NeutralCitizen
SENIOR MEMBER
- Joined
- Mar 16, 2011
- Messages
- 4,217
- Reaction score
- 0
Best of luck to them, make sure to protect them against Wahabist racialist that kill them in iraq, wasn't jinnah a shia ?
Sectarian Violence in Pakistan.
- Thread starter karan.1970
- Start date
Best of luck to them, make sure to protect them against Wahabist racialist that kill them in iraq, wasn't jinnah a shia ?
Such things happening in one corner of the country once in five years and happening in many parts as frequently as once a week is different.
Anyway if you think it is fine and will do no harm to Pakistan, who am I to dispute that ?
well, you are fed with that propaganda in Pakistan.
Your attitude summarizes the message what article is trying to put forward...
India with his problems is moving forward and is at least trying to give justice to its minorities.. Minorities are increasing in numbers in India...
while in case of Pakistan- early targets were Hindu's, then came number of christians, & now Hazaras and other shia groups... Hates breed hatred... Pakistan was created on the basis of Islam & now fanatic muslims are mass murdering Shia's in pakistan..
I wonder where this is leading...
India with his problems is moving forward and is at least trying to give justice to its minorities.. Minorities are increasing in numbers in India...
while in case of Pakistan- early targets were Hindu's, then came number of christians, & now Hazaras and other shia groups... Hates breed hatred... Pakistan was created on the basis of Islam & now fanatic muslims are mass murdering Shia's in pakistan..
I wonder where this is leading...
I have seen many Pakistanis conceding that zia ul haq has a big role in radicalizing Pakistan and increasing intolerance for which Pakistan is suffering even after 30 yrs.
NeutralCitizen
SENIOR MEMBER
- Joined
- Mar 16, 2011
- Messages
- 4,217
- Reaction score
- 0
He did Pakistan was very tolerant until Zia came.
Pakistanisage
PROFESSIONAL
- Joined
- Jul 29, 2011
- Messages
- 9,450
- Reaction score
- 18
- Country
- Location
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was Pakistani First and Pakistani Last......
You cannot ascribe a giant like that who is larger than life, to sectarianism.
Jinnah promoted secularism and was defender of Minority Rights. Period.
![Bl[i]tZ](/data/avatars/m/41/41754.jpg?1322350299){kind=avatar}
niaz
PDF THINK TANK: CONSULTANT
- Joined
- Jun 18, 2006
- Messages
- 5,164
- Reaction score
- 211
- Country
- Location
There are clearly two camps in Pakistan
The most vociferous one is clearly made of section of population who are either pro-Taliban/pro Al-Qaida or hold deep sympathy for the terrorists because these people exploit name of Islam. Let us face it, whoever holds feeling for Islam (I certainly do) will dare to go against the Islamic Mujahid.
However I believe that Taliban and their supporters are not Mujahids but deliberately trying to destroy Pakistan from within or thru forcing a war on Pakistan.
The other group who are labelled 'liberal fascists' by the some of the pro Taliban media pundits, are people like me, who like to analyse the situation with a cool head and opt the course which in their opinion is best for Pakistan and ordinary Pakistani.
I would like to see Pakistan strong and in a position to look any country in the eye without blinking. But I realize that this is not possible at this point in time. Need of the hour is to provide, jobs, health, safe drinking water, education and most of all peaceful law and order situation.
I don’t consider US an enemy nor do I consider US a friend of Pakistan. Realpolitik implies that whenever interests of two nations coincide, they will become allies and in case interests clash, the same allies become adversaries. I love Pakistan that is why I would not want to see it destroyed.
One must have read posts in this forum in various threads where in learned members of this column propose Pakistan should confront US militarily. At another place I am accused of being ‘In awe of the US’. Another member stated that he has lost all respect for me because I would not risk endangering Pakistan for the sake of Haqqani group or for the sake of sectarian butchers of TTP.
Naturally every one is entitled to his or her opinion. Fact is that a large section of Pakistanis don’t realize that not a single religious party was in favour of creation of Pakistan. Objective of the religious right is to destroy Pakistan and create a dark age Islamic Emirate in her place and sympathaizing with their cause will result in harming Pakistan state.
Despite the fact that Ayaz Amir is an MNA for PMNL-N, he writes beautifully and his comment are poignant even though often said in a lighter vein. I am quoting an article recently published in the News. His comments about US withdrawl mirrors exactly what my views are about the current situation. Likde Ayaz Amir I am also fear home grown enemies more than the US. In my view if there is a conspiracy to break up Pakistan, it is by the Wahhabi/Takfiris/Khilafat and Taliban sympathizer section of the Pakistani public.
Life goes on
Ayaz Amir
Friday, April 20, 2012
Let no one say we have no gift for black humour. There may be gloom all around and frustration may be on the rise. But, Allah be praised, comedy is never far away.
Ever heard of a Ministry of National Regulation and Services, or a Ministry of Capital Administration and Development? After the latest cabinet expansion, and it seems forever to be expanding, these are the gifts from what now deserves to be called our government of national salvation. The cue seems to be: when in doubt invent a few more ministries.
Every time I walk into the National Assembly and sit on one of those revolving chairs which are so comfortable, I get the feeling that this is not for real, the atmosphere in that hallowed chamber so far removed from the dust and noise of the real Pakistan. It’s not just the National Assembly but government as a whole, the whole business of it, which seems to function, if this is the right word, in some kind of a bubble. I suppose in this unreal world it makes perfect sense to come up with inventions no one has ever heard of.
The more I see of Islamabad the more I am convinced that this was a bad idea from the start. The city has grown and expanded and there are too many roads in it, most of them running parallel to each other. If it is a Greek who planned it he obviously drew little inspiration from what we know of ancient Greek architecture, its harmony and sense of form. The spirit of the Parthenon: the last thing likely to touch you in this necropolis dedicated to boredom and the big yawn.
In countries like ours there is always a gulf between rulers and the ruled. But in Islamabad this gulf has been consecrated, turned into one of the principal landmarks of the Islamic Republic.
From a cocoon how do we get the real measure of things? Our dictators may depart in ignominy but their legacies have proven enduring. Ayub Khan’s major legacies are two: (1) all the fiction we’ve swallowed about the 1965 war and (2) Islamabad. We are slowly unlearning the fiction but we are stuck with the city.
We could have humanised the latter but reactionary winds have proved too strong. Chinese massage parlours and a few restaurants relaxing the strict bonds of prohibition were promising beginnings, pointing the way to a less boring future. But the Lal Masjid adventure put paid to the parlours and the places turning a blind eye to a surreptitious sip remain few and far between. The bootleg business is turning into a rip-off. Ask me.
My friend Malik Riaz, surely one of Pakistan’s most dynamic personalities, has just won a court victory against the Capital Development Authority – or more accurately the CDA has simply downed its arms – allowing him to work unhindered in the capital. Islamabad was always a vast and growing housing colony, mostly for the privileged or the slightly better off. In the end we’ll be left with an endless vista of housing colonies and that is all. And it is from such a place that we hope to turn around the fortunes of the Republic.
Is there any cure for Pakistani hypocrisy? We are not more corrupt than other countries. We should be clear on this score. It’s our piety, the rhetoric at which we are so good, which sticks in the throat and causes a form of moral dyspepsia.
The ordinary man here is like ordinary folk elsewhere: trying to earn a living and support his family. This is the way of our species. But if we could only tone down our loudspeakers a bit and pretend a little less that we are Allah’s chosen and anointed the spiritual health of the land would improve. A gap between words and deeds exists everywhere. But on a comparative scale we outdo all competitors.
The killing of Shias at the altar of a perverted interpretation of the faith beats everything. Sectarianism gone wild, we know the seeds were sown long ago, the legacy of another dictator, but the disease instead of abating seems to have grown worse. The killings in Quetta and Gilgit-Baltistan are a chilling reminder that the armies of sectarianism and religious extremism far from weakening are there in strength amongst the shadows, willing and able to strike when the impulsemoves them.
The Bannu jailbreak is a reminder of the same thing. The state hasn’t broken down. It’s just that forces opposed to it, their worldview honed in the crucible of their own version of the faith, have become more powerful. Half a battalion-strength of fighters attacking the jail is no mean undertaking. It took a full-fledged military operation to oust the Taliban from Swat and South Waziristan. But far from being defeated, much less wiped out, they have relocated – as guerrilla armies do in the face of superior odds.
I shudder to think what will happen when the American drawdown or withdrawal in Afghanistan is complete. The Taliban will bide their time and wait for the moment to come out in force. The Americans think the Karzai setup, or whatever stands for it in two years time, will be able to hold its own. That’s what they thought in South Vietnam when they were about to scuttle and run. When the North Vietnamese swept down from the north two years later it didn’t take long for the regime in the south to crumble. Analogies are never perfect but they can come close. The Americans are investing a lot in beefing up Afghan security forces. Let’s hope their investment pays off.
We should be more worried about our homegrown armies. How much more emboldened they would be when American troops leave or are holed up in their bases? The curse of Afghanistan...it will be a testing time for us as well. Our militants too will have reason to become bolder.
Those who think that the American presence is the sole cause of militancy are living in a world of their own. Will Hakeemullah Mehsud lay down his arms and rush to pay his respects to the corps commander Peshawar? Will the leaders of the Punjabi Taliban bow their heads in thanksgiving at the Faisal Mosque?
The Afghan resistance may have nationalist overtones but there is nothing nationalist about the Pakistani Taliban. What drives them is their vision of an Islamic state, Islam as interpreted by them. Our nightmare will not end. With the American withdrawal another phase of it, perhaps a more dangerous one, will begin. A bleak prognosis but one lent weight by the stars.
In Turkey Mustafa Kemal implanted a rigid form of secularism. At least that is what many Islamists think. For a time he had even the azaan, the call to prayer, delivered in Turkish. With the ascendancy of the ruling Justice and Development Party led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan the people of Turkey are trying to discover a new equilibrium.
Our problem is different. We have had too much by way of the ideology of Pakistan. Our search for a fresh equilibrium lies in the modernisation of the Pakistani nation – the debunking of the old theories and a shift to secularism, whether we call it that or something else. A tradeoff with the Turks would be mutually beneficial, importing some of their secularism and exporting to them some of our religion-based ideology of Pakistan. We have a surplus of that and related items. Respected Hafiz Saeed...any takers for him in Turkey?
Tailpiece: I got my history seriously wrong last week. As Qasim Jafri (everyone knows him in Lahore) and Aaker Patel have pointed out, Akbar the Great walked not to Ajmer Sharif, a whole country away, but to Fatehpur Sikri from Agra (a distance of about 40 kms) to pay homage to his patron saint, Hazrat Salim Chisti, and pray for a son. When Jodhabai gave birth to a boy he was named Salim. My apologies.
Email: winlust@yahoo.com
Life goes on - Ayaz Amir
The most vociferous one is clearly made of section of population who are either pro-Taliban/pro Al-Qaida or hold deep sympathy for the terrorists because these people exploit name of Islam. Let us face it, whoever holds feeling for Islam (I certainly do) will dare to go against the Islamic Mujahid.
However I believe that Taliban and their supporters are not Mujahids but deliberately trying to destroy Pakistan from within or thru forcing a war on Pakistan.
The other group who are labelled 'liberal fascists' by the some of the pro Taliban media pundits, are people like me, who like to analyse the situation with a cool head and opt the course which in their opinion is best for Pakistan and ordinary Pakistani.
I would like to see Pakistan strong and in a position to look any country in the eye without blinking. But I realize that this is not possible at this point in time. Need of the hour is to provide, jobs, health, safe drinking water, education and most of all peaceful law and order situation.
I don’t consider US an enemy nor do I consider US a friend of Pakistan. Realpolitik implies that whenever interests of two nations coincide, they will become allies and in case interests clash, the same allies become adversaries. I love Pakistan that is why I would not want to see it destroyed.
One must have read posts in this forum in various threads where in learned members of this column propose Pakistan should confront US militarily. At another place I am accused of being ‘In awe of the US’. Another member stated that he has lost all respect for me because I would not risk endangering Pakistan for the sake of Haqqani group or for the sake of sectarian butchers of TTP.
Naturally every one is entitled to his or her opinion. Fact is that a large section of Pakistanis don’t realize that not a single religious party was in favour of creation of Pakistan. Objective of the religious right is to destroy Pakistan and create a dark age Islamic Emirate in her place and sympathaizing with their cause will result in harming Pakistan state.
Despite the fact that Ayaz Amir is an MNA for PMNL-N, he writes beautifully and his comment are poignant even though often said in a lighter vein. I am quoting an article recently published in the News. His comments about US withdrawl mirrors exactly what my views are about the current situation. Likde Ayaz Amir I am also fear home grown enemies more than the US. In my view if there is a conspiracy to break up Pakistan, it is by the Wahhabi/Takfiris/Khilafat and Taliban sympathizer section of the Pakistani public.
Life goes on
Ayaz Amir
Friday, April 20, 2012
Let no one say we have no gift for black humour. There may be gloom all around and frustration may be on the rise. But, Allah be praised, comedy is never far away.
Ever heard of a Ministry of National Regulation and Services, or a Ministry of Capital Administration and Development? After the latest cabinet expansion, and it seems forever to be expanding, these are the gifts from what now deserves to be called our government of national salvation. The cue seems to be: when in doubt invent a few more ministries.
Every time I walk into the National Assembly and sit on one of those revolving chairs which are so comfortable, I get the feeling that this is not for real, the atmosphere in that hallowed chamber so far removed from the dust and noise of the real Pakistan. It’s not just the National Assembly but government as a whole, the whole business of it, which seems to function, if this is the right word, in some kind of a bubble. I suppose in this unreal world it makes perfect sense to come up with inventions no one has ever heard of.
The more I see of Islamabad the more I am convinced that this was a bad idea from the start. The city has grown and expanded and there are too many roads in it, most of them running parallel to each other. If it is a Greek who planned it he obviously drew little inspiration from what we know of ancient Greek architecture, its harmony and sense of form. The spirit of the Parthenon: the last thing likely to touch you in this necropolis dedicated to boredom and the big yawn.
In countries like ours there is always a gulf between rulers and the ruled. But in Islamabad this gulf has been consecrated, turned into one of the principal landmarks of the Islamic Republic.
From a cocoon how do we get the real measure of things? Our dictators may depart in ignominy but their legacies have proven enduring. Ayub Khan’s major legacies are two: (1) all the fiction we’ve swallowed about the 1965 war and (2) Islamabad. We are slowly unlearning the fiction but we are stuck with the city.
We could have humanised the latter but reactionary winds have proved too strong. Chinese massage parlours and a few restaurants relaxing the strict bonds of prohibition were promising beginnings, pointing the way to a less boring future. But the Lal Masjid adventure put paid to the parlours and the places turning a blind eye to a surreptitious sip remain few and far between. The bootleg business is turning into a rip-off. Ask me.
My friend Malik Riaz, surely one of Pakistan’s most dynamic personalities, has just won a court victory against the Capital Development Authority – or more accurately the CDA has simply downed its arms – allowing him to work unhindered in the capital. Islamabad was always a vast and growing housing colony, mostly for the privileged or the slightly better off. In the end we’ll be left with an endless vista of housing colonies and that is all. And it is from such a place that we hope to turn around the fortunes of the Republic.
Is there any cure for Pakistani hypocrisy? We are not more corrupt than other countries. We should be clear on this score. It’s our piety, the rhetoric at which we are so good, which sticks in the throat and causes a form of moral dyspepsia.
The ordinary man here is like ordinary folk elsewhere: trying to earn a living and support his family. This is the way of our species. But if we could only tone down our loudspeakers a bit and pretend a little less that we are Allah’s chosen and anointed the spiritual health of the land would improve. A gap between words and deeds exists everywhere. But on a comparative scale we outdo all competitors.
The killing of Shias at the altar of a perverted interpretation of the faith beats everything. Sectarianism gone wild, we know the seeds were sown long ago, the legacy of another dictator, but the disease instead of abating seems to have grown worse. The killings in Quetta and Gilgit-Baltistan are a chilling reminder that the armies of sectarianism and religious extremism far from weakening are there in strength amongst the shadows, willing and able to strike when the impulsemoves them.
The Bannu jailbreak is a reminder of the same thing. The state hasn’t broken down. It’s just that forces opposed to it, their worldview honed in the crucible of their own version of the faith, have become more powerful. Half a battalion-strength of fighters attacking the jail is no mean undertaking. It took a full-fledged military operation to oust the Taliban from Swat and South Waziristan. But far from being defeated, much less wiped out, they have relocated – as guerrilla armies do in the face of superior odds.
I shudder to think what will happen when the American drawdown or withdrawal in Afghanistan is complete. The Taliban will bide their time and wait for the moment to come out in force. The Americans think the Karzai setup, or whatever stands for it in two years time, will be able to hold its own. That’s what they thought in South Vietnam when they were about to scuttle and run. When the North Vietnamese swept down from the north two years later it didn’t take long for the regime in the south to crumble. Analogies are never perfect but they can come close. The Americans are investing a lot in beefing up Afghan security forces. Let’s hope their investment pays off.
We should be more worried about our homegrown armies. How much more emboldened they would be when American troops leave or are holed up in their bases? The curse of Afghanistan...it will be a testing time for us as well. Our militants too will have reason to become bolder.
Those who think that the American presence is the sole cause of militancy are living in a world of their own. Will Hakeemullah Mehsud lay down his arms and rush to pay his respects to the corps commander Peshawar? Will the leaders of the Punjabi Taliban bow their heads in thanksgiving at the Faisal Mosque?
The Afghan resistance may have nationalist overtones but there is nothing nationalist about the Pakistani Taliban. What drives them is their vision of an Islamic state, Islam as interpreted by them. Our nightmare will not end. With the American withdrawal another phase of it, perhaps a more dangerous one, will begin. A bleak prognosis but one lent weight by the stars.
In Turkey Mustafa Kemal implanted a rigid form of secularism. At least that is what many Islamists think. For a time he had even the azaan, the call to prayer, delivered in Turkish. With the ascendancy of the ruling Justice and Development Party led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan the people of Turkey are trying to discover a new equilibrium.
Our problem is different. We have had too much by way of the ideology of Pakistan. Our search for a fresh equilibrium lies in the modernisation of the Pakistani nation – the debunking of the old theories and a shift to secularism, whether we call it that or something else. A tradeoff with the Turks would be mutually beneficial, importing some of their secularism and exporting to them some of our religion-based ideology of Pakistan. We have a surplus of that and related items. Respected Hafiz Saeed...any takers for him in Turkey?
Tailpiece: I got my history seriously wrong last week. As Qasim Jafri (everyone knows him in Lahore) and Aaker Patel have pointed out, Akbar the Great walked not to Ajmer Sharif, a whole country away, but to Fatehpur Sikri from Agra (a distance of about 40 kms) to pay homage to his patron saint, Hazrat Salim Chisti, and pray for a son. When Jodhabai gave birth to a boy he was named Salim. My apologies.
Email: winlust@yahoo.com
Life goes on - Ayaz Amir
niaz
PDF THINK TANK: CONSULTANT
- Joined
- Jun 18, 2006
- Messages
- 5,164
- Reaction score
- 211
- Country
- Location
Another good article about Pakistan's sectarian violence.
Sectarian infiltrationFrom the Newspaper | Muhammad Amir Rana
SECTARIAN discrimination is increasingly penetrating individuals’ attitudes and behaviours in Pakistan. That has been the outcome of sectarian tensions that have been nurtured at the level where they can be described as one of the structural problems that lead to the cessation of state functions.
Multiple factors have been described as the root causes of sectarianism and sectarian-motivated violence in society. But one factor, which usually has not received as much attention, is the administrative side of the problem, or how local administrations deal with issues involving different sectarian groups, such as disputes over mosques, routes for Ashura and Eid Milad-un-Nabi processions, allotments of plots for religious purposes, allocation of auqaf property, etc.
These issues are apparently not considered contributing factors in the worsening sectarian divide in the country. And yet at the district and sub-district level, these very issues are a major source of concern and occasionally lead to violence.
Usually state functionaries and even security experts do not consider such issues in a broader perspective. Sectarian sensitivities are not the reason behind the state’s refusal to tackle the administrative aspect. It is, in fact, a collective denial on its part that such challenges exist — which is a major stumbling block in evolving a comprehensive response to such issues. Many examples prove that religious and sectarian disputes were initially local in nature but their imprudent handling by administrations transformed them into national crises.
The Lal Masjid crisis was mainly the fallout of a three-month occupation of a children’s library near the mosque in response to the demolition of the Hamza mosque, which the Capital Development Authority (CDA) claimed had been built illegally on state land. CDA was planning to raze other illegally constructed mosques in the city, including parts of Jamia Hafsa, which was also managed by the Lal Masjid clerics.
The clerics, Maulana Abdul Aziz and his brother Maulana Abdul Rasheed Ghazi, and 300 pupils began a protest which grew into a movement for the implementation of Sharia. Security analysts believe that the motive behind the movement was to continue the occupation of state land as no one had dared to raise objections to such illegal occupation before.
An important factor noted during the initial stage of the Lal Masjid crisis was the lack of coordination among the law-enforcement and civic agencies in Islamabad. A vigilant and coordinated response from the local administration had the potential to resolve the dispute. Rather than evolving workable mechanisms, the lesson the local administration has learned is to ignore such rapidly growing constructions in the federal capital.
Sunni Tehreek (ST) in Karachi is a prime example of administrative mismanagement of local sectarian disputes. The ST first emerged in reaction to the occupation of Sunni mosques by rival sects. The initial demands of the ST included a non-discriminatory stance in making appointments to important religious posts in the city government. The law-enforcement agencies in Karachi failed to adopt a proactive approach to prevent such disputes, which further worsened the situation.
Most sectarian disputes in the city are vicinity-centric but contribute in a major way to sectarian strife across the country. Similar stories abound in Kohat, Hangu and Dera Ismail Khan which are other flashpoints of sectarian violence.
In many cases, the resolution of sectarian disputes and tensions has not appeared to be the priority of local administrations. The latter have only responded when the situation was found to have markedly worsened.
Almost all district governments across the country have interfaith harmony committees comprising religious scholars from different faiths and sects, but these bodies are not functional or are used by law-enforcement agencies for nothing more than spying purposes.
The local administrations usually only call a meeting of these committees ahead of the Ashura procession, and other religious processions. No doubt such bodies can play an effective role in resolving sectarian disputes but the bureaucratic mindset is a major hurdle in the way and it has evolved only a fire-fighting approach.
Another dangerous tendency, which is becoming more evident in the bureaucracy, is sectarian biases that complicate efforts to resolve such disputes. These biases can be found in appointments to religious posts and allocations of plots for religious purposes. Usually, such proceedings are not reported in the mainstream media but religious publications are full of such stories. The real concern emerges when such stories focus on officials in law-enforcement agencies.
This reflects that sectarian outfits and their sympathisers have not only infiltrated government departments but have also influenced the mindset of officials who are expected to be above such biases.
A systematic probe is nowhere in sight to determine what motivates state functionaries to join the sectarian cause. Different countries have adopted various measures to shield their officials from such inclinations, but Pakistan is yet to establish a mechanism to screen security personnel for links with extremist and sectarian elements.
The vulnerability of the state institutions and mismanagement of sensitive issues is what escalates the sectarian divide. The communal divide already has touched unprecedented heights and it has become difficult to even raise one’s voice in support of religious freedom of certain communities in Pakistan; the sectarian divide is not far behind as another hate-filled fault-line.
The failure to address issues that can be resolved through a little vigilance and common sense reflect that the administration and bureaucracy also need ideological overhauling to refresh their vision.
The writer is editor of the quarterly research journal Conflict and Peace Studies.
mamirrana@yahoo.com
Sectarian infiltration | DAWN.COM
Sectarian infiltrationFrom the Newspaper | Muhammad Amir Rana
SECTARIAN discrimination is increasingly penetrating individuals’ attitudes and behaviours in Pakistan. That has been the outcome of sectarian tensions that have been nurtured at the level where they can be described as one of the structural problems that lead to the cessation of state functions.
Multiple factors have been described as the root causes of sectarianism and sectarian-motivated violence in society. But one factor, which usually has not received as much attention, is the administrative side of the problem, or how local administrations deal with issues involving different sectarian groups, such as disputes over mosques, routes for Ashura and Eid Milad-un-Nabi processions, allotments of plots for religious purposes, allocation of auqaf property, etc.
These issues are apparently not considered contributing factors in the worsening sectarian divide in the country. And yet at the district and sub-district level, these very issues are a major source of concern and occasionally lead to violence.
Usually state functionaries and even security experts do not consider such issues in a broader perspective. Sectarian sensitivities are not the reason behind the state’s refusal to tackle the administrative aspect. It is, in fact, a collective denial on its part that such challenges exist — which is a major stumbling block in evolving a comprehensive response to such issues. Many examples prove that religious and sectarian disputes were initially local in nature but their imprudent handling by administrations transformed them into national crises.
The Lal Masjid crisis was mainly the fallout of a three-month occupation of a children’s library near the mosque in response to the demolition of the Hamza mosque, which the Capital Development Authority (CDA) claimed had been built illegally on state land. CDA was planning to raze other illegally constructed mosques in the city, including parts of Jamia Hafsa, which was also managed by the Lal Masjid clerics.
The clerics, Maulana Abdul Aziz and his brother Maulana Abdul Rasheed Ghazi, and 300 pupils began a protest which grew into a movement for the implementation of Sharia. Security analysts believe that the motive behind the movement was to continue the occupation of state land as no one had dared to raise objections to such illegal occupation before.
An important factor noted during the initial stage of the Lal Masjid crisis was the lack of coordination among the law-enforcement and civic agencies in Islamabad. A vigilant and coordinated response from the local administration had the potential to resolve the dispute. Rather than evolving workable mechanisms, the lesson the local administration has learned is to ignore such rapidly growing constructions in the federal capital.
Sunni Tehreek (ST) in Karachi is a prime example of administrative mismanagement of local sectarian disputes. The ST first emerged in reaction to the occupation of Sunni mosques by rival sects. The initial demands of the ST included a non-discriminatory stance in making appointments to important religious posts in the city government. The law-enforcement agencies in Karachi failed to adopt a proactive approach to prevent such disputes, which further worsened the situation.
Most sectarian disputes in the city are vicinity-centric but contribute in a major way to sectarian strife across the country. Similar stories abound in Kohat, Hangu and Dera Ismail Khan which are other flashpoints of sectarian violence.
In many cases, the resolution of sectarian disputes and tensions has not appeared to be the priority of local administrations. The latter have only responded when the situation was found to have markedly worsened.
Almost all district governments across the country have interfaith harmony committees comprising religious scholars from different faiths and sects, but these bodies are not functional or are used by law-enforcement agencies for nothing more than spying purposes.
The local administrations usually only call a meeting of these committees ahead of the Ashura procession, and other religious processions. No doubt such bodies can play an effective role in resolving sectarian disputes but the bureaucratic mindset is a major hurdle in the way and it has evolved only a fire-fighting approach.
Another dangerous tendency, which is becoming more evident in the bureaucracy, is sectarian biases that complicate efforts to resolve such disputes. These biases can be found in appointments to religious posts and allocations of plots for religious purposes. Usually, such proceedings are not reported in the mainstream media but religious publications are full of such stories. The real concern emerges when such stories focus on officials in law-enforcement agencies.
This reflects that sectarian outfits and their sympathisers have not only infiltrated government departments but have also influenced the mindset of officials who are expected to be above such biases.
A systematic probe is nowhere in sight to determine what motivates state functionaries to join the sectarian cause. Different countries have adopted various measures to shield their officials from such inclinations, but Pakistan is yet to establish a mechanism to screen security personnel for links with extremist and sectarian elements.
The vulnerability of the state institutions and mismanagement of sensitive issues is what escalates the sectarian divide. The communal divide already has touched unprecedented heights and it has become difficult to even raise one’s voice in support of religious freedom of certain communities in Pakistan; the sectarian divide is not far behind as another hate-filled fault-line.
The failure to address issues that can be resolved through a little vigilance and common sense reflect that the administration and bureaucracy also need ideological overhauling to refresh their vision.
The writer is editor of the quarterly research journal Conflict and Peace Studies.
mamirrana@yahoo.com
Sectarian infiltration | DAWN.COM
proud.pakistani
FULL MEMBER
- Joined
- Aug 29, 2011
- Messages
- 169
- Reaction score
- 0
- Country
- Location
Their is no such thing as Wahabist racialist in Pakistan. Its just a fruit of War on Terror in which our forces and civilians are sacrificing their lives and getting more hatred in return. As soon as US is thrown out from Afghanistan everything will start to settle in Pakistan as US, India and their allies are constantly involved in terrorism within Pakistan through their funded organizations including MQM and TTP. Single ISI cant fight with all the agencies of the world but within limited resources they are doing good.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a Muslim who believed in one Allah, one Quran and our Last Prophet Muhammad SAW.
proud.pakistani
FULL MEMBER
- Joined
- Aug 29, 2011
- Messages
- 169
- Reaction score
- 0
- Country
- Location
What Shahrukh Khan wrote in an article is also a propaganda by Pakistan right?
notsuperstitious
ELITE MEMBER
- Joined
- Jan 11, 2009
- Messages
- 10,473
- Reaction score
- -15
This is what he said, this not what pakistani propaganda looks like, although one is reminded of it by the bolded part
.
RabzonKhan
SENIOR MEMBER
- Joined
- Aug 1, 2008
- Messages
- 4,282
- Reaction score
- 3
- Country
- Location
Someone needs to slap this Pervaiz Rasheed guy on the head, so he can come back to the real world. Pathetic.
Police belies PML-N claims saying Lashkar and Sipah operate freely in Punjab
The News
Amir Mir
March 16, 2013
Contrary to the repeated claims of Punjab government that it has launched a massive crackdown against banned militant and sectarian groups, especially the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba, a confidential report prepared by the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD) of Punjab police has cautioned that despite the ban, these outfits operate freely.
According to the fortnightly review report (February 16 to Februaty 28, 2013) of the Counter Terrorism Department, The proscribed outfits operated freely across Punjab with impunity as the SSP/LJ carried out 47 activities in different cities. The activists of these outfits, including those involved in terror activities and placed on the 4th schedule of Anti Terrorism Act (ATA) 1997 flouted the law openly without any corresponding legal action from the concerned police.
Abuse of loud speaker and hate speeches figured prominently in the activities of SSP/ASWJ (Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat), especially against the Ahl-e-Tashi (Shias).
The CTD report has narrated in detail the objectionable activities of the various banned militant and sectarian groups which are still active in Punjab. The Counter Terrorism Department, which was known as the Criminal Investigation Department till 2010, is a special unit of provincial and metropolitan police departments responsible for carrying out investigations into heinous crimes, including terrorism, murder, organized crime and sectarianism.
According to the mission statement of CTD Punjab, its prime task is to fight terrorism, collect and disseminate information about terrorists, militants, sectarian elements, and to prepare assessment and review reports about the future trends of terrorism.
One such review report (Feb 16 to Feb 28) of CTD says: ASWJ/SSP remained most active during this fortnight as it carried out 47 different activities across Punjab, followed by TJP/SMP/MWM (Tehrik-e-Jaafria Pakistan, Sipah-e-Mohammad Pakistan and Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen) with 39 activities. The highest number of activities was in Faisalabad (23), followed by Multan (19), Sargodha (18), Bahawalpur (14), Lahore (13), Rawalpindi (11), Dera Ghazi Khan (10), Gujranwala (09), Sheikhupura (05) and Sahiwal (04).
The CTD report states on page 13: Maulana Mohammad Ludhianvi, the president of the ASWJ, organized an Ameer-e-Azmat Conference at the Jamia Masjid Haq Nawaz Jhang on February 24. Speakers, Masrur Nawaz Jhangvi (4th Schedule), Maulana Abdul Ghafoor Jhangvi (4th Schedule), Maulana Aurengzeb Farooqi (4th Schedule), (Khadim Hussain Dhillon, central secretary general of ASWJ, Maulana Rehman Farooqi from Sumandari, Maulana Ikramullah Mujadadi from Dera Ghazi Khan, Maulana Lutfullah Ludhianvi from Kamalia, condemned Shias, raised slogans against them and declared them kafirs (infidels) on the basis of fatwas (edicts) given by their Ulemas (scholars).
Furthermore, Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi announced to take part in the upcoming general elections. He was determined to defeat Syeda Abida Hussain from NA-89 (Jhang). An FIR No 165/13 dated 26.2.13 u/s 295-A, PPC, 16-MPO was lodged with Kotwali Jhang on February 23, 2013 against the participants of the Conference but no action was taken against them.
The CTD report then narrates the offensive activities of the Jamaatul Daawa on page No 14: Prof Abdul Rehman Makki addressed a gathering at the Muhammadia Masjid (Ahle Hadith) outside Shikarpuri Gate in Bahawalur on February 20 and accused Christians of planning to damage the Muslim culture. Makki also urged the participants to take part in jihad and donate generously for Mujahideen. Slogans against India and American and in favour of Prof Hafiz Mohammad Saeed were also raised. The CTD report adds: Hafiz Mohammad Saeed presided over a prize distribution ceremony of Muslim High School at Ahmed Marriage Hall in Sheikhupura on February 27. In his address to the students, he declared that the president, the prime minister and all the parliamentarians were Americans slaves. He said the government should cut ties with Indian because it is the worst enemy of Pakistan.
While describing the objectionable activities of the TNFJ/MWM/ISO, the CTD report states on Page No. 15: Sharif Hussain Haidri (4th Schedule) took out a protest rally from Imam Bargah Gulshan-e-Khurasan on the G. T Road Rawalpindi on February 24 against the killing of Shia Hazaras in Quetta. While addressing the demonstrators, the speakers criticized the failure of the government to stop the genocide of Shia Hazaras. They used objectionable words against the Chief Justice of Pakistan besides raising slogans against the Chief of Army Staff, Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik, and the Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah Khan.
The CTD report further states on Page No 16 while narrating the obnoxious activities of the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) led by Maulana Masood Azhar: Mohammad Khalid organized a conference of the JeM at Jamia Masjid, Chowk Madniwala (Mandi Sadiq Ganj) in Bahawalpur on February 22. Addressing the participants, Mohammad Shafiq aka Abu Jandal, the president of the Punjab chapter of the JeM, urged the people to join ****** training camps in Bahawalpur for a week so that they are able to take part in jihad. He further also sought donations for the Mujahideen.
The CTD report expressed concern over lack of interest shown by the police in keeping a vigil on members of banned organisations, especially those who had been released from different jails. Under section IV of the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997, persons charged with terror activities have to inform their respective police stations before leaving their hometowns and upon return. Such individuals, after their release from jail, are also bound to provide a surety bond to the police for good behaviour and peaceful conduct. The CTD report also points out that a large number of militant and sectarian activists belonging to Punjab who had either been tried or were involved in terrorist activities and placed on the 4th schedule of ATA had been missing from their listed addresses.
Earlier, responding to the allegations leveled by the PPP leaders that the Sharif brothers have a soft corner for the SSP and the LJ, the PML-N spokesman Pervaiz Rasheed had claimed that the Punjab government firmly believes in the supremacy of law and any insinuation that it has soft-pedaled or looked the other way when it comes to taking action against the extremist groups [be it LJ or any other group and its leadership] was simply misleading. He claimed further that the Shahbaz Sharif government has shown zero tolerance for extremism and militancy and thats why not even a single inch of the territory of the Punjab province was under the control of any extremist group, as is the case with the other provinces.
Police belies PML-N claims saying Lashkar and Sipah operate freely in Punjab
The News
Amir Mir
March 16, 2013
Contrary to the repeated claims of Punjab government that it has launched a massive crackdown against banned militant and sectarian groups, especially the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba, a confidential report prepared by the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD) of Punjab police has cautioned that despite the ban, these outfits operate freely.
According to the fortnightly review report (February 16 to Februaty 28, 2013) of the Counter Terrorism Department, The proscribed outfits operated freely across Punjab with impunity as the SSP/LJ carried out 47 activities in different cities. The activists of these outfits, including those involved in terror activities and placed on the 4th schedule of Anti Terrorism Act (ATA) 1997 flouted the law openly without any corresponding legal action from the concerned police.
Abuse of loud speaker and hate speeches figured prominently in the activities of SSP/ASWJ (Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat), especially against the Ahl-e-Tashi (Shias).
The CTD report has narrated in detail the objectionable activities of the various banned militant and sectarian groups which are still active in Punjab. The Counter Terrorism Department, which was known as the Criminal Investigation Department till 2010, is a special unit of provincial and metropolitan police departments responsible for carrying out investigations into heinous crimes, including terrorism, murder, organized crime and sectarianism.
According to the mission statement of CTD Punjab, its prime task is to fight terrorism, collect and disseminate information about terrorists, militants, sectarian elements, and to prepare assessment and review reports about the future trends of terrorism.
One such review report (Feb 16 to Feb 28) of CTD says: ASWJ/SSP remained most active during this fortnight as it carried out 47 different activities across Punjab, followed by TJP/SMP/MWM (Tehrik-e-Jaafria Pakistan, Sipah-e-Mohammad Pakistan and Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen) with 39 activities. The highest number of activities was in Faisalabad (23), followed by Multan (19), Sargodha (18), Bahawalpur (14), Lahore (13), Rawalpindi (11), Dera Ghazi Khan (10), Gujranwala (09), Sheikhupura (05) and Sahiwal (04).
The CTD report states on page 13: Maulana Mohammad Ludhianvi, the president of the ASWJ, organized an Ameer-e-Azmat Conference at the Jamia Masjid Haq Nawaz Jhang on February 24. Speakers, Masrur Nawaz Jhangvi (4th Schedule), Maulana Abdul Ghafoor Jhangvi (4th Schedule), Maulana Aurengzeb Farooqi (4th Schedule), (Khadim Hussain Dhillon, central secretary general of ASWJ, Maulana Rehman Farooqi from Sumandari, Maulana Ikramullah Mujadadi from Dera Ghazi Khan, Maulana Lutfullah Ludhianvi from Kamalia, condemned Shias, raised slogans against them and declared them kafirs (infidels) on the basis of fatwas (edicts) given by their Ulemas (scholars).
Furthermore, Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi announced to take part in the upcoming general elections. He was determined to defeat Syeda Abida Hussain from NA-89 (Jhang). An FIR No 165/13 dated 26.2.13 u/s 295-A, PPC, 16-MPO was lodged with Kotwali Jhang on February 23, 2013 against the participants of the Conference but no action was taken against them.
The CTD report then narrates the offensive activities of the Jamaatul Daawa on page No 14: Prof Abdul Rehman Makki addressed a gathering at the Muhammadia Masjid (Ahle Hadith) outside Shikarpuri Gate in Bahawalur on February 20 and accused Christians of planning to damage the Muslim culture. Makki also urged the participants to take part in jihad and donate generously for Mujahideen. Slogans against India and American and in favour of Prof Hafiz Mohammad Saeed were also raised. The CTD report adds: Hafiz Mohammad Saeed presided over a prize distribution ceremony of Muslim High School at Ahmed Marriage Hall in Sheikhupura on February 27. In his address to the students, he declared that the president, the prime minister and all the parliamentarians were Americans slaves. He said the government should cut ties with Indian because it is the worst enemy of Pakistan.
While describing the objectionable activities of the TNFJ/MWM/ISO, the CTD report states on Page No. 15: Sharif Hussain Haidri (4th Schedule) took out a protest rally from Imam Bargah Gulshan-e-Khurasan on the G. T Road Rawalpindi on February 24 against the killing of Shia Hazaras in Quetta. While addressing the demonstrators, the speakers criticized the failure of the government to stop the genocide of Shia Hazaras. They used objectionable words against the Chief Justice of Pakistan besides raising slogans against the Chief of Army Staff, Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik, and the Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah Khan.
The CTD report further states on Page No 16 while narrating the obnoxious activities of the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) led by Maulana Masood Azhar: Mohammad Khalid organized a conference of the JeM at Jamia Masjid, Chowk Madniwala (Mandi Sadiq Ganj) in Bahawalpur on February 22. Addressing the participants, Mohammad Shafiq aka Abu Jandal, the president of the Punjab chapter of the JeM, urged the people to join ****** training camps in Bahawalpur for a week so that they are able to take part in jihad. He further also sought donations for the Mujahideen.
The CTD report expressed concern over lack of interest shown by the police in keeping a vigil on members of banned organisations, especially those who had been released from different jails. Under section IV of the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997, persons charged with terror activities have to inform their respective police stations before leaving their hometowns and upon return. Such individuals, after their release from jail, are also bound to provide a surety bond to the police for good behaviour and peaceful conduct. The CTD report also points out that a large number of militant and sectarian activists belonging to Punjab who had either been tried or were involved in terrorist activities and placed on the 4th schedule of ATA had been missing from their listed addresses.
Earlier, responding to the allegations leveled by the PPP leaders that the Sharif brothers have a soft corner for the SSP and the LJ, the PML-N spokesman Pervaiz Rasheed had claimed that the Punjab government firmly believes in the supremacy of law and any insinuation that it has soft-pedaled or looked the other way when it comes to taking action against the extremist groups [be it LJ or any other group and its leadership] was simply misleading. He claimed further that the Shahbaz Sharif government has shown zero tolerance for extremism and militancy and thats why not even a single inch of the territory of the Punjab province was under the control of any extremist group, as is the case with the other provinces.
Similar threads
