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Syrian Civil War (Graphic Photos/Vid Not Allowed)

After Islamic State, ruined Raqqa fears new strife

John Davison
6 MIN READ

RAQQA, Syria (Reuters) - The morning after Islamic State’s defeat in Raqqa, a local militia fighter stood in a square in the ruined, deserted city center. “There will be more problems here,” he said.

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FILE PHOTO: Fighters of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) dance along a street in Raqqa, Syria October 18, 2017. REUTERS/Erik De Castro/File photo

The 19-year-old, who gave his name as Moro, was one of few Raqqa natives to witness the aftermath of the battle for the Syrian city. Victory celebrations by Kurdish forces felt muted - there were no civilians left. It was the “liberation” of a ghost town.

“Daesh is to blame for this,” said Moro, an Arab who joined the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces militia alliance (SDF) to fight Islamic State, known pejoratively as Daesh, after fleeing Raqqa two years before.

“But not everyone will see it that way. If destruction remains, people will blame the coalition, and maybe us.”


The cost of the campaign to oust Islamic State from its former Syrian capital is the destruction of the city, the death and maiming of hundreds of civilians and displacement of tens of thousands.

As the dust settles, Raqqa’s traumatized population fears new violence.

Rebuilding Raqqa, which resembles wrecked Syrian cities like Aleppo and Homs, will take years, meaning long-term homelessness for many - an issue already fuelling resentment against the forces that helped end Islamic State’s detested “caliphate”.

SDF supporters worry resentment will turn into unrest, pitting them against those who were more sympathetic to Islamic State, or who oppose what is increasingly perceived as Kurdish control of the majority Arab city.

The flags of the Kurdish YPG militia that spearheads the SDF were the first to fly above former Islamic State strongholds in Raqqa. Fighters chanted Kurdish slogans. The SDF declared the city would become part of Kurdish-led autonomy plans for northern Syria.

Many residents welcomed the U.S.-backed militias even as air strikes killed their relatives, saying the SDF at least treated them well.

But euphoria is giving way to a realization there is nothing for most to go back to. The U.S. State Department says it could be months if not longer before mines and debris are cleared and people can return.

Officials say frustration will be exploited by the SDF’s enemies: Turkey, which is fighting a Kurdish insurgency of its own, and President Bashar al-Assad, who has vowed to retake all of Syria.

Raqqa has in turn been controlled by Assad, rebel groups and then the jihadists in Syria’s six-year-old conflict. The forces now in control promise democracy and the council staffed by locals plans to hold elections.

“We’re done with Daesh. The regime can’t return either,” Moro said, referring to Assad’s Damascus-based government.

He stood at the spot where Islamic State whipped him 130 times for missing prayers. He and his brother spied on the group for the U.S. coalition by secretly filming key locations before his brother was found out and executed, he said.

‘KURDS ALLOWED IN’

Signs of Islamic State’s brutality litter Raqqa. Fighters last week searched a former prison set up underneath Raqqa stadium. Some cells were not big enough to sit up in.

On Naeem roundabout, where jihadists held public executions, a local woman said she once counted 77 decapitated heads on spikes.

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FILE PHOTO: A fighter of Syrian Democratic Forces takes a selfie at a clock tower in Raqqa, Syria October 18, 2017. REUTERS/Erik De Castro/File photo

Some 260,000 people fled the fighting. For now, most live in crowded camps and abandoned buildings with barely any water, electricity, food or medicine.

Those who fled abroad are unlikely to return, relatives say.

The few locals to see Raqqa after the expulsion of Islamic State include SDF fighters and civilians who did not flee. Others are desperate to get in.

At a checkpoint on Raqqa’s outskirts, a crowd of people displaced for months argued with militiamen, demanding to inspect their houses.

“They say the area’s mined. It’s not, people have been across. You need connections. Kurds are allowed in,” Sara Hussein, 58, said.

“Has Raqqa not been freed? It’s over. We saw the parades on TV - we want to go home.”

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FILE PHOTO: Fighters of Syrian Democratic Forces walk at the stadium in Raqqa, Syria October 18, 2017. REUTERS/Erik De Castro /File photo

The SDF did not immediately comment but says it fairly represents all ethnicities in areas it controls.

The residents wanted to fetch winter clothes, worrying properties would be looted. One man said the SDF questioned him and confiscated his papers.

EMPLOYEES OF THE CALIPHATE
Others have been more thoroughly interrogated. They are among those Moro fears will resent the SDF.

A former Islamic State employee, who gave his name as Abu Furqan, was pushed out of Raqqa on his wheelchair by neighbours as they fled.

The 23-year-old had lost both legs in an air strike in August, and sat outside a mosque asking Red Crescent workers for painkillers. His wounds had been sewn up in an Islamic State clinic. Raqqa has no working hospitals.


“I did odd jobs for Daesh - manning police checkpoints, and driving around distributing water to fighters. Will I be interrogated again?” he said.

Islamic State wages were good, he said.

He avoided questions about whether he still sympathized with jihadists or opposed the SDF, replying: “When Daesh first came, some people were more afraid of what the U.S. reaction would be,” a reference to air strikes.

The final days of the battle for Raqqa were marked by tension between the coalition and tribal leaders who demanded air strikes stop for the sake of trapped civilians while they negotiated safe exit for some militants, council officials said.

One tribal leader said the coalition should compensate bereaved families.

For now, people just want to return.

Moro kept muttering: “It’s destroyed.”

Additional reporting by Rodi Said; editing by Giles Elgood

Our Standards:The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
 
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Escape from Raqqa: how my three-year ordeal in the Isis stronghold ended
Tim Ramadan
I had vowed not to leave the Syrian city until the hated black flags came down. Then a chance encounter set me on an unintended path fraught with danger



SDF fighters in Raqqa. ‘We took off half an hour before sunrise, hiding when we heard gunfire. My big fear was of stepping on a landmine that would blow us all up.’ Photograph: Rick Findler/Getty Images
Thursday 19 October 2017 04.06 EDT First published on Thursday 19 October 2017 03.00 EDT

We had gathered as usual in one of the Raqqa houses for a dinner that consisted of a pot of bulgur cooked on firewood, olives and old bread. The older people shared a can of halva to maintain their level of blood sugar. The flames of the candles flickered with the breeze that came in through a hole created by shell damage to the house, and making out the details on the faces around me was difficult.

There wasn’t enough food for everyone owing to the sudden late arrival of some families driven out of their homes by Islamic State because the battles with the Syrian Democratic Forces had drawn closer to their street.
In one corner of the room sat a man and his wife and their four small children. They were among the new arrivals. The man refused to eat and said he wasn’t hungry, a response that baffled everyone, for how could a man not be hungry in Raqqa? We insisted that he join us but he refused, although his wife joined us so she could feed their children. Her eyes were swollen from continuous weeping – which was not strange, because the women and children always cried.

After dinner we went and sat near him to try to get him to join the conversation, but his responses were always short, and he did not want to talk. His dialect indicated that he was not from Raqqa itself, and one of the families said the family had been displaced from another Syrian city. The conversation moved to the military developments and where the battle lines had reached, and the number of families that had been able to flee. That was when he began to weep.

His wife sat next to him and caressed his head, saying: “Whatever God has preordained will happen.” Everyone was silent, looking at him, waiting to hear his story. Then the wife began, explaining that they had been waiting for a chance to get out of Raqqa in order to treat their sick son, who she said might need surgery. Her husband interrupted her and began talking, describing the day before the SDF reached their neighbourhood and how he had planned to get out of this hell to take his son for treatment.

Someone asked him why he hadn’t just taken the risk and fled, like many other families, since his son’s life depended on it. He said he could not subject all of his children to danger just to save one of them, and that anyway he was unable to carry all the children and run with them from snipers and shells. He wept profusely as he said these words. People tried to comfort him, but he kept shaking his head as if to say words were hopeless.


A fighter holds a captured Islamic State flag in the city of Raqqa on 18 October. Photograph: Asmaa Waguih/AP
I sat by him and reminded him gently that he still had his strength – that he could carry two of his children, his wife could carry one, and I could carry the fourth, then we could all run and get out of here. He looked at me in astonishment, asking me if I was joking or serious.

That was my last, brief moment to back out of my decision, but the tears in his eyes were enough to convince me. I answered that I wasn’t joking, and that I could help carry his children, and that I knew the streets here well. Until that moment, I had had no intention of leaving Raqqa.

The man was very excited, to the point of asking that we leave immediately. I told him we would have to wait: it was night, and impossible to see anything ahead of us. We might get shot once we reached the area controlled by the SDF if we were mistaken for Isis members in the darkness. We had to wait until a little before sunrise, and then we would move.

I went to the house where I was living, and destroyed the internet device and my computer, burying them underground. I was worried for the families still remaining, in case Isis raided the house and found the devices and punished them.

We took off half an hour before sunrise, walking between destroyed homes and sometimes hiding inside when we heard gunfire. We had to walk roughly 1,500 metres before we reached a safe area. My big fear was of stepping on a landmine that would blow us all up. The child was hugging me, I felt his quickened breath on my neck. I whispered that he should not be afraid, that we would arrive soon, and he smiled and nodded.

There were just two streets left between us and the safe zone when Isis snipers began targeting us. We didn’t know where the shots were coming from, so we bent over and began running. We hid for a while in the rubble of a destroyed building. I asked the father to put down his children and walk out slowly to signal to the SDF that we were civilians so they didn’t fire in our direction.

The SDF fired in the air to indicate to us that we should hurry. The Isis sniper kept firing towards us but the bullets hit the ground. The child pulled on my hair. I ran faster until we made it to a house that SDF fighters were occupying, and we exited from the back.

When we got to the SDF-controlled area, some fighters gave us food and water and asked if anybody was wounded. The father told them his son was sick, and one said a Kurdish Red Crescent doctor would see him. I was told to prepare myself to go to a camp for those displaced from Raqqa.

I stayed in the camp for a week. Conditions were bad, but better than life inside the so-called capital of the Isis caliphate. Now I am waiting for my family to join me near Aleppo, and we hope to go to Turkey. The situation remains volatile inside Raqqa, with Kurdish-led fighters still clearing militants and landmines. So I will follow news of the city from afar for now.

After vowing that I would stay until the fall of Raqqa, I feel sadness at missing the moment when the black flags were taken down and the hated Isis were driven out. But not when I remember that family I left with, and that struggling child, who at least now has some chance of a better future.

Tim Ramadan is the pseudonym of a Syrian journalist based in Raqqa
 
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http://www.arabnews.com/node/1184121/middle-east

MOSCOW: An official document seen by Reuters shows that at least 131 Russian citizens died in Syria in the first nine months of this year, a number that relatives, friends and local officials say included private military contractors.
The document, a death certificate issued by the Russian consulate in Damascus dated Oct. 4, 2017, does not say what the deceased was doing in Syria.


But Reuters has established in interviews with the families and friends of some of the deceased and officials in their hometowns that the dead included Russian private military contractors killed while fighting alongside the forces of Moscow’s ally, Syrian President Bashar Assad.

The presence of the Russian contractors in Syria — and the casualties they are sustaining — is denied by Moscow, which wants to portray its military intervention in Syria as a successful peace mission with minimal losses.

The Russian defense ministry did not immediately respond to detailed questions submitted by Reuters. Requests for comment from the Russian consulate in Damascus did not elicit a response.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said in a statement provided to Reuters on Friday: “We do not have information about individual citizens who visit Syria. With that, I consider this question dealt with.”

Reuters sent questions to a group of Russian private military contractors active in Syria through a person who knows their commanders, but did not receive a response.

The official death toll of military personnel in Syria this year is 16. A casualty figure significantly higher than that could tarnish President Vladimir Putin’s record five months before a presidential election which he is expected to contest.

A Reuters count of the number of Russian private contractors known to have been killed in Syria this year, based on interviews with relatives and friends of the dead and local officials in their hometowns, stands at 26.

Russian authorities have not publicly released any information this year about casualties among Russian civilians who may have been caught up in the fighting.

The Russian Foreign Ministry, in response to Reuters questions, said the consulate in Syria was fulfilling its duties to register the deaths of Russian citizens. It said that under the law, personal data obtained in the process of registering the deaths was restricted and could not be publicly disclosed.

In August, Igor Konashenkov, a Russian defense ministry spokesman, said in response to a previous Reuters report that information about Russian military contractors in Syria was “a myth,” and that Reuters was attempting to discredit Moscow’s operation to restore peace in Syria.

UNUSUAL
A Russian diplomat who has worked in a consulate in another part of the world, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media, said the figure of 131 registered deaths in nine months was unusually high given the estimated number of Russian expatriates in Syria.

Although there is no official data for the size of the community, data from Russian national elections shows there were only around 5,000 registered Russian voters in the country in 2012 and 2016.

“It is as if the diaspora is dying out,” he said.

High numbers of deaths are usually recorded by Russian consulates only in tourist destinations such as Thailand or Turkey, he said.

Russian consulates do not register the deaths of military personnel, according to an official at the consulate in Damascus who did not give his name.

The consular document seen by Reuters was a “certificate of death” issued to record the death of Sergei Poddubny, 36. It was one of three death certificates seen by Reuters.

Poddubny’s certificate, which bears the consulate’s stamp, lists the cause of death as “carbonization of the body” — in other words, he was burned.

It said he was killed on Sept. 28 in the town of Tiyas, Homs province, the scene of heavy fighting between Islamist rebels and pro-Assad forces. Several Russian contractors were killed in the area earlier this year, friends and relatives told Reuters.

Poddubny’s body was repatriated and buried in his home village in southern Russia about three weeks later. He had been in Syria as a private military contractor, one of his relatives and one of his friends told Reuters.
Poddubny’s death certificate had a serial number in the top right corner, 131.

Under a Justice Ministry procedure, all death certificates are numbered, starting from zero at the start of the year and going up by one digit for each new death recorded.

The Russian diplomat confirmed that is the procedure.

Reuters saw two other certificates, both issued on Feb. 3. The numbers — 9 and 13 — indicate certificates for at least five deaths were issued on that day. They were both private military contractors, according to people who know them.

The death of a Russian citizen would have to be registered at the consulate in order to repatriate the body back to Russia via civilian channels, according to the Russian diplomat.

A death certificate from the consulate would also help with bureaucracy back home relating to the dead person’s assets, the diplomat said.

The bodies of Russians fighting on the rebel side are not repatriated, according to a former Russian official who dealt with at least six cases of Russians killed in Syria and the relatives of four Russian Islamists killed there.

A few thousand Russian citizens with Islamist sympathies have traveled to rebel-held areas since the conflict began in 2011, according to Russian officials.
 
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http://www.arabnews.com/node/1184121/middle-east

MOSCOW: An official document seen by Reuters shows that at least 131 Russian citizens died in Syria in the first nine months of this year, a number that relatives, friends and local officials say included private military contractors.
The document, a death certificate issued by the Russian consulate in Damascus dated Oct. 4, 2017, does not say what the deceased was doing in Syria.


But Reuters has established in interviews with the families and friends of some of the deceased and officials in their hometowns that the dead included Russian private military contractors killed while fighting alongside the forces of Moscow’s ally, Syrian President Bashar Assad.

The presence of the Russian contractors in Syria — and the casualties they are sustaining — is denied by Moscow, which wants to portray its military intervention in Syria as a successful peace mission with minimal losses.

The Russian defense ministry did not immediately respond to detailed questions submitted by Reuters. Requests for comment from the Russian consulate in Damascus did not elicit a response.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said in a statement provided to Reuters on Friday: “We do not have information about individual citizens who visit Syria. With that, I consider this question dealt with.”

Reuters sent questions to a group of Russian private military contractors active in Syria through a person who knows their commanders, but did not receive a response.

The official death toll of military personnel in Syria this year is 16. A casualty figure significantly higher than that could tarnish President Vladimir Putin’s record five months before a presidential election which he is expected to contest.

A Reuters count of the number of Russian private contractors known to have been killed in Syria this year, based on interviews with relatives and friends of the dead and local officials in their hometowns, stands at 26.

Russian authorities have not publicly released any information this year about casualties among Russian civilians who may have been caught up in the fighting.

The Russian Foreign Ministry, in response to Reuters questions, said the consulate in Syria was fulfilling its duties to register the deaths of Russian citizens. It said that under the law, personal data obtained in the process of registering the deaths was restricted and could not be publicly disclosed.

In August, Igor Konashenkov, a Russian defense ministry spokesman, said in response to a previous Reuters report that information about Russian military contractors in Syria was “a myth,” and that Reuters was attempting to discredit Moscow’s operation to restore peace in Syria.

UNUSUAL
A Russian diplomat who has worked in a consulate in another part of the world, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media, said the figure of 131 registered deaths in nine months was unusually high given the estimated number of Russian expatriates in Syria.

Although there is no official data for the size of the community, data from Russian national elections shows there were only around 5,000 registered Russian voters in the country in 2012 and 2016.

“It is as if the diaspora is dying out,” he said.

High numbers of deaths are usually recorded by Russian consulates only in tourist destinations such as Thailand or Turkey, he said.

Russian consulates do not register the deaths of military personnel, according to an official at the consulate in Damascus who did not give his name.

The consular document seen by Reuters was a “certificate of death” issued to record the death of Sergei Poddubny, 36. It was one of three death certificates seen by Reuters.

Poddubny’s certificate, which bears the consulate’s stamp, lists the cause of death as “carbonization of the body” — in other words, he was burned.

It said he was killed on Sept. 28 in the town of Tiyas, Homs province, the scene of heavy fighting between Islamist rebels and pro-Assad forces. Several Russian contractors were killed in the area earlier this year, friends and relatives told Reuters.

Poddubny’s body was repatriated and buried in his home village in southern Russia about three weeks later. He had been in Syria as a private military contractor, one of his relatives and one of his friends told Reuters.
Poddubny’s death certificate had a serial number in the top right corner, 131.

Under a Justice Ministry procedure, all death certificates are numbered, starting from zero at the start of the year and going up by one digit for each new death recorded.

The Russian diplomat confirmed that is the procedure.

Reuters saw two other certificates, both issued on Feb. 3. The numbers — 9 and 13 — indicate certificates for at least five deaths were issued on that day. They were both private military contractors, according to people who know them.

The death of a Russian citizen would have to be registered at the consulate in order to repatriate the body back to Russia via civilian channels, according to the Russian diplomat.

A death certificate from the consulate would also help with bureaucracy back home relating to the dead person’s assets, the diplomat said.

The bodies of Russians fighting on the rebel side are not repatriated, according to a former Russian official who dealt with at least six cases of Russians killed in Syria and the relatives of four Russian Islamists killed there.

A few thousand Russian citizens with Islamist sympathies have traveled to rebel-held areas since the conflict began in 2011, according to Russian officials.

There are lots of Chechens in ISIS. Maybe a lot of these deaths are ISIS Chechen members.
 
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