; South Waziristan Agency; Tribal Areas adjoining Peshawar District; Tribal Areas adjoining Kohat District; Tribal Areas adjoining Bannu District; and Tribal Areas adjoining Dera Ismail Khan District — adjoins the province presently governed by Amir Haider Hoti. But they do not form a part of it. All this terrain, and the souls living thereon, are said to be under the direct charge of the president of the Islamic Republic. But, let it be quite clear, the laws of the state of Pakistan do not prevail here. This is both a legal position and a reality on the ground.
Now, it may have suited a foreign imperial power to maintain two buffer zones between itself and the then Russian Empire, viz Afghanistan and the tribal areas on this side of the Durand Line. Since independence, however, Britain’s successor state Pakistan has done nothing to integrate these regions with the rest of the country and extend the benefits (or otherwise) of Pakistani administration, legislation or sovereignty over them. Worse, where the administrators of the British Raj, through a combination of guile and clever management, had generally succeeded in exercising a substantial degree of actual control over these areas, even this disappeared over the last 60 years.
Our official bureaucracies, both civilian and military, permitted — indeed, even contrived at encouraging — a flourishing trade in smuggled goods to grow in the FATA belt. Perhaps they believed that this would generate a degree of wealth in these areas without the need for investing in infrastructure. Or perhaps they enjoyed permitting the duty free purchase of consumer durables by our urban elite. The older among us will remember trips to Landi Kotal Bazaar and Bara Market to buy smuggled cloth, air conditioners and other such goodies. Easily bypassed customs checkposts were established well inside the borders of Pakistan in a hypocritical attempt at preventing these goods from entering our cities.
But that was perhaps a time of relative innocence, of victimless crime. Inevitably, more sinister trades were to evolve. The author recalls a shop in the Bara market with counters on two opposite sides. One counter retailed weaponry (including automatic weapons), ammunition and hand-grenades. The other side was where those so inclined could buy resinous lumps of marijuana or opium and deadly polythene packets of heroin powder. “He profits from selling two kinds of death,” I recall thinking, as the bearded shopkeeper left his establishment at the afternoon call to prayer, “How dare he face his Maker?”
Motor vehicles stolen in Karachi, Lahore and other cities were spirited away into the Tribal areas, there to be repainted and sold back into those very cities. Kidnap victims are lodged in these ‘regions-beyond-the-law’ while ransoms are negotiated. Thanks to the gross negligence of practically every Pakistani government over the decades, these regions became a thieves’ paradise — an extended band of lawlessness along our northwest that sheltered and offered a staging ground for every kind of crime and violent criminal organisation. These latter would include the leaders of al Qaeda and the Taliban.
For a time, the FATA regions were used principally as staging grounds for incursions into Afghanistan. Since it may have been felt that what happened in that country was not our concern, our authorities were not too pushed about these “safe havens”. In fact, the regime of Pervez Musharraf went out of its way to strike ‘deals’ with the Taliban, under which these savages were effectively granted judicial, governmental and tax collection privileges in much of FATA. After 2003, the emerging militancy of Takfiri ideas, which consider most Pakistanis to be infidels, began to cause serious concern. The venom spewed by Sheikh Essa, a firebrand cleric from Egypt, and others galvanised extremist forces, who now sought to militarily carve out ‘Islamic Emirates’ from the regions of Pakistan’s northwest and Afghanistan’s southeast.
In the process, whatever vestigial writ the threatened state of Pakistan may have possessed, was eliminated. Violent primitives erupted outward, even into the ‘settled’ districts of Pishin, Quetta, Bannu, Kohat, Malakand, Swat, Swabi and Hazara. Beyond the ethnic Pashtun belt, they carried their war against the state of Pakistan into our major cities, from Peshawar to Karachi. Their terror bombings have caused the mass murder of citizens everywhere and they are clearly implicated in the assassination of Pakistan’s best known political personality.
The armed forces correctly, if somewhat belatedly, perceived their patriotic duty and have responded to the deadly threat...admirably and, by the Grace of God, with outstanding success. That is why General Tariq Khan and we can today triumphantly salute our national flag, flying again over Damadola.
The point is that this ‘Band of Anarchy’ in the tribal areas will continue to fling out destructive tendrils in every direction, both into Afghanistan and Pakistan, until such time as FATA ceases to exist as a separate political and administrative entity. General Kayani is spot-on correct when he refers to the need for a three-pronged approach: clear, hold and develop. It is this last approach that needs to be emphasised. Development does not merely mean building roads and canals, although that is part of it. More importantly, it includes the tricky job of developing sustainable political structures and institutions. A holistic process, comprising a mix of political, administrative, juridical and ideological initiatives, needs to be envisaged and implemented. And this is the job of our political authorities, not of the armed forces.
The writer is a marketing consultant based in Karachi. He is also a poet