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So, is new media only reinforcing old stereotypes?


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We have been over this before, but here goes one more time.

So now the legitimate grievance of the East Pakistani Bengalis against West Pakistanis' deliberate oppressive dominance, which led to the refusal to share State power with the Bengalis, was based on 'racial/ethnic hatred'? Amazing how you learn new things everyday.
legitimate grievances over resource sharing and a political voice (which BTW was lacking for ALL Pakistanis when under military rule), that were expressed through ethnic/racial hatred, and channeled into racially motivated atrocities against West Pakistani civilians, and subsequently resulted in ethnic violence by both sides.

Although you find it ridiculous, for obvious reasons, there was no organised rebellion prior to 25/26th March, 1971 because, the Mukti Bahinis being officially formed in mid April in Kolkata, it just was not possible to do so. There is, however, more than enough evidence to suggest that except for some isolated incidents, notably in Wireless Colony on the 4th March, the Bengalis of East Pakistan were doing very little to make their movement violent. Operation Searchlight was not launched ‘because the rebels had resorted to violence and atrocities’. It was launched because Yahya wanted to clean the ‘political stables’.

You can start reading the unclassified US documents in this regard. Let me quote a paragraph from one such document dated 13th March, 1971.

‘Yahya could decide not to take Rahman’s challenge lying down and to retaliate, perhaps to the extent of arresting Rahman and the other leaders, and attempting to clamp a military lid on East Pakistan. There are two basic problems here: (1) Rahman has embarked on a Gandhian-type non-violent non-cooperation campaign which makes it harder to justify repression; and (2) the West Pakistanis lack the military capacity to put down a full scale revolt over a long period.’ [FRUS, Vol XI; pg 19]

Some excerpt from ICJ report:

‘As from March 3, the army were ordered to return to their cantonments and remained there until March 25. [……] Whatever the reason for the withdrawal, it had the effect of keeping down the violence in a period of extreme tension. [……] Some acts of violence did of course occur but, contrary to the contention of the Pakistan Government in their White Paper, the Awami League leaders were in general successful in maintaining the non-violent character of the resistance. Indeed, even in the White Paper the only killings alleged to have occurred between 6 and 24 March were:

(a) the killing of a demonstrator by a shopkeeper whose shop was being attacked at Khulna on 6 March;

(b) the killing of two escaping prisoners by police at Comilla on 12 March, and the killing of 3 people by the army when barricades were formed at Joydevpur on 19 March. (At the time, Bengali police estimated that about 15 civilians were killed by the army in this incident.)

Not a single person is alleged to have been killed by mobs or by supporters of the Awami League between those dates. The Awami League leaders were determined to maintain the policy of non-violence. Several incidents bear witness to this. [………] We do not suggest that there were no other acts of violence during this period. There is evidence to show that attacks were made on non-Bengalis in Rangpur during the week ending March 13, and at Saidpur on March 24, during which shops and properties were burnt and a number of people killed. But considering the state of tension which prevailed, the extent of the violence was surprisingly restricted.’​

Kelick

So much for your canard. Either those blokes in Washington and the Commission were clueless or you are just another victim of State propaganda. I am inclined to believe it’s the later.

The excerpts posted from the HR Commission Report answer these questions, and the White Paper referred to by the International Commission of Jurists (not the International Court of Justice) states the following:

1 March, 1971

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, at a press conference, gave the call for a strike in Dacca. Immediately after his call, Awami .League militants went on the rampage in various parts of the' city, indulging in loot, arson and other acts of vandalism. They raided the Narayanganj Rifle Club and took away arms and ammunition. Armed gangs
were formed at Iqbal Hall and Jagannath Hall of Dacca University to fan out into the cityfor collecting arms, vehicles and funds.

Acts of violence grew in size and intensity during the night of 1 March throughout Dacca and Narayanganj.

2 March, 1971
Two firearms shops at Baitul Mukarram and one in New Market were looted and firearms taken to Dacca University campus where a practice firing range had been set up earlier and the noise of firing was heard throughout the day.

On the streets, mobs roamed with guns, iron rods and staves in their hands, raising anti-Pakistan slogans. A number of business houses on Jinnah Avenue and Baitul Mukarram as well as Shalimar Hotel and Gulistan Cinema were attacked. Plying rickshaws were subjected to brickbatting. One jute mill (Ghawasi) in Narayanganj, and two private residential houses in the Farm Gate area of Dacca were set on fire.

Meanwhile violence continued to grow. Civil law enforcing agencies found themselves incapable of coping with the large-scale disturbances which gripped the city, and at their request troops which had so far remained in the barracks, were called out, and curfew was imposed during the night. '

There were large-scale violations of the curfew. Six persons were killed when a mob attacked an army unit at Sadarghat (Dacca) and one person was killed when the Army tried to protect the local TV Station from a violent mob.

3 March, 1971
Five persons were killed and 62 wounded in mob violence as lawlessness spread to other areas of Dacca, including Islampur, Patuakhali Bazar and Nawabpur. Several shops and business premises as well as residential houses were set on fire and a number of citizens were burnt to death. On the main Jinnah Avenue, a general store and a watch shop were raided and more weapons were looted from arms shops. Fifty huts were set on fire.

By now mob violence had spread to other parts of the province. In Jessore, mobs armed with sticks and spears attacked the local Telephone Exchange. The guards protecting the Exchange opened fire, killing two and injuring nine persons before the mobs dispersed.

A local train from Bhairab to Laksham was stopped at Comilla in the morning and
attempts were made to set it on fire.
The Telephone Exchange at Daulatganj near Laksham was attacked and
damaged. The Comilla Telephone Exchange was disconnected from the rest of the
Province. The Akaura, Sylhet, Habiganj and Beani Bazar Exchanges were also forced
to close down.

4 March, 1971
On the night of 3-4 March, 1971 trouble spread to Chittagong and, Khulna. At Chittagong, violent mobs led by Awami League storm troopers attacked the Wireless Colony and several other localities, committing wanton acts of loot, arson, killing and rape. In one locality (Ferozeshah Colony), 700 houses were set on fire and their inmates including men, women and children were burnt to death: Those who tried to flee, were either killed or seriously wounded. Apart from those burnt alive, whose bodies were found later, over 300 persons were killed or wounded on 3 and 4 March.

At Jessore, a train coming from Khulna was derailed and the passengers were pulled out and killed. At the office of the Jessore Deputy Commissioner, mobs desecrated and burnt the Pakistan Flag, and a hand bomb was thrown.

At Khulna, the Telephone Exchange was attacked and a number of employees were brutally done to death.

In Dacca, cases of looting were reported from Dhanmandi and Nawabpur Road. One firearms shop was raided and arms taken away.

5 March, 1971
Cases of stabbing and of burning of houses continued in Chittagong.
In the Khalispur and Daulatpur areas of Khulna, hand bombs, daos (sickles) and spears were used to kill 57 persons. Their dead bodies were later found mutilated. In Khulna town, mobs armed with lathis and shot-guns looted four shops and set fire to a hotel.

Reports from other areas in the interior of the province indicated that widespread violence had erupted and civil administration throughout the province had been paralysed. Telecommunications between East and West Pakistan remained suspended. East Pakistan was also cut off from the outside world as Telephone and Telegraph employees stopped sending and receiving messages on the orders of the Awami
League.

6 March, 1971
On the night of 5-6 March, 1971, students of Salimullah Muslim Hall entered the British Council premises in Dacca, spread kerosene oil, and attempted to set it on fire, but troops arrived in time and opened fire.

In a jail-break at the Central Prison in Dacca, 341 prisoners escaped. Police opened fire, killing seven prisoners. One police sergeant and 6 warders were wounded. Later, the escaping prisoners, abetted by militant Awami League and student groups, paraded the streets of Dacca, shouting threatening slogans.

Elements of Awami League and the East Pakistan Students' League started looting science laboratories for procuring acids and chemicals. The Government Science Laboratory Dacca was robbed of all explosive chemicals. The Polytechnic Institute was also attacked for the same purpose but the hooligans dispersed when fired upon.
Similar reports were also received from all major towns of East Pakistan, including Comilla and Jessore where several cases of bomb explosions occurred. In Jessore, 10 rifles and 15 bayonets of Rajendra College University Offices Training Corps were
stolen.

In Chittagong, loot and arson continued. Two houses and a number of huts were gutted. Sniping cases occurred at several places.

In-Rajshahi, the office of the City Magistrate was set on fire.

In Khulna, violent processionists, shouting racial and antistate slogans,
attempted to loot arms shops. The owners opened fire, killing one and injuring seven persons.

7 March, 1971
Meanwhile in Dacca, explosives were thrown inside the Radio Pakistan building. From various areas of the town, reports were received of Awami League student groups forcibly taking away jeeps·, ·pick-ups and microbuses.

8 March, 1971

In Dacca, weapons and ammunition were collected forcibly from license holders by Awami League volunteers. Similar reports were received from other towns of East Pakistan.

The Awami League organised meetings and violent processions shouting racial and anti-Pakistan slogans throughout the province.

9 March, 1971

Awami League volunteers and student groups set up "checkposts" in various parts of Dacca "to stop the flight of wealth from BangIa Desh". Under the pretext of "checking ", money and belongings of those “searched" by these volunteers were seized in the name of "BangIa Desh ".

In Rangpur, a violent mob in Lalmonirhat stopped and damaged a train, harassing and molesting some of the passengers on racial and political grounds. Awami Leaguers also attacked residents of a number of localities in the town.

In a despatch from its correspondent, Kenneth Clarke, London "Daily Telegraph" (9 March 1971) said: " Reports said that Dacca collapsed into complete lawlessness on Sunday night (7 March, 1971) as Sheikh Mujib took the province to the edge of
secession". The paper added: “Terming his movement one of independence the Sheikh,
leader of the Awami League, laid down conditions for cooperating in National Assembly which cannot be met by President Khan”. The paper also noted Sheikh Mujib's directive that "liberation committees be formed under Awami League leaders in all villages ".

12 March, 1971
On the night of 11-12 March, there was a jail-break in Barisal, and several prisoners escaped. A jail-break was also reported from Bogra, where seven prisoners escaped. In Comilla, 300 prisoners attempted to escape, police opened fire, killing two and injuring
18 prisoners. "Liberation Fronts" and para-military organisations started mushrooming across the province. More and more cyclostyled and hand-written leaflets on behalf of these “Liberation Fronts” were clandestinely circulated, aimed at inciting racial hatred and violence.

A convoy of five Army trucks, while proceeding to Comilla from Sylhet for drawing rations, was obstructed en route at Brahmanbaria by armed mobs.

13 March, 1971

In Dacca, passengers at the railway station were 'gheraoed ' (surrounded) by Awami League volunteers for" interrogation" on charges of being "dalals' " (pimps) of West Pakistan.

In a Government office near Kakrail (Dacca) two bottles of acid were thrown, causing
fire.

15 March, 1971

In a joint statement, four members· of the "Swadhin BangIa Desh Kendria Chhatra Sangram Parishad (Free Bengal Central Students' Revolutionary Council) admitted that "some armed miscreants using vehicles were still raiding different houses and collecting money forcibly in the name of Sangram Parishad ".

Meanwhile reports kept pouring in from several areas that on racial and political grounds people were being subjected to brutal treatment as part of the "search" operation at various Awami League checkposts in Dacca.

In Comilla, armed mobs 'gheraoed' (surrounded) and attacked an Army field unit at Feni.

16 March, 1971

In Rangpur, chemicals and acids were stolen from Mahraj High School, Natore. In Chittagong, a firearms shop was looted by Awami League volunteers. A report from Dacca in the "Guardian", London (16 March 1971) by correspondent Martin Adeney, described the meeting of one of the Awami League action committees: "They were discussing, like similar action committees set up throughout this province, their next step in what they already regard as independent
East Bengal − BangIa Desh. Out of 58 villages, they have about three hundred of them formed into an action committee ready to resist the army if need be and already being trained by a villager whose claim to expertise in service was as a lance corporal in the
Royal Indian Army Service Corps”.

17 March, 1971

On the night of 16-17 March, two acid bottles were thrown at a Government office in Azimpura, Dacca.

In Jessore, the power house was damaged and power supply interrupted. The Jessore-Khulna road was blocked at various points.

About 300 survivors of the 5 March, killings in Khulna were threatened with fresh attacks.

In Rangpur, students burnt 12 houses in village Lalibari, police station Kaliganj, district Dinajpur.

18 March, 1971
In Dacca, the Central Government High School, Motijheel, was raided and acids and chemicals were taken away.

In Jessore, two acid- bottles were thrown at Army personnel in a camp.

19 March, 1971
In Dacca, an Army vehicle returning from Mymensingh was ambushed by a crowd at a level crossing. Six occupants, along with their weapons were taken away by the attackers.

In Joydevpur town, 22 miles from Dacca, curfew was imposed: following exchange fire between the armed mob and Army personnel when barricades were put up by placing a tram on the level crossing in Joydevpur Bazar. The troops tried to push the train aside to make their way but they were fired upon by the crowd. Three soldiers
were seriously wounded. The troops returned the fire, killing two persons and injuring another five. At the Joydevpur roundabout, the troops were again fired upon by a violent crowd. The soldiers returned the fire, killing one person. Half a dozen more barricades
were put up on the Dacca-Mymensingh highway.

20-21 March, 1971

In Jessore, large-scale smuggling of Indian arms was reported from India via Satkhira. Movement of smuggled arms and ammunition from Chittagong to Comilla was also reported.

24 March, 1971
Militant student and labour groups began circulating handwritten and cyclostyled posters in various parts of the province inciting people to violence. One of these, issued by the Zilla (District) Committee of Purbo BangIa Sramik Andolan (East Bengal Labour
Movement) read as follows: −
"The National Liberation Movement of East Bengal is on. Spread this wild fire to every place. Patriotic and revolutionary people, take up arms. Resist and liquidate the enemy troops. Defend the freed areas through armed resistance.

"People, get armed with the available weapons to stop the inroads of the enemy, cut off the roads, bridges, rail links etc. in those areas which are not in their control. Keep ready hand bombs and molotov cocktails in every house. If we have to surrender or we are directly attacked by the enemy, we will have to resort to a bloody war of resistance.

"Please keep in mind that the national liberation of East Bengal is only possible through armed struggle which will be of long duration. Hence, without guerilla war tactics, we shall not be able to resist the enemy. Be ready to protect the freed areas at any price. The long struggle of liberation of East Bengal is not at its, end. It is just the beginning: To weaken us, the enemy may impose economic blockade. The victory of East Bengal is inevitable. We have torn off
the shackles of Pakistani colonialism. Independent East Bengal-Zindabad"

In Rangpur incidents of arson were reported from Golahat, North Saidpur. A violent mob of 8,000 persons armed with lathis and lethal weapons converged on Saidpur to attack the residents there. Fifty homes were set on fire.

25 March, 1971
Acid bombs were reported under preparation on a large scale in Engineering College, and Iqbal and Jagannath Hans, Dacca. Barricades and road-blocks appeared allover the city of Dacca.
A report from Paul Martin in the London "Times" of 25 March, 1971, said:

"In theground of Dacca University, radical groups have started training students in the use of firearms. In many of the villages of East Pakistan brigades of 'volunteers' have been established as the basis of a people's militia whose future task is to 'confront the
Pakistan Army. Already petrol bombs and other hand-made bombs manufactured from chemicals stolen from laboratories in the past few weeks have made their first appearance in the eastern capital, Dacca".

In Saidpur, four violent mobs armed with rifles, shot-guns, and daggers, who had come from neighbouring villages, converged on Saidpur town and attacked Golahat, an adjacent locality, killing three persons and injuring 17. Among the wounded, two had sustained bullet injuries while another seven were hurt from shotgun fire. The remaining persons were injured by lath is and clubs. 50 houses were also burnt. The troops had to open fire and three persons were injured. Later, another violent mob attacked Saidpur Cantonment. They fired at troops with shot-guns. The soldiers had to open fire injuring five persons.

Yet another mob attacked a postal service van on Saidpur − Dinajpur Road. They dragged out the conductor and the driver. The conductor was beaten to death on the spot while the driver was seriously wounded.

... To that end, arms shops were looted at Dacca, Narayanganj, Khulna and Jessore and stocks piled up in all big towns for the use of mutineers. At Dacca Police Station headquarters alone there was a stock of 15,000 fully loaded rifles. The various outposts of EPR and EBR were connected by wireless transmitters and instructions were quickly passed from one unit to another. The biggest operational
headquarters was located at the East Bengal Regimental Centre in Chittagong.

The operational plan was worked out in meticulous detail: it was arranged that on a signal from the Awami League headquarters in Dacca, the armed uprising would begin. It was arranged that

(a) ERR troops would occupy Dacca and Chittagong, to prevent the landing of Pakistan Army by air or sea;

(b) the remaining EBR troops with the help of EPR, Police and armed Razakars would move to eliminate the Armed Forces· at various cantonments and stations;

(c) EPR would occupy all the key posts of the border and keep it open for aid from outside;

(d) requirements of further arms and ammunition would be met from India; and

(e) Indian troops would come to the assistance of the Awami League rebel force once the latter succeeded in the first phase of occupying key centres and paralysing the Pakistan Army.

Early hours of Friday morning were fixed as the zero hour for the armed uprising.

The Pakistan Army units, largely deployed along the borders with India, set out to suppress the rebellion and drive out the Indian Infiltrators over the next few weeks. During this period, in the areas which came temporarily under the control of the rebels and Indian infiltrators, the Awami League reign of terror, unleashed from 1 March, 1971, onwards claimed the lives of more than a hundred thousand men, women and children., besides incalculable damage to public and private buildings, transport and communications an industrial establishments etc.

The mass killings by the Awami League cadres and EBR / EPR rebels assumed the character of genocide. The victims were those who refused to conform to the designs of the Awami League secessionists. Unmentionable brutalities were committed.
In one area of Santahar, in Bogra district, more than 15,000 persons were surrounded and systematically murdered. Women were paraded naked in the streets and mothers were made to drink the blood of their own children. In Chittagong, over 10,000 persons
were killed including 250 women and children in one small locality who were bayoneted to death. In Serajganj, near Pabna, 350 women and children were locked in a hall which was set on fire, and the inmates were roasted to death. In Mymensingh, an entire
colony of 2,000 families was exterminated in Sankipara area, the men being taken out of their houses and shot, while women were made to dig their graves before themselves being raped and in most cases killed. Some of these atrocities have also been reported
in the foreign press, extracts from which are reproduced below:

"The millions of non-Bengali Muslims now trapped in the Eastern Wing have always felt the repercussions of the East-West tensions, and it is now feared that the Bengalis have turned on this vast minority community to take their revenge".


"Statesman", New Delhi, 4 April, 1971.


"Thousands of helpless Muslim refugees who settled in Bengal at the time of partition are reported to have been massacred by angry Bengalis in East Pakistan during the past week.

"The facts about the massacres were confirmed by Bihari Muslim refugees who crossed the border into India this week, and by a young British technician who crossed the Indo-Pakistan frontier at Hili today".

"The Times", London, 6 April, 1971.

"Passengers on a British ship which docked in Calcutta yesterday told of mass executions, burning and looting in the East Pakistan port of Chittagong.

"Leon Lumsden, an American engineer on a U.S. aid project, said that for two weeks before the Army moved last week, Chittagong's predominantly Bengali population had been butchering West Pakistanis in the port”.


"Northern Echo ", Darlington, Durham, 7 April, 1971.

"When the EPR (East Pakistan Rifles) mutinied, their first reaction was to wipe out the non-Bengalis in their own ranks.

"Some 40 percent of the 10,000 to 15,000 strong EPR consisted of West Pakistanis, including most of the officers.

"One cart-load of bodies was dumped by EPR men one night across the border near the Indian checkpoint town of Haridaspur ".

"Far Eastern Economic Review", Hong Kong, 24 April, 1971.

“The impression, based on the testimony of hundred of witnesses, is that when it seemed that the Awami League was about to come to power, Bengalis in some communities looted and burned Bihari houses and slaughtered their occupants".

"New York Times", New York, 10 May, 1971.
(Malcolm Browne).


"The European manager of a local bank said: ‘It was fortunate for every European living here that the Army arrived when it did; otherwise, I would not have lived to tell the tale”.
"New York Times", New York, 11 May, 1971.
. (Malcolm Browne).


"There is evidence that non-Bengalis, largely immigrants from India who sought refuge after the 1947 partition, were attacked, hacked to death and burnt in their homes by mobs.

“Eye witnesses told stories of 1,500 widows and orphans fleeing to a mosque at Mymensingh, in the north, as armed men identified as secessionists slaughtered their husbands and fathers ".

"Ceylon Daily News", Colombo, 15 May, 1971.
(Maurice Quaintance).


And that thing you are trying to pass off as Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report (HRC report) is actually a supplementary report, which GoP claimed to be based on original HRC report. There is no reason to take this supplementary HRC report as some Gospel truth. In fact using HRC report, supplementary or otherwise, as some evidence is like accepting GoP both as the accused and the jury.
That 'thing' has in fact covered your questions in the first paragraph or so, and the fact that it focuses largely on the actions of the Pakistani officials and military, very critically, lends credence to the report.

Finally, the fact that you had to resort to my ethnic identity to make your argument proves that you have run out of arguments.
Sorry, but I have read enough comments of a former Bengali IA Brigadier (used to post on this forum) on other fora, along with the comments of many other so called 'Bengalis', about 'West' Pakistanis, specifically Punjabis, to ignore the racially motivated derogatory comments. I am not suggesting that all Bengalis think this way, but this attitude, of superiority and denigrating Punjabis specifically, is one that I have primarily observed amongst Indian Bengalis.

I was referring to International Commission of Jurists. Actually ICJ does take note of violence of Bengalis against non-Bengalis. But they also accept that East Pakistan was in a state of a civil war, post March 25/26.

There is enough evidence to suggest that atrocities against non-Bengalis started before the Army action, and even ignoring that, within days of the Army action.

In any case, as I pointed out in my last post, this is tangential to the point I have been making of Indian double speak, arguing 'support for a freedom movement' in the case of supporting rebels in East Pakistan, while whining about terrorism when the same occurs in disputed J&K.
 
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Awesome work detail AM,

One can certainly differentiate men from boys. !!!!
 
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Sorry, but I have read enough comments of a former Bengali IA Brigadier (used to post on this forum) on other fora, along with the comments of many other so called 'Bengalis', about 'West' Pakistanis, specifically Punjabis, to ignore the racially motivated derogatory comments. I am not suggesting that all Bengalis think this way, but this attitude, of superiority and denigrating Punjabis specifically, is one that I have primarily observed amongst Indian Bengalis.

The hatred has more to do with nationalism than racism, India has it's share of Punjabis to, never found anyone complaining about Bengalis being racist, rather they are widely regarded as tolerant and liberal in nature.
 
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Since the point about atrocities by rebels is clear, I'll move on to this bit of Indian double speak:

Nor is the Pakistani State sponsoring any crime. The Pakistani State is, however, sponsoring a struggle for freedom from oppression. Any death of innocents is always regrettable, however, this is the right time to recall that Mao speak:

'A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another'
Fail.

The casus belli in case of Kashmiri insurgency was not oppression of IA or Indian State.

Again, India has no standing to be criticizing Pakistani support for the Kashmiri insurgency, or the atrocities by some insurgents, given its own actions in supporting what it calls 'terrorists' (in J&K) in East Pakistan in 1971.
Once again, casus belli...?
 
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legitimate grievances over resource sharing and a political voice (which BTW was lacking for ALL Pakistanis when under military rule), that were expressed through ethnic/racial hatred, and channeled into racially motivated atrocities against West Pakistani civilians, and subsequently resulted in ethnic violence by both sides.



The excerpts posted from the HR Commission Report answer these questions, and the White Paper referred to by the International Commission of Jurists (not the International Court of Justice) states the following:



There is enough evidence to suggest that atrocities against non-Bengalis started before the Army action, and even ignoring that, within days of the Army action.

In any case, as I pointed out in my last post, this is tangential to the point I have been making of Indian double speak, arguing 'support for a freedom movement' in the case of supporting rebels in East Pakistan, while whining about terrorism when the same occurs in disputed J&K.


So why look at the HR commission report when documentary from the ICJ is available which mostly lays the blame at the door of Pakistan

About your claim of atrocities against non bengalis, the same report lays down the timeline a little differently.

Some exerpts

March 1 - March 25


The postponement of the Constituent Assembly came as a shattering disillusionment to the Awami League and their supporters throughout East Pakistan. It was seen as a betrayal and as proof of the determination of the army and of the West Pakistan authorities to deny them the fruits of their electoral victory.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's reaction was to call a five-day general strike (hartal) throughout East Pakistan. In a statement on 2 March, he said 'In this critical hour it is the sacred duty of each and every Bengali in every walk of life, including government employees, not to cooperate with anti-people forces and instead to do everything in their power to foil the conspiracy against Bangladesh'. The response was complete. Normal life was paralysed. Transport and communications ceased. All factories, offices and shops were closed. Any who attempted to open them were roughly handled by Awami League vigilantes. The streets were filled with marching, chanting, protesting processions.

At first the army tried to assert their authority and this resulted in Dacca, Khulna, Jessore and elsewhere in a number of clashes between them and demonstrators and looters, in which the army opened fire on unarmed civilians. The Pakistan authorities later stated that a total of 172 persons had been killed in this period, but some of them were killed in intercommunal clashes.

thats where the trouble began. Note the role of army

Apart from some serious riots in Chittagong on and after the night of 3 March, and some less severe incidents on the same day at Jessore and Khulna, there was remarkably little communal violence during the hartal. The events at Chittagong on the night of 3/4 March are described as follow in the Pakistan White Paper:

'At Chittagong, violent mobs led by Awami League storm troopers attacked the Wireless Colony and several other localities, committing wanton acts of loot, arson, killing and rape. In one locality (Ferozeshah Colony), 700 houses were set on fire and their inmates including men, women and children were burnt to death. Those who tried to flee, were either killed or seriously wounded. Apart from those burnt alive, whose bodies were found later, over 300 persons were killed or wounded on 3 and 4 March.'1

According to information received from foreign nationals in Chittagong, which is believed to be reliable, the incident began when Bengali demonstrators passed in procession through Bihari areas in order to make the Biharis keep to the hartal. The demonstrators were fired upon by Biharis, and a serious riot followed in which people were killed on both sides and a substantial number of Bihari houses were burnt. The number killed on both sides may have reached 200. It is to be noted that by giving a joint estimate of 300 for killed and wounded, the White Paper does not give any estimate of the number of deaths. The rioting continued sporadically for a number of days until order was restored by the Awami League on orders from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Still a regular riot. The kinds that you witness even today in the subcontinent and more recently in areas like Karachi


As from 7 March, the general strike was replaced by a 'return to normal. under what amounted in fact, though not in name, to a provisional government by the Awami League. The civil service, police. even the judges acknowledged the authority of their' directives'. The new governor, General Tikka Khan was unable at that time to find anyone prepared to swear him into office. Gradually the shops, banks and offices began to open again. Some acts of violence did of course occur but, contrary to the contention of the Pakistan Government in their White Paper3, the Awami League leaders were in general successful in maintaining the non-violent character of the resistance. Indeed, even in the White Paper the only killings alleged to have occurred between 6 and 24 March were:

(a) the killing of a demonstrator by a shopkeeper whose shop was being attacked at Khulna on 6 March;

(b) the killing of two escaping prisoners by police at Comilla on 12 March, and

the killing of 3 people by the army when barricades were formed at Joydevpur on 19 March. (At the time, Bengali police estimated that about 15 civilians were killed by the army in this incident.4)

Not a single person is alleged to have been killed by mobs or by supporters of the Awami League between those dates.5

The Awami League leaders were determined to maintain the policy of non-violence


There was, it is true, a non-cooperation movement going on at the time. ...It could be said that the de facto government of the country was then in the hands of Sheikh Mujibur. But to speak of a break-down of law and order is a great exaggeration. There was both law and order. The non-cooperation, apart from the one incident in Dacca mentioned above, was being strictly non-violent.



We do not suggest that there were no other acts of violence during this period. There is evidence to show that attacks were made on non-Bengalis in Rangpur during the week ending March 13, and at Saidpur on March 24, during which shops and properties were burnt and a number of people killed. But considering the state of tension which prevailed, the extent of the violence was surprisingly restricted

Still the situation is pretty much under control considering the extent of resentment against West Pakistan

The 23rd March was 'Pakistan Day', and was provocatively declared in Dacca to be 'Resistance Day'. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took the salute at an armed march past from his residence, from which the new Bangladesh flag was unfurled. This flag was flown from hundreds of public and private buildings all over the country. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman issued a 'declaration of emancipation'


Here the trouble starts to brew.. West Pakistan's authority being challenged openly and bridge of reconciliation burnt..



It is impossible to reconcile the accounts given by the two sides. Wherever the truth lies, it can be said that the Awami League believed that the election results, coupled with the complete support they had received from the people and all organs of government in East Pakistan since 2 March, entitled them to the degree of autonomy which they had claimed in the Six Points. When that was finally refused to them, they considered that they were entitled to claim the independence of Bangladesh in accordance with the principle of the right of self-determination. The justification for this claim in international law will be considered later.17 To President Yahya Khan and to the other army leaders, the claim to autonomy and the conduct of the Awami League appeared as treason. By 25 March the President had evidently concluded that no negotiated settlement was possible. There was no need to protract the fruitless constitutional negotiations any further. The army's contingency plans were brought into force. It struck, and struck with terrifying brutality.

The White Paper asserts that reports had become available of Awami League plans to launch an armed rebellion in the early hours of 26 March, and puts this forward as the explanation and justification of the army's action

Net Net, the army pre empted an expected rebellion. It may or may not have happened. There is no way for anyone to know

We do not feel able to accept that the army's action was caused by a discovery of an Awami League plan to launch an armed rebellion. Rather, it was caused by President Yahya Khan's decision to break off further negotiations and reassert his authority.

Pretty damning indictment


The White Paper also asserts that' the action of the Federal Government on 25 March, 1971, was designed to restore law and order, which had broken down completely during the period of the Awami League's 'non-violent, non-cooperation' movement'. As has been seen, the charge that there had been a complete breakdown of law and order is not justified, at least up to 24 March. The break-down in law and order which then occurred was a consequence of the breakdown in talks, of the decision to reassert the authority of the army and of the armed resistance to that decision.


An even worse indictment



So really what this says is that Awami league (which you say was supported by India) was going through the motions of a non violent resistence and non cooperation movement. There were sporadic instances of violence scattered throughout which is expected in a movement this size. However, then came the Pakistani General to assert authority, broke down the talks and ordered the army to have a field day...


We will talk about the field day subsequently.. But till this time, I really dont see any masaccres of West Pakistanis happeneing. Sporadic riots and killings(both ways) , yes.. Genocide.. No



So really dont see any meat in your arguement Agno.. From where I see, its a lot of smokescreen to give some relative credence to Pakistan's current reputation by confusing the issue about India's role in 1971
 
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Let's Flip The Coin Over.


Nearly 2,600 bodies have been discovered in single, unmarked graves and in mass graves throughout mountainous Indian-controlled Kashmir. The International People's Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice (IPTHJ), an Indian Kashmir-based human rights organization, claimed that they found the graves in 55 villages during a three-year survey that concluded in November. Out of the 2,600 graves discovered by IPTHJ, they claim that 177 graves held more than one body. This report is one of the most damning pieces of evidence of the ‘crime against humanity’ perpetrated by the Indian armed forces in their occupation of the disputed territory of Kashmir.
The Muslim-dominated region of Kashmir has been a disputed territory right from the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947 and has been the source of conflict for more than half a century. While both countries claim the region, it is the civilian population of Kashmir that has paid the price of the conflict. In contested claims, more than 68,000 people have lost their lives in Indian-occupied Kashmir in the past two decades alone and have witnessed three conventional wars.
The latest report, if accurate, only goes to prove the brutalities encountered by the Kashmiris at the hands of the Indian armed forces. The Indian occupation of Kashmir casts a dark shadow over India’s shining image as the largest democracy in the world. Indian democracy prides itself on freedom of speech and expression and the right of its people to dissent. But the manner in which the dissent of the Kashmiri population has been crushed illustrates that India still has a long way to go to be a real functional democracy. Over the past couple of decades, it has been alleged by various human rights groups that the Indian military has killed a large number of Kashmiri youth in "fake encounters", dubbing them "Pakistani terrorists". In April, 2008, Amnesty International appealed to the Indian government to investigate hundreds of unidentified graves — believed to contain victims of unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, torture and other abuses — to no avail.
The starkest feature of these recent findings is that there was no coverage of the report by the Indian media. Having stumbled upon this shocking report in the New York Times when sitting in the U.S., I sought the perspective of the Indian media. To my disbelief and horror, there was not even a single mention about this report in all the leading Indian dailies and news channels, while all of the major international media groups had covered the story.
So what does this tell about Indian democracy? The truth of brutalities in Kashmir have always been kept a secret to the nation. The Indian state has, for decades, been suppressing the largely non-violent dissent of Kashmiri people against the militarization of Kashmir. The Indian state has used the divisive propaganda of militancy and religion as tools to suppress any kind of dissent against its forced occupation of the region. The Indian state has tried to keep not only the international community in the dark about its hostilities toward Kashmiris but also the local Indian population, by controlling media reports of the real situation on the ground in Indian occupied Kashmir.
A democracy which suppresses dissent by means of violence is the most vulgar form of democracy, if at all it can be called ‘democracy’. The successful attempt by the Indian state to keep the Indian populace in the dark about such damning reports questions the validity of its claim to be the largest functional, pluralistic democracy.
Kashmir is not the only place where the Indian government has responded with violence in the wake of dissent. The rising tide of the left-wing Indian Maoists group (termed "Naxalites"), predominant in East India, have constantly faced violent retaliations for their dissent against the capitalist regime of the Indian state. The people of neglected regions of northeastern India have been the subject of torture by the Indian military forces for decades for their demand of more autonomy for the region.
Unfortunately, the resort to violence against any kind of dissent is not a new phenomenon for the Indian state, either. The princely states of Junagadh and Hyderabad were annexed by the Indian state by use of force when these states declined to be part of the newly formed independent Indian state.
But India's use of violence to vitiate dissent has long been kept under the wraps of propagandist theories of a functional pluralistic democracy. India has projected itself, not only to the international community, but also to its citizens, as being a soft, liberal state. But events, past and present, prove otherwise.

The Harvard Law Record - India buries dissent in Kashmir
 
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^^^
Ok..How does this prove the point Agno is trying to prove??

I think the topic was an encounter news which was derailed by a lot of abuses and then an attempt to bring in 1971..

Where are we off to now??

btw shouldnt the discussion on 1971 be moved to an existing BD thread or something...
 
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Again, India has no standing to be criticizing Pakistani support for the Kashmiri insurgency, or the atrocities by some insurgents, given its own actions in supporting what it calls 'terrorists' (in J&K) in East Pakistan in 1971.

How long would majority of Pakistanis justify their support to pro-Khalistan insurgents and Kashmir insurgents by highlighting Indian role in Bangladesh Freedom Movement ?

May I begin justifying India's 'meddling in Pakistan's internal affairs' by highlighting what Pakistan was upto when it came to supporting Naga and Mizo rebels and use it as an excuse for COMPULSIVE INDIAN INTERFERENCE in East Pakistan :

here -> Pakistan: Partition and Military Succession
1. Answering other questions on alleged Pak assistance to the Mizos and Nagas, Deputy Home Minister Shukla said, "Pakistan has helped and is helping" hostile Nagas and Mizos. A number of camps have been set up in East Pakistan in order to train the hostile in the use of small arms and explosives and in guerrilla tactics. According to Shukla, an armed group of 300 Naga and 200 Mizo hostiles entered Assam from East Pakistan on or about September 3, 1966. INDO-PAK: Parliamentary Discussion of Alleged Pakistani Infiltration into Assam, Jan. 6, 1967

2. Laldenga's presence in East Pakistan has been known for some time, but in general there has been no significant increase in the level of Pakistan's support for the Mizo movement. However, if Laldenga does in fact make his way to London with a view to pressing Mizo claims to independence, the Government of India is likely to take a serious view of the matter. The unusual efforts which India has recently made to prevent Naga leader Phizo from reaching the United States testify to the sensitivity with which the GOI regards attempts by tribal representatives to undercut the negotiations which are now going on with both Naga and Mizo leaders. Alleged Pak Help to Mizo Rebels, April 7, 1967

3. The Government of India have been constrained, on a number of occasions in the past, to protest, against the shelter and assistance given by the East Pakistan authorities to insurgent elements from India including rebel Nagas and Mizos. ... Pakistani authorities have permitted rebel elements form India to enter East Pakistan freely and even given them arms aid, financial assistance and military training. Training camps and other settlements have been set up for the rebels from India at a number of places in East Pakistan, particularly in the Chittagong Hill Tracts district. At these camps and centres military training including training in sabotage, jungle warfare and night operation is imparted to the rebels. Some of these camps are utilized as bases for launching raids and attacks into Indian territory. Indian Protest that Pakistan is aiding Naga and Mizo rebels, April 7, 1970

Now if I'am to practise your policy of TIT for TAT then these excerpts from US National Archives satisfy my deep rooted need to meddle and cause damage at the first instance or oppurtunity in my neighbour's 'Internal' affairs :wave:
 
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Good. So you can copy and paste.
legitimate grievances over resource sharing and a political voice (which BTW was lacking for ALL Pakistanis when under military rule), that were expressed through ethnic/racial hatred, and channeled into racially motivated atrocities against West Pakistani civilians, and subsequently resulted in ethnic violence by both sides.
Nope racial hatred never came into the picture untill the razakars came into the picture.

The excerpts posted from the HR Commission Report answer these questions, and the White Paper referred to by the International Commission of Jurists (not the International Court of Justice) states the following:

~ snip ~

Some of these atrocities have also been reported
in the foreign press, extracts from which are reproduced below:

"The millions of non-Bengali Muslims now trapped in the Eastern Wing have always felt the repercussions of the East-West tensions, and it is now feared that the Bengalis have turned on this vast minority community to take their revenge".
(That was the fear after the 4th March, Wireless Colony incident. Nothing of that sort happened till March 25/26)

"Statesman", New Delhi, 4 April, 1971.


"Thousands of helpless Muslim refugees who settled in Bengal at the time of partition are reported to have been massacred by angry Bengalis in East Pakistan during the past week.

"The facts about the massacres were confirmed by Bihari Muslim refugees who crossed the border into India this week, and by a young British technician who crossed the Indo-Pakistan frontier at Hili today". (Wireless Colony incident on 4th)

"The Times", London, 6 April, 1971.

"Passengers on a British ship which docked in Calcutta yesterday told of mass executions, burning and looting in the East Pakistan port of Chittagong.

"Leon Lumsden, an American engineer on a U.S. aid project, said that for two weeks before the Army moved last week, Chittagong's predominantly Bengali population had been butchering West Pakistanis in the port”.
(Yet the White Paper that meticulously lists the deaths forgot to mention how many were killed in the so called massacre)

"Northern Echo ", Darlington, Durham, 7 April, 1971.

"When the EPR (East Pakistan Rifles) mutinied, their first reaction was to wipe out the non-Bengalis in their own ranks.

"Some 40 percent of the 10,000 to 15,000 strong EPR consisted of West Pakistanis, including most of the officers.

"One cart-load of bodies was dumped by EPR men one night across the border near the Indian checkpoint town of Haridaspur ". (After 25/26th March. The following reports are all post 25/26 March))


"Far Eastern Economic Review", Hong Kong, 24 April, 1971.

“The impression, based on the testimony of hundred of witnesses, is that when it seemed that the Awami League was about to come to power, Bengalis in some communities looted and burned Bihari houses and slaughtered their occupants".

"New York Times", New York, 10 May, 1971.
(Malcolm Browne).


"The European manager of a local bank said: ‘It was fortunate for every European living here that the Army arrived when it did; otherwise, I would not have lived to tell the tale”.
"New York Times", New York, 11 May, 1971.
. (Malcolm Browne).


"There is evidence that non-Bengalis, largely immigrants from India who sought refuge after the 1947 partition, were attacked, hacked to death and burnt in their homes by mobs.

“Eye witnesses told stories of 1,500 widows and orphans fleeing to a mosque at Mymensingh, in the north, as armed men identified as secessionists slaughtered their husbands and fathers ".

"Ceylon Daily News", Colombo, 15 May, 1971.
(Maurice Quaintance).
You missed something - how the White Paper mixes up the deaths in a manner so as to give an impression that all deaths were due to violence by the Bengalis. ICJ notes on this:

Some acts of violence did of course occur but, contrary to the contention of the Pakistan Government in their White Paper, the Awami League leaders were in general successful in maintaining the non-violent character of the resistance. Indeed, even in the White Paper the only killings alleged to have occurred between 6 and 24 March were:

(a) the killing of a demonstrator by a shopkeeper whose shop was being attacked at Khulna on 6 March;

(b) the killing of two escaping prisoners by police at Comilla on 12 March, and the killing of 3 people by the army when barricades were formed at Joydevpur on 19 March. (At the time, Bengali police estimated that about 15 civilians were killed by the army in this incident.)

Not a single person is alleged to have been killed by mobs or by supporters of the Awami League between those dates.​

I had personally taken a toll count between 1st April and 25 March, based on the White Paper, here. Here it is again, for you.

Below I have put together a small list of death toll from 1 March to 25 March, as claimed by GoP in its White Paper, together with the place of tragedy. If dates are missing it means that no death was reported on that day. Also, (+) indicates separate incident.

1 March, 1971 => 6 killed; Dhaka, Mob attack on Army (+) 1 killed; Army trying to defend a local TV station

3 March, 1971 => 5 killed, 62 wounded; Dhaka (+) 1 killed, 9 injured; Jessore. Guards opened fire on mob to protect Telephone Exchange

4 March, 1971 => 300 killed; Wireless Colony, Chittagong

5 March, 1971 => 57 killed; Khulna

6 March, 1971 => 7 Killed; Dhaka. Police opened fire on escaping prisoners (+) 1 killed, 7 injured; Khulna. Shopkeepers opened fire on looters.

12 March, 1971 => 2 killed, 18 injured. Police opened fire on escaping prisoners.

19 March, 1971 => 2 killed, 5 injured. Troops opened fire.

25 March, 1971 => 3 killed, 17 injured; Saidpur (+) 1 killed, 1 injured; Saidpur.

So from 1st March to 25th March total number of deaths, according to GoP, was 384. If deaths due to police firing is excluded, then the number of deaths amounts to 367. Excluding the Chittagong incident, total death amounts to 67. The death tolls include East Bengalis as well. No rape figures given, although reported only on 4rth.

Here's what ICJ says about the Wireless Colony killings on 4th

According to information received from foreign nationals in Chittagong, which is believed to be reliable, the incident began when Bengali demonstrators passed in procession through Bihari areas in order to make the Biharis keep to the hartal. The demonstrators were fired upon by Biharis, and a serious riot followed in which people were killed on both sides and a substantial number of Bihari houses were burnt. The number killed on both sides may have reached 200. It is to be noted that by giving a joint estimate of 300 for killed and wounded, the White Paper does not give any estimate of the number of deaths. The rioting continued sporadically for a number of days until order was restored by the Awami League on orders from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.​

May be you should have read the ICJ report first.

That 'thing' has in fact covered your questions in the first paragraph or so, and the fact that it focuses largely on the actions of the Pakistani officials and military, very critically, lends credence to the report.
Can you please copy paste that portion, we know you know how to do that. Also criticizing PA was like telling us all, that sun rises in the east. Reading too much into it would be ridiculous.

Sorry, but I have read enough comments of a former Bengali IA Brigadier (used to post on this forum) on other fora, along with the comments of many other so called 'Bengalis', about 'West' Pakistanis, specifically Punjabis, to ignore the racially motivated derogatory comments. I am not suggesting that all Bengalis think this way, but this attitude, of superiority and denigrating Punjabis specifically, is one that I have primarily observed amongst Indian Bengalis.
Who cares what others think. Your desperate attempt to generalize is noted, with much, much amusement.

There is enough evidence to suggest that atrocities against non-Bengalis started before the Army action, and even ignoring that, within days of the Army action.
Nothing close to what would justify the brutal and selective crackdown of PA on 25th March. The ferocity with which PA came down on innocent people, simply on the basis of suspicion, ensured violent retribution.

In any case, as I pointed out in my last post, this is tangential to the point I have been making of Indian double speak, arguing 'support for a freedom movement' in the case of supporting rebels in East Pakistan, while whining about terrorism when the same occurs in disputed J&K.
Again, BD rebellion started after and only after the massacre on 25/26th, 1971. For them it was a fight to save their skin. What was the flash point of Kashmir rebellion in 1989? What does 'freedom' encompass in case of Kashmir?
 
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^^^
Ok..How does this prove the point Agno is trying to prove??
He has indeed proved his point decisively, leaves little room to wonder
I think the topic was an encounter news which was derailed by a lot of abuses and then an attempt to bring in 1971..
The focus was always on the culprit in question.
Where are we off to now??
We are very much in the killing fields of IOK.
btw shouldnt the discussion on 1971 be moved to an existing BD thread or something...

Depends which angle of the menace you want to discuss.
 
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The problem is that Pakistan has continuously failed in its many attempts to do some permanent damage in India thru use of insurgency/terrorism. Whether it was Naga/Mizo episode, Kashmir in 1965, Punjab in 1980s or Kargil in 1998.

India has gone in only twice 1971 and 1984, both times with spectacular results.

And I find it interesting that Paksitanis use 1971 to justify their role in Kashmir.. They need to remember that in chronology, 1965 comes before 1971
 
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The Indians in India, the diaspora and also the People of Indian origin across the globe believe Balochistan is an occupied territory...

Im balouch and there are other balouchis on this forum why not ask them?
I think such dellusional morons should get their brain checked..........such kind of mental diseases are on a rise in india.
Or send em to quetta... we will cure there diseases,.
PAKISTAN ZINDABAD
 
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He has indeed proved his point decisively, leaves little room to wonder

The focus was always on the culprit in question.

We are very much in the killing fields of IOK.

Depends which angle of the menace you want to discuss.

Thats the problem here... A person makes a comment and then rest of the bunch uses those only comments as a proof to conclusively prove the point for which the comments were made.
:rofl:
 
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Fellow Indians Let at least us not muddy up the waters.. Keep Balochistan etc out of it.

Leave it for another thread.

Lets talk about brave pro freedom insurgents being freed from their life. :azn:

We can talk about 1971 too, but that seems a little off topic.
 
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