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Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (India can't escape its restrictions)

Here is my point. The majority of the powerful members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group are United States, China, Russia, and France.

If you believe the official diplomatic statements from the U.S., Russia, and France, they want a "clean" waiver for India. If that is true, why is the Nuclear Suppliers Group (which is dominated by the U.S., Russia, and France) tightening restrictions to non-NPT member countries (e.g. India)? China is only one NSG member and I think they can live with the majority decision.

My political insight is the U.S., Russia, and France are behind the push to pressure India to sign onto the NPT or forgo ENR, heavy-water, and sensitive-technology equipment.
 
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there is nothing bad for India we have agreements with everybody except USA.

It is true the Hyde Act applies only to the Indo-American 123 Agreement. However, the new restrictions imposed by the 46-member Nuclear Suppliers Group cartel bring their prohibitions on non-NPT member countries into alignment with the Hyde Act.

The more interesting question is why? I believe the Russians and French do not want India to produce more nuclear weapons, which could potentially threaten Moscow or Paris. China has an anti-ballistic missile program. If India antagonizes China, China will simply shoot down Indian navigational satellites (with Chinese ASAT) or shoot down the ballistic missile with China's mid-course GBI (i.e. Ground-Based Interceptor).

However, the Russians and the French do not have direct-ascent ASAT or mid-course GBI capability. The Russians do have a conventional crude buckshot or nuclear-armed satellite interceptor. Anyway, Indian nuclear missiles are potentially more dangerous to Russia and France with their non-existent ballistic missile intercept capabilities.

With regards to the Hyde Act, I don't think it will ever be repealed. The United States does not want India to possess more nuclear missiles that may be potentially aimed at the U.S.A.

In conclusion, the Russians, French, and Americans have decided they intend to dramatically retard India's nuclear weapons program by restricting access to enrichment technology (to produce large quantities of highly-enriched uranium) and heavy-water equipment (to help produce plutonium or tritium), which are dual use.

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NTI: Global Security Newswire - India Should Develop ICBMs: Top Officer

"India Should Develop ICBMs: Top Officer
Monday, June 13, 2011

A top Indian military officer has urged his country to create ballistic missiles able to reach other continents, the Hindustan Times reported on Saturday (see GSN, June 9).

"India should pursue an ICBM program to acquire ranges of 10,000 kilometers [6,200 miles] or even more. Breaking out of the regional context is important as the country's sphere of influence grows. We have no territorial designs on any country, but India needs the capability to match its sphere of influence," Indian air force head Air Chief Marshal P.V. Naik told the newspaper.

New Delhi presently intends to limit missiles in its strategic arsenal to ranges of roughly 3,100 miles, enabling the potential delivery of warheads to China and Pakistan, according to the Times.

"There's no point capping the missile program at 5,000 kilometers. If we have the technical capability, we should build on it," Naik said, becoming the first top-level Indian military officer to promote such a move while still in uniform.

India's Agni 3 missile has a range of about 1,860 miles and is the nation's sole missile capable of hitting locations in Chinese territory, the newspaper said. The nation intends in 2011 to conduct its first trial flight of the Agni 5, a ballistic missile with a designed range of roughly 3,100 miles (see GSN, June 6).

India holds the fundamental capabilities for creating ICBMs, "but where the warhead should go or what the range should be will have to be a political call," said a senior scientist with the Defense Research and Development Organization.

The creation of an Indian ICBM would cost more than $2.2 billion, roughly 6 percent of the country's annual defense expenditure, according to the Times.

China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States are so far the only countries to possess ICBMs, some of which have ranges exceeding 9,300 miles, the Times reported. Ballistic missiles transport their payloads by temporarily entering outer space.

"As of now, New Delhi has no strategic need for deploying ICBMs. But there's no legal regime that stops India from acquiring intercontinental reach," said Ashley Tellis, a senior associate with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Rahul Singh, Hindustan Times, June 11).

Meanwhile, Russia and India intend within 12 months to undertake work on a Brahmos cruise missile variant capable of flying at five times the speed of sound, ITAR-Tass reported (see GSN, March 22).

“[The] main parameters of the hypersonic Brahmos 2 missile have been coordinated, and we will start practical works within a year,” program co-director Alexander Maksichev said.

Separately, development is under way of an air-launched version of the Brahmos supersonic missile, he said; initial trial flights of the weapon could take place next year.

“Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets will the first carriers of the air-based modification of the Brahmos missile. We hope it will fit other aircraft, as well,” Maksichev said.

In addition, Russia in April started placing Brahmos supersonic missiles on one of three warships under construction for the Indian navy at Kaliningrad Yantar shipyard.

The Brahmos missile weighs 660 pounds and can carry a nuclear or conventional warhead up to 180 miles. The weapon was initially tested in 2001 (ITAR-Tass, June 12)."
 
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It is true the Hyde Act applies only to the Indo-American 123 Agreement. However, the new restrictions imposed by the 46-member Nuclear Suppliers Group cartel bring their prohibitions on non-NPT member countries into alignment with the Hyde Act.

The more interesting question is why? I believe the Russians and French do not want India to produce more nuclear weapons, which could potentially threaten Moscow or Paris. China has an anti-ballistic missile program. If India antagonizes China, China will simply shoot down Indian navigational satellites (with Chinese ASAT) or shoot down the ballistic missile with China's mid-course GBI (i.e. Ground-Based Interceptor).

However, the Russians and the French do not have direct-ascent ASAT or mid-course GBI capability. The Russians do have a conventional crude buckshot or nuclear-armed satellite interceptor. Anyway, Indian nuclear missiles are potentially more dangerous to Russia and France with their non-existent ballistic missile intercept capabilities.

With regards to the Hyde Act, I don't think it will ever be repealed. The United States does not want India to possess more nuclear missiles that may be potentially aimed at the U.S.A.

In conclusion, the Russians, French, and Americans have decided they intend to dramatically retard India's nuclear weapons program by restricting access to enrichment technology (to produce large quantities of highly-enriched uranium) and heavy-water equipment (to help produce plutonium or tritium), which are dual use.

But with Russia we have no problem with them and infact they are our strategic ally for a long long time. Why would we aim at them and why would they think we are a threat to them? Regards to USA it could be true to certain extent, however even France is a weapons supplier to us.

I can understand what u are trying to say, but just hear out my perspective, i think what u say about USA trying to make us sign NPT could be true however i am sure that it would not happen because of our domestic politics. The whole country will be at the throat of the one who will even think of signing the agreement. It will be the end of political career of such person.
 
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The Hindu : News / International : Russia silent on whether NSG ban on ENR supply will cover India

"Russia silent on whether NSG ban on ENR supply will cover India
by Vladimir Radyuhin
MOSCOW, June 29, 2011

Russia appears to confirm New Delhi’s concerns that India is not being exempted from new restrictions on the supply of uranium enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) equipment to countries outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

An official spokesman of the Russian Foreign Ministry refused to say whether India was affected by the ban on export of ENR technologies approved by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) at its meeting on June 24 in the Netherlands.

“We do not think it proper to publicly discuss individual countries,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Alexander Lukashevich said on Wednesday responding to a direct question from The Hindu whether the NSG ban was effective only against North Korea and Iran or targeted India as well.

Mr. Lukashevich said the new NSG guidelines are already incorporated in the Russian legislation through a government decree adopted in December 2009 in compliance with the Group of Eight 2008 ban on the sale of ENR equipment.

Russian government decree #992 of December 4, 2009 allowed export of ENR equipment and technologies only to countries that are signatories to the NPT. In line with the G8 practice, the Russian decree was valid for 12 months and was renewed in December 2010 following the G8 reiteration of its ban earlier last year.


At the same time Mr. Lukashevich stressed that Russia had consistently worked to push through the 2008 NSG waver for India and strongly supported India’s bid to join the NSG.

“We are determined to do our best to facilitate India getting full membership in NSG,” the Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman said."
 
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It is true the Hyde Act applies only to the Indo-American 123 Agreement. However, the new restrictions imposed by the 46-member Nuclear Suppliers Group cartel bring their prohibitions on non-NPT member countries into alignment with the Hyde Act.

The more interesting question is why? I believe the Russians and French do not want India to produce more nuclear weapons, which could potentially threaten Moscow or Paris. China has an anti-ballistic missile program. If India antagonizes China, China will simply shoot down Indian navigational satellites (with Chinese ASAT) or shoot down the ballistic missile with China's mid-course GBI (i.e. Ground-Based Interceptor).

However, the Russians and the French do not have direct-ascent ASAT or mid-course GBI capability. The Russians do have a conventional crude buckshot or nuclear-armed satellite interceptor. Anyway, Indian nuclear missiles are potentially more dangerous to Russia and France with their non-existent ballistic missile intercept capabilities.

With regards to the Hyde Act, I don't think it will ever be repealed. The United States does not want India to possess more nuclear missiles that may be potentially aimed at the U.S.A.

In conclusion, the Russians, French, and Americans have decided they intend to dramatically retard India's nuclear weapons program by restricting access to enrichment technology (to produce large quantities of highly-enriched uranium) and heavy-water equipment (to help produce plutonium or tritium), which are dual use.

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NTI: Global Security Newswire - India Should Develop ICBMs: Top Officer

"India Should Develop ICBMs: Top Officer
Monday, June 13, 2011

A top Indian military officer has urged his country to create ballistic missiles able to reach other continents, the Hindustan Times reported on Saturday (see GSN, June 9).

"India should pursue an ICBM program to acquire ranges of 10,000 kilometers [6,200 miles] or even more. Breaking out of the regional context is important as the country's sphere of influence grows. We have no territorial designs on any country, but India needs the capability to match its sphere of influence," Indian air force head Air Chief Marshal P.V. Naik told the newspaper.

New Delhi presently intends to limit missiles in its strategic arsenal to ranges of roughly 3,100 miles, enabling the potential delivery of warheads to China and Pakistan, according to the Times.

"There's no point capping the missile program at 5,000 kilometers. If we have the technical capability, we should build on it," Naik said, becoming the first top-level Indian military officer to promote such a move while still in uniform.

India's Agni 3 missile has a range of about 1,860 miles and is the nation's sole missile capable of hitting locations in Chinese territory, the newspaper said. The nation intends in 2011 to conduct its first trial flight of the Agni 5, a ballistic missile with a designed range of roughly 3,100 miles (see GSN, June 6).

India holds the fundamental capabilities for creating ICBMs, "but where the warhead should go or what the range should be will have to be a political call," said a senior scientist with the Defense Research and Development Organization.

The creation of an Indian ICBM would cost more than $2.2 billion, roughly 6 percent of the country's annual defense expenditure, according to the Times.

China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States are so far the only countries to possess ICBMs, some of which have ranges exceeding 9,300 miles, the Times reported. Ballistic missiles transport their payloads by temporarily entering outer space.

"As of now, New Delhi has no strategic need for deploying ICBMs. But there's no legal regime that stops India from acquiring intercontinental reach," said Ashley Tellis, a senior associate with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Rahul Singh, Hindustan Times, June 11).

Meanwhile, Russia and India intend within 12 months to undertake work on a Brahmos cruise missile variant capable of flying at five times the speed of sound, ITAR-Tass reported (see GSN, March 22).

“[The] main parameters of the hypersonic Brahmos 2 missile have been coordinated, and we will start practical works within a year,” program co-director Alexander Maksichev said.

Separately, development is under way of an air-launched version of the Brahmos supersonic missile, he said; initial trial flights of the weapon could take place next year.

“Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets will the first carriers of the air-based modification of the Brahmos missile. We hope it will fit other aircraft, as well,” Maksichev said.

In addition, Russia in April started placing Brahmos supersonic missiles on one of three warships under construction for the Indian navy at Kaliningrad Yantar shipyard.

The Brahmos missile weighs 660 pounds and can carry a nuclear or conventional warhead up to 180 miles. The weapon was initially tested in 2001 (ITAR-Tass, June 12)."

I thought Brahmos could carry only conventional warhead for 290 kms. It can carry nuclear weapons also??
 
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The Hindu : News / National : In post-NSG statement, France ducks ENR ban on India

"In post-NSG statement, France ducks ENR ban on India
by Sandeep Dikshit
NEW DELHI, July 2, 2011

In a carefully worded statement that conceals as much as it reveals, France has sought to reassure India that its recent endorsement of tighter rules for the export of enrichment and reprocessing equipment (ENR) at the Nuclear Suppliers Group “in no way undermines the parameters of our bilateral cooperation” in the nuclear field.

France is committed to the full implementation of its cooperation agreement on the development of peaceful uses of nuclear energy signed on September 30, 2008, Ambassador of France to India Jérôme Bonnafont said in a statement on Friday. ``France confirms that this NSG decision in no way undermines the parameters of our bilateral cooperation”.

``Coming after the decision of exemption from the full-scope safeguards clause, adopted in favour of India in September 2008, it does not undermine the principles of this exemption,'' he added.

Mr. Bonnafont's articulation of France's position comes in the wake of an Indian demarche reminding Paris of the specific assurance on ENR President Nicolas Sarkozy gave Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in July 2009 when the latter had expressed his disappointment at the G8 support for a new rule at the NSG banning ENR sales to countries that have not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

However, the latest French statement is silent about that presidential pledge. Ambassador Bonnafont's declaration that the new NSG ban will not undermine the bilateral Franco-Indian agreement is a non-sequitur since that agreement does not cover ENR transfers anyway. And though his reassurance about the validity of the exemption the NSG gave India from its full scope safeguards clause will be welcomed by New Delhi, the Ambassador's silence about the new condition of NPT membership for ENR transfers will not be. Indian officials regard the new rule as tantamount to a rewriting of the 2008 bargain the nuclear cartel struck with India. Anil Kakodkar, who was head of India's Atomic Energy Commission when that deal wasreached has termed the NSG's latest decision a “betrayal.”

Implictly acknowledging the negative impact of the ENR ban on India, Mr. Bonnafont insisted this decision “does not target any country but is the fruit of prolonged discussions initiated in 2004”.

Indian officials do not agree, noting that even if the ENR discussions went back to 2004, France and others ought to have incorporated India's exemption into the new rules, in keeping with the letter and spirit of the 2008 clean waiver."
 
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I thought Brahmos could carry only conventional warhead for 290 kms. It can carry nuclear weapons also??

Brahmos is nuclear capable. However, since India only possesses atomic-weapon (e.g. fission) technology, a nuclear-armed Brahmos will have limited yield.

Another factor is the degree of India's miniaturization technology. It has only been 13 years since the Pokhran nuclear tests. If India has not yet fully mastered miniaturizing nuclear warheads, the theoretical yield of an atomic-armed Brahmos will be reduced.
 
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Question: Does India have sufficient leverage to stare down the NSG and its enhanced restrictions on ENR, heavy-water, and "sensitive" equipment for India? (See article from The Hindu below)

Answer: Probably not. Mighty China (a nuclear-weapon state under the NPT and not subject to any restrictions) was blocked by U.S. political pressure from obtaining a legally-purchased MOX plant from Germany in 2003. (See second article below)

It has required another 8 years for China to indigenously research and master "nuclear fuel reprocessing technology." Another ten years is needed to solve the production problems associated with industrial-scale nuclear fuel reprocessing. Due to U.S. interference, China's use of MOX/reprocessed fuel has been delayed by 18 years. (See third article below)

Today, India is encountering a similar problem in acquiring sensitive nuclear technologies. Once again, the U.S. has blocked the acquisition of dual-use nuclear technologies via the Hyde Act and newly-enhanced restrictions at the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

The interesting question is whether India can meet the NSG challenge. Mighty China has a track record of demonstrating the futility of imposing technological embargoes on China. For example, the U.S. blocked Israel's sale of Phalcon AWACS to China. In reply, China built the indigenous KJ-2000 AWACS.

Can India develop ENR, heavy-water, and other "sensitive" equipment on its own? How many years or decades will the Indian effort require?

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The Hindu : News / National : "NSG decision not the end of the road"

"“NSG decision not the end of the road”
Special Correspondent
NEW DELHI, July 4, 2011

India has exuded confidence that it can leverage and work on its strength in the wake of the recent decision of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) placing restrictions on transfer of sensitive technology, while describing the development as a “dynamic process” which is not yet “set in stone.”

“… Let me say that these guidelines have not been published in open text yet. We need to study that more fully and we need to draw our conclusions … you have to look at this as a dynamic process, Let me say one thing very clearly … that the international nuclear order will change in India's favour. And I am sure of that,” Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao said on television programme “Devil's Advocate'.”

On the recent decision of the NSG not to sell enrichment reprocessing technologies to countries that had not signed the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, Ms. Rao said nothing had been “set in stone” and asserted that the sanctity of the 2008 NSG decision providing India clean exemption must be maintained and upheld.

India and its various partner-countries had entered into full bilateral civil nuclear cooperation commitments which must be taken forward and the United States, France and Russia recognised these points, she said.

“A dynamic process”


While New Delhi did not welcome the development, it was something it knew and fought against, but she disagreed with the interviewer Karan Thapar that India failed to prevent it. “It is not a question of failure. You have to look at this as a dynamic process … the international nuclear order will change in India's favour.”

Refusing to go with the description [of the NSG decision] by the former Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, Anil Kakodkar, as a betrayal since India had already obtained the waiver, Ms. Rao said that as a professional engaged in this process, the latest decision was not the “end of the road. It is not set in stone.”

Mutual reciprocity

Hinting that India had leverages to exert, she said: “There is a balance of interest, there is a balance of commitments, there is mutual reciprocity … The whole issue of full bilateral civil nuclear cooperation, the fact that India has the potential to develop 60,000 MWe of electricity from nuclear energy by 2030 … is a great attraction to the rest of the world … we will defend our interests to the hilt.”

The Foreign Secretary was confident of India's strengths. Stating that people had the tendency to proclaim defeat at every such turn, she re-emphasised that eventually New Delhi's strength and leverage would prevail."

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CNS - Controversy in Germany: Siemens Sale of MOX Plant to China - December 12, 2003 - Research Story of the Week

"Controversy in Germany: Siemens Sale of MOX Plant to China
By Stephanie Lieggi[*]
December 12, 2003

Se2fY.jpg

[German Chancellor] Schröder (left) and Siemens Chief von Pierer (middle) in China. [Src: DPA (Deutsche Presse-Agentur)]

During a recent state visit to China, German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder held discussions with Chinese government and business leaders about the proposed sale of a mothballed German mixed oxide (MOX) fuel fabrication plant to a Chinese nuclear company. The plant in question, Siemens Hanau Fuel Element Factory (Hanauer Brennelementefabrik), was completed in 1991 but never put into operation. The sale of the facility would be a financial relief to Siemens, but the deal has caused a politically charged debate between the Chancellor and his government coalition partners -- the Greens. Green Party leaders disapprove of the sale for a number of reasons, including fears that the facility could be used to produce materials for nuclear weapons.

History of Hanau

The Hanau facility (located in the state of Hesse) would have been the biggest mixed oxide fuel production plant in Europe upon completion. Mixed oxide fuel consists of uranium oxide and plutonium oxide mixed or combined together. Uranium can be mined from mineral deposits in the earth. However, because plutonium is relatively short lived, i.e., decays rapidly compared to geological time, it has to be produced in nuclear reactors, which transform uranium into plutonium. The Hanau facility does not contain its own nuclear reactor. Spent nuclear fuel from reactors is reprocessed to extract the produced plutonium, which would be further manipulated at a MOX fuel elements production site, such as Hanau. Plutonium oxide at Hanau would be combined with depleted uranium into MOX fuel elements, to be used as fuel for nuclear power plants.[1] The facility was not meant to process weapons-grade plutonium; however, the facility could produce fuel rods for fast breeder reactors, which in turn could potentially be used for obtaining weapons-grade plutonium.[2]

Although the plans for the facility were approved by local and national officials at the start of construction, by the time the facility was near completion, the political climate in both the state and federal governments had changed. Green Party politicians, including Joschka Fischer (Hesse's environment minister in the late 1980s and early 1990s; now German Foreign Minister) began an effective campaign against nuclear power, culminating in the 1998 agreement to phase out nuclear energy in Germany. As a result of these changes in the German nuclear energy policy, the Siemens facility never went on-line.

In the late 1990s, the Russian Federation and Siemens proposed that the still unused facility be exported to Russia as a means of disposing of plutonium from dismantled nuclear weapons. (The stockpiled fissile material from decommissioned warheads would be transformed into MOX fuel and used for nuclear energy reactors.) While this deal garnered significant criticism from within the German government, the main issue hindering its success was ultimately financial. The deal, which was to be funded by G-8 countries, never materialized, and Siemens reportedly "[ran] out of patience." In September 2001, Siemens decided to dismantle the facility.[3]

Schröder's Trip to China

In the first week of December 2003, German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder made a state visit to China, accompanied by a large business delegation. Included in the Chancellor's delegation was Siemens CEO Heinrich von Pierer.[4] Prior to the trip, talks had begun with Chinese nuclear industry officials about the possible transfer of the dismantled Hanau facility to China, and Siemens had already started the export license process. The deal is rumored to be valued at about 50 million Euros, although neither Siemens nor China's nuclear industry has given any specific details about the sale. When the deal became public during Schröder's trip, the Chancellor voiced support for the deal, and claimed there was no legal barrier to the transfer occurring.[5]

Many from Schröder's coalition government, particularly Green Party politicians, were disturbed by the announcement and potential sale. Germany's Green Party championed the phasing out of nuclear energy in Germany and views the sale of the Hanau facilities (and all other nuclear related transfers) to be hypocritical in light of the German government's renouncement of nuclear energy. However, many politicians opposing the deal also argued that the transfer would pose a significant proliferation risk. Green Party politician and German Minister for the Environment, Jurgen Tritten, claimed that the plant would enable China to produce more weapons-grade plutonium.[6] Green Party leader Reinhard Buetikofer warned that the plant could be used for military purposes.[7]

China's Nuclear Program

Much of the criticism of the proposed sale focuses on the reported incongruities between China's civilian nuclear capabilities and the capabilities of the Hanau plant. Since the report of the deal first broke, German politicians and experts have claimed that Beijing's intentions were dubious since the Hanau facility would have little civilian value to China. The MOX fuel elements produced by the Siemens facility can be burned in both breeder reactors and light water reactors (LWR). According to claims from a number of German politicians, China does not have sufficient breeder technology nor can their LWRs burn the MOX elements created by the facility, which contain plutonium. In an interview, one German nuclear expert claimed that purchasing the plant for civilian use made no sense and that China could only use the plant for military purposes.[8] In the same article, a Greenpeace expert argued that since the fast breeder technology has been proven economically untenable for energy generation, China's interest in the plant could not be based on its civilian program. The fear from these opposition voices is that China intends to use the Hanau facility to produce large quantities of weapons-grade plutonium, enabling Beijing to build a larger nuclear arsenal.

In closer examination of China's civilian and military nuclear programs, the claims that China has no civilian use for the Siemens plant appear unsubstantiated. Many of the arguments ignore the well-documented increase in China's energy needs over the last 10 years, and estimates that the substantial increase in consumption will continue. To meet these needs, Beijing has begun to invest heavily in developing their nuclear energy program, including gaining assistance from foreign firms. China currently has 8 reactors in operation, 3 more under construction and another 26 in the planning stages.[9] Of the 11 reactors either in operation or near completion, 8 are pressurized light water reactors. According to a Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, China's nuclear power industry believes MOX has great economic benefits.[10] China has planned for some time to use MOX fuel for its light water reactors and its proposed fast breeder reactors.[11] While China's facilities are not currently using MOX fuel, there are no significant technical barriers keeping Chinese light water reactors from burning this fuel. As for fast-breeder technology, although German nuclear industry gave up on this technology, many countries, including China, Japan and France, still believe this technology has viable civilian uses, and development of this technology for civilian programs is on-going.

Proliferation Risk?

China unofficially froze production of fissile material in 1991. Most recent estimates put the number of Chinese nuclear warheads at over 400.[12] Although hard data on China's military program is sparse, experts estimate that China has stockpiled approximately 4 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium and between 9 and 14 metric tons of weapons-grade uranium, an amount sufficient to increase its arsenal by at least 400 warheads.[13] A more recent independent estimate is that China produced 2 to 5 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium.[14] Taking into account the large uncertainties, the two estimates are compatible with each other. China's sizable stockpile suggests creation of more weapons-grade plutonium is not a high priority for Beijing.

China has made great efforts in the last few years to portray itself as a responsible power in the international arena. As part of this effort, China recently released a White Paper detailing its activities in the field of nonproliferation and particularly on the issue of export controls. Although China continues to modernize its nuclear arsenal, Beijing has little incentive for using the imported civilian facility for a military nuclear program. China has assured the German government that the facility would only be used for civilian purposes and using it for any other reason would be strategically embarrassing to the Chinese government. A deception would be hard to hide. Facilities receiving German nuclear exports are required to have IAEA safeguards agreements. Beijing also voluntarily submits all nuclear imports to safeguards. With these controls in place, diversion of fissile material from the Siemens plant to China's military stockpile would be difficult.

If the Chinese authorities were once again to produce weapons-grade materials in order to increase China's existing stockpile, they would be much more likely to rely on the existing nuclear weapons facilities, which are not subject to IAEA checks.[15] China has a viable indigenous fuel cycle, with abundant supplies of uranium and adequate reprocessing capabilities.
Moreover, the Hanau facility itself is not sufficient to produce weapons-grade fissile material. As mentioned above, the facility does not contain a nuclear reactor, which would be required to produce weapons-grade plutonium, and it cannot be used to make highly enriched uranium, which is the other type of fissile material useful for nuclear weapons. Mixed oxide fuel produced at the Hanau facility, as it is currently configured, would not provide suitable fissile material for nuclear weapons. Moreover, the Hanau plant would require further modifications to be able to process weapons-grade plutonium.[16] Although it might be feasible for China to modify the Siemens facility to supplement military supplies, it is more likely that China would use existing facilities to increase fissile material stockpiles rather than reconfigure the Siemens plant, which is much more valuable to China as a civilian facility.

The Green Party has grounds to protest the export of the MOX facility, particularly in light of its own country's rejection of nuclear energy for safety and environmental reasons. However, despite claims to the contrary, Beijing's interest in the Hanau facility is consistent with planned increases in nuclear fuel consumption in the coming years, and is unlikely to add to China's stockpile of fissile material that could be used for production of nuclear weapons. While some German politicians may have well-founded political and ethical reasons for wanting to deny the sale of the Siemens facility to China, fears that the deal will contribute to nuclear weapon proliferation appear to be overblown.


[*] The author would like to thank Dr. Charles Ferguson for lending his technical expertise during the drafting of this paper.
[1] Kerstin Krupp, "China Can Use MOX-Facility for Weapons Program: Experts Think Civilian Use Unlikely," Berliner Zeitung (Berlin), 4 December 2003, translated in FBIS EUP20031203000490. Also, for a good explanation of MOX fuel, see "Mixed Oxide Fuel (MOX)" on the World Nuclear Association website, <http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/inf29.htm>.
[2] Christop Podewils, "China Works on Fast Breeder: Plutonium Plant from Hanau Able to Fulfill Two Functions, One of Them Military," Berliner Zeitung (Berlin), 10 December 2003, translated in FBIS EUP200312010000002.
[3] "Siemens Wants Hanau Site Evacuated By Next October," NuclearFuel, 3 September 2001, Vol. 26, No. 18.
[4] Kevin McElderry, "China in Delicate Talks on Buying German Plutonium Plant," AFP (via Military Space News, Nuclear Weapons, Missile Defense) 02 December 2003. Siemens has a large presence in China, with over 21,000 employees according to the Siemens China website, <http://www.siemens.com.cn>.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Joerg Michel, "Nuclear Export Splits Red-Green" Berliner Zeitung (Berlin), 5 December 2003, translated in FBIS EUP20031204000474.
[7] Dagmar Dehmer, "Points for Style Can Be Given Later," Der Tagesspiegel (Berlin), 6 December 2003, translated in FBIS EUP20031205000400.
[8] Krupp, Berliner Zeitung (Berlin), 4 December 2003.
[9] World Nuclear Association, "Nuclear Power in China," Information and Issue Briefs, December 2003, < http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/inf63.htm>.
[10] "German Nuclear Facility Will Be Used for Peaceful Purposes: China," AFP, 9 December 2003.
[11] "Reprocessing (Plutonium Extraction)" China WMD Database, NTI website, <http://www.nti.org/db/china/reproc.htm>.
[12] Robert S. Norris and Hans M Kristensen, "Chinese Nuclear Forces, 2003," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 59, Iss. 6 (Nov/Dec 2003).
[13] David Albright, Frans Berkhout, and William Walker, Plutonium and Highly Enriched Uranium 1996: World Inventories, Capabilities, and Policies, SIPRI (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 76-77 and pp. 129-130.
[14] David Wright and Lisbeth Gronlund, "Estimating China's Production of Plutonium for Weapons," Science and Global Security, Vol. 11, 2003, pp. 61-80.
[15] As a recognized nuclear weapon state under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), nuclear weapons facilities in China are not required to have safeguards agreements. However, China does submit all its civilian facilities to IAEA safeguards.
[16] "Mixed Oxide Fuel (MOX)," World Nuclear Association website, <http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/inf29.htm>."

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China: Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing Technology Has Been Mastered

"China: Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing Technology Has Been Mastered
CHRISTOPHER BODEEN | 01/ 3/11 11:16 AM | AP

BEIJING &#8212; Chinese scientists have mastered the technology for reprocessing fuel from nuclear power plants, potentially boosting the supplies of carbon-free electricity to keep the country's economy booming, state television reported Monday.

The breakthrough will extend by many times the amount of power that can be generated from China's nuclear plants as fissile and fertile materials are recovered to be new fuel, CCTV said.

Several European countries, Russia, India and Japan already reprocess nuclear fuel &#8211; the actual materials used to make nuclear energy &#8211; to separate and recover the unused uranium and plutonium, reduce waste and safely close the nuclear cycle.

The CCTV report gave no details on whether or when China would begin reprocessing on an industrial scale.

China overtook the United States as the world's largest energy consumer in 2009, years before it was expected to do so, according to the Paris-based International Energy Agency.

But it is heavily dependent on coal, a major pollutant. It has 13 nuclear power plants in use now and ambitiously plans to add potentially hundreds more.

Reprocessing nuclear fuel costs significantly more than using it once and storing it as waste. It is also controversial because extracted plutonium can be used in nuclear weapons, although China has long had a nuclear arsenal.

U.S. commercial reprocessing of plutonium was halted by then-President Jimmy Carter because of nuclear proliferation worries.
Then-President George W. Bush proposed a resumption, but the National Research Council found it not economically justifiable. President Barack Obama scrapped the Bush effort.

Recovered plutonium and &#8211; when prices are high &#8211; uranium can be re-used. Some reactors can use other reprocessed components, potentially multiplying the amount of energy that results from the original uranium fuel by about 60 times."
 
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Brahmos is nuclear capable. However, since India only possesses atomic-weapon (e.g. fission) technology, a nuclear-armed Brahmos will have limited yield.

Another factor is the degree of India's miniaturization technology. It has only been 13 years since the Pokhran nuclear tests. If India has not yet fully mastered miniaturizing nuclear warheads, the theoretical yield of an atomic-armed Brahmos will be reduced.

From an interview of former Atomic Energy Commission chairman Anil Kakodkar

Army should be fully confident as there is no doubt about the nuclear arsenal at their command, former Atomic Energy Commission chairman Anil Kakodkar has said seeking to put at rest questions raised over the efficacy of the country's hydrogen bomb test.

"I think that is guaranteed. Army should be fully confident. There is no doubt about the arsenal at their command," he told Karan Thapar on Devil's Advocate programme on CNN-IBN.

Kakodkar, who retired from service on November 30, was asked about former Army chief VP Malik's remarks that nuclear scientists should assure the armed forces about the efficacy of the thermonuclear device.

He ruled out the need for further thermonuclear tests and said the country has several hydrogen bombs with a yield "much more" than 45 kilo tons.

"Of course. Why do you put singular, use plural?" he shot back when asked whether India had a thermonuclear bomb.

"Much more than that. I said from up to low kilotons to 200 kilotons," Kakodkar said when asked whether the hydrogen bomb has a yield of 45 kilo tons.


Kakodkar dismissed former DRDO scientist K Santhanam's claims over the success of the 1998 thermonuclear tests saying it would not be correct to assume that he (the defence scientist) knew everything.

"We required logistic support which was provided by DRDO. ...things were being done on a need-to-know basis. To assume that Santhanam knew everything is not correct. Santhanam knew what was within his responsibility," Kakodkar said.

He said it was "totally erroneous" to conclude that the hydrogen bomb test was not a success.

"It is a totally erroneous conclusion. The yield of thermonuclear test was verified, not by one method but by several methods and by different groups and this has been reviewed in detail," he said.

"I had described the tests as perfect in 1998 and I stand by that," said Kakodkar, who played key roles in the nuclear tests of 1974 and 1998.

He also said the instruments used by DRDO to measure the yield of the tests did not work. "I myself had reviewed this immediately after the test and we concluded that these instruments did not work.

"If the instruments did not work where is the question of going by the assertions based on them and what is the basis of those assertions," he said.

On former AEC chief PK Iyengar's support to Santhanam's claims, Kakodkar said "Iyengar was not in the picture as far as 1998 tests were concerned. He knows only as much as has been published. Nothing more."

When pointed out that other countries had done more hydrogen bomb tests than India, Kakodkar said "if you go by dil maange more that is another story. The important point is all tests worked as designed."
Army should be confident of nuclear arsenal: Kakodkar - India - DNA
 
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I do not believe India possesses thermonuclear capability for three reasons.

1. Many prominent Indians have stated the thermonuclear test failed. (See first article below)

2. "By late 1998 analysts at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory had concluded that India had attempted to detonate a thermonuclear device, but that the second stage of the two-stage bomb failed to ignite as planned." (See second article below)

3. The lack of clear proof of a megaton thermonuclear test shifts the burden of proof onto India to provide clear and convincing evidence. Though India would not conduct an atmospheric test, India must demonstrate an underground megaton-yield test with the commensurate crater size. (See China's first 3.3-megaton thermonuclear test from 1967 below)

In the absence of a clear-and-convincing crater from a megaton blast, I need to see a confirmation from neutral and respected American scientists. Currently, conditions #2 and #3 are unfulfilled. Also, many prominent Indians have said the thermonuclear test was a failure. Therefore, I believe the weight of the evidence points to a failure in India's thermonuclear attempt.

-----

Destroying nuclear India | Manmohan Singh | NUCLEAR | The New Indian Express

"Destroying nuclear India
Bharat Karnad
Last Updated : 30 Jun 2011 11:48:54 PM IST
...
Manmohan Singh has thus jeopardised the country&#8217;s strategic nuclear security &#8212; because the 1998 thermonuclear test was a dud, absence of further testing will translate into unproven, unreliable, and unsafe fusion weapons and a strategic deterrent lacking in thermonuclear credibility, and ignored the home-grown solution for energy independence, envisaged by Bhabha, based on interlocked first stage pressurised heavy water reactors, second stage breeder reactors (now in the take-off phase), and third stage thorium reactors (the prototype &#8216;Kamini&#8217; 40MW experimental operating in Kalpakkam, which requires more concept, design, and engineering work and upscaling). Instead, Manmohan Singh&#8217;s purchasing 40 foreign reactors worth $150 billion (at today&#8217;s dollar value) producing 40,000 MW of electricity by 2050, will at once sustain the nuclear industries in America, France and Russia, and provide Washington the handle to keep India in line. Resumption of testing, say, will prompt immediate cut-off of uranium fuel, resulting in rapid shutdown of foreign reactors and precipitous fall of power in the grid. All this apparently makes sense to our blinkered economist-prime minister.
...
Bharat Karnad is a research professor at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi. E-mail:

bh_karnad@yahoo.com"

-----

Nuclear Weapons - India Nuclear Forces

"On May 11, 1998, India tested three devices at the Pokhran underground testing site, followed by two more tests on May 13, 1998. The nuclear tests carried out at 3:45 pm on May 11th were claimed by the Indian government to be a simultaneous detonation of three different devices - a fission device with a yield of about 12 kilotons (KT), a thermonuclear device with a yield of about 43 KT, and a sub-kiloton device. The two tests carried out at 12:21 pm on May 13th were also detonated simultaneously with reported yields in the range of 0.2 to 0.6 KT.

However, there is some controversy about these claims. Based on seismic data, U.S. government sources and independent experts estimated the yield of the so-called thermonuclear test in the range of 12-25 kilotons, as opposed to the 43-60 kiloton yield claimed by India. This lower yield raised skepticism about India's claims to have detonated a thermonuclear device.

Observers initially suggested that the test could have been a boosted fission device, rather than a true multi-stage thermonuclear device. By late 1998 analysts at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory had concluded that India had attempted to detonate a thermonuclear device, but that the second stage of the two-stage bomb failed to ignite as planned."

-----

The most straight-forward method for India to convince the world it possesses thermonuclear weaponry is to create a crater from a megaton blast. The following video is China's clear and convincing proof of thermonuclear capability from a 3.3-megaton test in 1967.

 
Last edited by a moderator:
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In the absence of a clear-and-convincing crater from a megaton blast, I need to see a confirmation from neutral and respected American scientists. Currently, conditions #2 and #3 are unfulfilled. Also, many prominent Indians have said the thermonuclear test was a failure. Therefore, I believe the weight of the evidence points to a failure in India's thermonuclear attempt.

Exactly right, the burden of proof is on the one who makes the positive claim.

There is no conclusive proof that India has ever successfully detonated a thermonuclear device.
 
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How powerful is China? How about a simple "brief Chinese statement was enough for the rest of the NSG -- even the US -- to accept China at its word" on constructing two new nuclear reactors for Pakistan. China says they are "grandfathered" and that's the end of the issue.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/C...how/9105756.cms

"China gets its Pakistan reactors through NSG
Indrani Bagchi, TNN | Jul 5, 2011, 01.47am IST

NEW DELHI: The Chinese has got away with two new nuclear reactors for Pakistan by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).

At the June 23-24 plenary meeting of the 46-nation nuclear cartel in Noordwik, Netherlands, China was questioned about the two new reactors, Chashma 3 and 4, that it announced it would build in Pakistan. But China insisted the deal was "grandfathered", that is, they said it had been reached before it joined the NSG in 2004.

Indian officials monitoring events said, the brief Chinese statement was enough for the rest of the NSG -- even the US -- to accept China at its word. "There was no pushback by NSG members," the officials said.

The US had in March challenged China on the new reactors. On March 18, Robert Blake, assistant secretary in the State Department, said in Beijing, "We expect China to abide by the commitments that it made when it joined the NSG in 2004, and in particular we think the construction of new nuclear reactors such as the Chashma 3 and 4 would be inconsistent with those commitments." But this position was not held up by others, who let the deal pass.

In Europe, China got a thumbs up from Germany, the biggest power in Europe. Days before the NSG plenary, the German government, in an answer to the Bundestag, reportedly said, "China can export nuclear goods for construction of nuclear power plants Chashma 3 and 4 to Pakistan without violating NSG guidelines." Germany also argued that "China has explained its position on existing export agreements when it joined the NSG".

Pakistan's nuclear sector is managed almost completely by the army. Unlike India, Pakistan does not have to separate its civilian and military nuclear programmes.

China had signed the Chashma deal with Pakistan in 1991, under which it had given a 300-MW reactor to Pakistan and agreed for a second one of 325 MW, also at Chashma. According to nuclear experts, the 1991 agreement with Pakistan was a "general" one, which did not specify how many reactors would be given to Pakistan. When China joined the NSG in 2004, they did not mention any new reactors under the agreement."
 
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India warns NSG against unilateral decision - Times Of India

"India warns NSG against unilateral decision
TNN Jun 28, 2011, 02.30am IST
...
While an official statement from the US said that the NSG's NPT references, including those in the ENR guidelines, in no way detract from the exception granted to India by the group's members in 2008, it also went on to state that efforts in the NSG to strengthen controls on the transfer of ENR are 'consistent with long-standing US policy that pre-dates the Civil Nuclear Agreement and have been reaffirmed on an annual basis by the G8 for years.'"
 
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