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Myanmar Defence Forum

MIG-35
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Pantsir S-1
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unknown sub since 2000s
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yes..we're getting all of them very soon.. now happy..? :D i dont still have any comfirmation about them..unlike u guys, i dont post a hoax with a bold heading ' we have this , we're getting them ' just a photo of a group before ur wish list.. ok..? check everyday here.. if we got comfirmation , i will post here about it.. :D
 
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MIG-35
View attachment 351315
Pantsir S-1
View attachment 351317
unknown sub since 2000s
View attachment 351319
yes..we're getting all of them very soon.. now happy..? :D i dont still have any comfirmation about them..unlike u guys, i dont post a hoax with a bold heading ' we have this , we're getting them ' just a photo of a group before ur wish list.. ok..? check everyday here.. if we got comfirmation , i will post here about it.. :D
relax, no need to hype up..i was just expressing my opinions!!..
 
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If I were to name the JF-17s in burmese, I would call them ပန္းေသး။ :cheesy::cheesy:
BTW I saw about the UWSA air defence drill on facebook and to judge from what I see I think it can be a big threat for our CAS role aircrafts like Mi-35s and other low altitude bombers. Even though the video does not include the use of MANPADs, the shooting power of their anti-air cannons are quite impressive and they can deliver a good punch to us. Hope our military can counter their air defense with the newly acquire toy ပန္းေသး။:sniper::sniper:
 
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If I were to name the JF-17s in burmese, I would call them ပန္းေသး။ :cheesy::cheesy:
BTW I saw about the UWSA air defence drill on facebook and to judge from what I see I think it can be a big threat for our CAS role aircrafts like Mi-35s and other low altitude bombers. Even though the video does not include the use of MANPADs, the shooting power of their anti-air cannons are quite impressive and they can deliver a good punch to us. Hope our military can counter their air defense with the newly acquire toy ပန္းေသး။:sniper::sniper:

That is a perfect name for Burmese JF-17s!

including the ex-Singaporean ones?
They were all ex-Singapore examples. For a long while are anti air consisted of blood hounds and SA-2's. But I'm sure I read the Bloodhounds were put in reserve.
 
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First Yak-130 jet trainer for Myanmar makes maiden flight


CxeYzRKXAAAf8wA-696x522.jpg






The first Yak-130 advanced jet trainers for Myanmar Air Force completed its maiden flight.

According to the RIA Novosti, Russia plans to deliver three fighter jets to Myanmar by the end of 2016. The Defense Ministry of Myanmar signed its first Yak-130 purchase contract in June 2015, three years after the Southeast Asian republic voiced initial interest in the fighter trainer, the outlet says.

The Yak-130 combat trainer was selected as the winner of the trainer competition of the Voyenno Vozdushnyye Sily, Russian Federation Air Force, in April 2002. The aircraft is also actively marketed for export by Yakovlev, the Irkut company, and by Rosoboronexport.

A joint programme for trainer development between Yakovlev of Russia and Aermacchi of Italy began in 1993 and the Yak / AEM-130D demonstrator first flew in 1996. In 1999, the partnership was dissolved and the Yakovlev Yak-130 and the Aermacchi M346 became separate programmes.


http://defence-blog.com/news/first-yak-130-jet-trainer-for-myanmar-makes-maiden-flight.html
 
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Lessons for Myanmar in Indonesian politics
22 November 2016

Author: Lex Rieffel, The Brookings Institution

Since becoming the leader of Myanmar’s government in April, Aung San Suu Kyi has often said that her top priority is achieving peace — ending the civil war that has raged in her country since independence in 1948. She has also stressed the importance of overcoming the poverty that the general population has sunk into during the past five decades of military rule.

RTX2RGD1-400x289.jpg


Progress in both areas will not be easy due to the vested interests of military leaders and their longtime business partners. These are the people who will lose relative wealth and status if the reforms required to bring prosperity to the whole country are undertaken. The first order of business for Suu Kyi is to consolidate sufficient power to co-opt or overcome these vested interests.

Consolidating political power as a former opposition leader in a country undergoing a transition to democracy is incredibly difficult. It cannot be done openly. Inevitably it requires compromises that call into question the leader’s commitment to the goals of her or his election campaign and these compromises can easily lead to a disaffected electorate. It also cannot be done quickly. A frontal assault on key sources of military and economic power may have been successful in some eastern European countries following the collapse of the Iron Curtain, but Suu Kyi is working in a very different political, historic, and geographic context. An approach that looks like a chess game played out over months and even years is more likely to succeed.

The experience of Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) sheds some light on the challenge facing Suu Kyi. Of course Indonesia is unlike Myanmar in many respects, but both Jokowi and Suu Kyi were catapulted to leadership positions as ‘outsiders’, personalities unconnected to the longstanding holders of military and economic power.

Jokowi was a small business owner when elected mayor of Solo, a mid-size city in Central Java, in 2005. By focusing on the concerns of ordinary people and doing little to cater to the elite he became immensely popular, winning re-election as mayor in 2010 with 90 per cent of the vote. His reputation as a doer, in contrast to the talkers more often elected to such offices, made him the leading opposition candidate in the 2012 election for governor of Jakarta. He won handily with 54 per cent of the vote against the incumbent governor.

Two years later the major political parties were wooing Jokowi to be their candidate in the election for president of Indonesia. He opted to remain with the nationalist-populist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle led by former president Megawati Sukarnoputri. The opposing ticket was led by Prabowo Subianto, a highly controversial retired Lieutenant General in the Army and son-in-law of former president Suharto. Prabowo was the epitome of an insider leading a coalition of status quo parties. Jokowi was the quintessential outsider, making uncomfortable compromises with party leader Megawati who was more inclined toward traditional deal making than progressive policies.

Eight months before the July 2014 election, Jokowi led Prabowo in one highly regarded poll by 62 to 23 per cent. His lead steadily narrowed to 46 per cent to Prabowo’s 45 per cent one month before the election, with momentum clearly favoring Prabowo. Jokowi’s victory with 53 per cent of the vote was achieved in large part through an exceptional social media campaign orchestrated by young Indonesians. Post election, his popularity rating rose to 72 per cent.

But only four months after Jokowi’s inauguration 75 per cent of Indonesians were dissatisfied with his performance. Why? Because in his first 100 days in office he had not succeeded in ‘cleaning house’ or achieving many of his other campaign promises. But then his poll numbers started rising again: 41 per cent favourable in June 2015, 52 per cent at the end of his first year in office, and 69 per cent in October 2016 at the end of his second year.

Jokowi was consolidating power by making compromises viewed as unsavoury by his strongest supporters. As he did this, he was able to move ahead with sensible policy measures previously blocked by the elite.

This pattern of disillusionment with the performance of a popular opposition leader is underway in Myanmar. Since Aung San Suu Kyi became head of the government in April, scepticism about her performance has steadily grown, reinforced by foreign advocacy groups with little understanding of the power structure inside Myanmar. She has not launched a frontal attack on any vested interests and has made compromises that seem inconsistent with the reformist promises of her election campaign.

Hopefully Suu Kyi will be as successful in consolidating power as Jokowi has been so far. It will most likely be harder for her to do and take longer. But if she succeeds, the disappointments from her compromises in the short term will be more than compensated for in the long term.

Lex Rieffel is a Nonresident Senior Fellow at The Brookings Institution, Washington D.C.

http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2016/11/22/lessons-for-myanmar-in-indonesian-politics/
 
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Lessons for Myanmar in Indonesian politics
22 November 2016

Author: Lex Rieffel, The Brookings Institution

Since becoming the leader of Myanmar’s government in April, Aung San Suu Kyi has often said that her top priority is achieving peace — ending the civil war that has raged in her country since independence in 1948. She has also stressed the importance of overcoming the poverty that the general population has sunk into during the past five decades of military rule.

RTX2RGD1-400x289.jpg


Progress in both areas will not be easy due to the vested interests of military leaders and their longtime business partners. These are the people who will lose relative wealth and status if the reforms required to bring prosperity to the whole country are undertaken. The first order of business for Suu Kyi is to consolidate sufficient power to co-opt or overcome these vested interests.

Consolidating political power as a former opposition leader in a country undergoing a transition to democracy is incredibly difficult. It cannot be done openly. Inevitably it requires compromises that call into question the leader’s commitment to the goals of her or his election campaign and these compromises can easily lead to a disaffected electorate. It also cannot be done quickly. A frontal assault on key sources of military and economic power may have been successful in some eastern European countries following the collapse of the Iron Curtain, but Suu Kyi is working in a very different political, historic, and geographic context. An approach that looks like a chess game played out over months and even years is more likely to succeed.

The experience of Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) sheds some light on the challenge facing Suu Kyi. Of course Indonesia is unlike Myanmar in many respects, but both Jokowi and Suu Kyi were catapulted to leadership positions as ‘outsiders’, personalities unconnected to the longstanding holders of military and economic power.

Jokowi was a small business owner when elected mayor of Solo, a mid-size city in Central Java, in 2005. By focusing on the concerns of ordinary people and doing little to cater to the elite he became immensely popular, winning re-election as mayor in 2010 with 90 per cent of the vote. His reputation as a doer, in contrast to the talkers more often elected to such offices, made him the leading opposition candidate in the 2012 election for governor of Jakarta. He won handily with 54 per cent of the vote against the incumbent governor.

Two years later the major political parties were wooing Jokowi to be their candidate in the election for president of Indonesia. He opted to remain with the nationalist-populist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle led by former president Megawati Sukarnoputri. The opposing ticket was led by Prabowo Subianto, a highly controversial retired Lieutenant General in the Army and son-in-law of former president Suharto. Prabowo was the epitome of an insider leading a coalition of status quo parties. Jokowi was the quintessential outsider, making uncomfortable compromises with party leader Megawati who was more inclined toward traditional deal making than progressive policies.

Eight months before the July 2014 election, Jokowi led Prabowo in one highly regarded poll by 62 to 23 per cent. His lead steadily narrowed to 46 per cent to Prabowo’s 45 per cent one month before the election, with momentum clearly favoring Prabowo. Jokowi’s victory with 53 per cent of the vote was achieved in large part through an exceptional social media campaign orchestrated by young Indonesians. Post election, his popularity rating rose to 72 per cent.

But only four months after Jokowi’s inauguration 75 per cent of Indonesians were dissatisfied with his performance. Why? Because in his first 100 days in office he had not succeeded in ‘cleaning house’ or achieving many of his other campaign promises. But then his poll numbers started rising again: 41 per cent favourable in June 2015, 52 per cent at the end of his first year in office, and 69 per cent in October 2016 at the end of his second year.

Jokowi was consolidating power by making compromises viewed as unsavoury by his strongest supporters. As he did this, he was able to move ahead with sensible policy measures previously blocked by the elite.

This pattern of disillusionment with the performance of a popular opposition leader is underway in Myanmar. Since Aung San Suu Kyi became head of the government in April, scepticism about her performance has steadily grown, reinforced by foreign advocacy groups with little understanding of the power structure inside Myanmar. She has not launched a frontal attack on any vested interests and has made compromises that seem inconsistent with the reformist promises of her election campaign.

Hopefully Suu Kyi will be as successful in consolidating power as Jokowi has been so far. It will most likely be harder for her to do and take longer. But if she succeeds, the disappointments from her compromises in the short term will be more than compensated for in the long term.

Lex Rieffel is a Nonresident Senior Fellow at The Brookings Institution, Washington D.C.

http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2016/11/22/lessons-for-myanmar-in-indonesian-politics/
that's really nice article bro... thz for sharing...!!
 
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MAA-2 35mm SPAAG
produce with Chinese Assistance..
recived orders from 2 or 3 countries and export will be started next year...
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a display area of Myanmar DI made weapons..
image.jpeg
 
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Myanmar to buy new Chinese Y-9E transport aircraft
Read news from Defence Blog at Flipboard.com | Subscribe to the newsletter from Defence Blog
Nov 28, 2016
427


The Myanmar Air Defence Force has agreed to buy a new Chinese-built Y-9E transport aircraft.

The Y-9E is an export version of Chinese Y-9 medium-range transport aircraft produced by Shaanxi Aircraft Company. Myanmar Air Force will be the first foreign customer of Y-9E transport aircraft.

Also, the new Y-9E transport aircraft looks to buy for Thailand and Venezuela Air Force and some customers in Africa.

The Y-9 is considered China’s attempt to build a C-130J class transport aircraft. The Y-9 is a medium-size tactical support aircraft that can be used for both military and civil flights. It is capable of carrying 98 armed soldiers or paratroopers, or 72 seriously wounded patients plus three medics. The basic version of Y-9 has a payload of 25,000 Kg a range of 5,700 km (3,700 nm) and a ceiling of 10,400 m (34,120 ft).
@long_ :cheers::cheers:
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Myanmar to buy new Chinese Y-9E transport aircraft
Read news from Defence Blog at Flipboard.com | Subscribe to the newsletter from Defence Blog
Nov 28, 2016
427


The Myanmar Air Defence Force has agreed to buy a new Chinese-built Y-9E transport aircraft.

The Y-9E is an export version of Chinese Y-9 medium-range transport aircraft produced by Shaanxi Aircraft Company. Myanmar Air Force will be the first foreign customer of Y-9E transport aircraft.

Also, the new Y-9E transport aircraft looks to buy for Thailand and Venezuela Air Force and some customers in Africa.

The Y-9 is considered China’s attempt to build a C-130J class transport aircraft. The Y-9 is a medium-size tactical support aircraft that can be used for both military and civil flights. It is capable of carrying 98 armed soldiers or paratroopers, or 72 seriously wounded patients plus three medics. The basic version of Y-9 has a payload of 25,000 Kg a range of 5,700 km (3,700 nm) and a ceiling of 10,400 m (34,120 ft).
@long_ :cheers:
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Have a cordial working relationship
:cheers:
 
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