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Despite the continued employment of various methods of state terrorism on the freedom fighters and the innocent protesters in the occupied Kashmir, Indian armed forces have been demoralised in crushing the war of liberation.

In the Indian-held Kashmir, since 1947, Indian military troops have been using barbaric tactics of extra-judicial killings, burning the houses, torture etc. to suppress the genuine freedom movement of the Kashmiris. Last year, discovery of nearly 1000 graves of the unmarked Muslims in the Indian-held Kashmir showed another evidence of Indian military terrorism. Recently, more such graves have been discovered. Reports suggest that these Muslims were tortured to deaths by the Indian army during custody.

In fact, under the cover of various anti-terrorim laws of the country, Indian armed forces have committed multiple brutal crimes such as encounter killings, illegal custody, torture, forced confession, rape of women, corruption, robbing the houses, kidnappings etc.

The fact of the matter is that when Kashmiri people lost faith in the international community, which persisted in ignoring their liberation and when it became obvious that the Indian occupying forces would not vacate the controlled areas through political means, the peoples had no choice but to resort to armed struggle which was actually intensified in 1989.

In fact, present different war between the Indian occupying forces and the Kashmiri freedom fighters is simply a ‘clash of wills’ between two entities. Military thinkers agree that although the physical force will determine the type and scale of war, yet it is the ‘will to fight’ or ‘moral force’ that determines the outcome of war. Clausewitz puts it this way, “One might say that the physical force seems little more than the wooden hilt, while moral factors are the precious metal, the real weapon”

In his book, “Fighting Power: German and U.S. Army Performance, 1939-1945”, Creveld identifies the elements of moral force, whom he calls “fighting power, the willingness to fight and the readiness, if necessary, to die.” The greater these elements, the less vulnerable an armed force will be to demoralisation. Moral force, then, is the crucial factor in determining the combat power of any belligerent.

The ongoing different war between the Indian state terrorists and the Kashmiri people has proved without any doubt that such elements like ‘will to fight’ and ‘moral force’ have been more noted in the latter who have exerted psychological impact of causing fear, shock, mental depression and stress, resulting in demoralisation of the Indian military and paramilitary troops.

In this regard, numerous cases of suicides among Indian troops—opening fire on their colleagues and several other tense reactions have been reported in respect of Indian forces in the controlled territories of Kashmir.

In the recent past, Lt. Col. Pankaj Jha shot himself with a service revolver, while Maj Sobha Rani, Capt Sunit Kohli, Lt Sushmita Chatterjee and a number of other officers of the Indian army also did the same in one or the other way.

Indian defence analysts and psychologists have indicated various causes of suicides and fratricides, found in the Indian military, stationed in the Jummu and Kashmir. They have attributed these trends to “continuous work under extreme hostile conditions, perpetual threat to life, absence of ideal living conditions, lack of recreational avenues, and of course; the home sickness due to long separation from families.”

While other experts have pointed out that the growing stress in the Indian armed forces is owing to “low morale, bad service conditions, lack of adequate home leave, unattractive pay and a communication gap with superiors.”

Retired Maj Gen Afsar Karim, who has fought three wars, remarks, “The stress may be high among soldiers because of lack of leave.” He further explains, “The army is involved in a tough long running internal security environment. There is lack of rest…soldiers get angry when they are denied leave and their officers themselves take time off. It triggers a reaction, while they are well armed and they take their own lives” or those of their colleagues.

Another Indian military analyst reveals, “then there is the question of what many say is low pay…starting salaries in many jobs in middle-class of India are double that of a new soldier, and for many of them, the army no longer holds out the promise of a good life.”

According to the Indian Col SK Sakhuja, “soldiers kill each other when one of them perceives that they are being harassed by superiors or when they have heated arguments among themselves.”

An Indian parliamentary panel had indicated that the military establishment was not taking reports of suicides and fratricides seriously. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence, in its 31st report on “Stress management in the armed forces”, stated that 635 suicides of soldiers were reported between 2003 and 2007. In addition, 67 fratricidal killings had occurred.

The committee further said that the “alarming trend of suicides and fratricidal killings in the armed forces is attributable to increased stress environment leading to psychological imbalance in the soldiers”.

However, with the rise in the cases of suicide and fratricide in the Indian armed forces parliament was informed in 2009. In this connection, Defence Minister A.K. Antony revealed in a written reply in the Lok Sabha that of these, there were 48 cases of suicide and one of fratricide in the three services—41 suicides were reported from the Indian Army, six from the Indian Air Force, and one from the Indian Navy. He further disclosed that overall, there had been a staggering 495 cases of suicide and 25 cases of fratricide in the armed forces over the past four year. Of these, 154 suicides and 13 fratricides occurred in 2006, 142 suicides and seven fratricides occurred in 2007 and 151 suicides and four fratricides occurred in 2008. Of the total cases, 412 suicides and 24 fratricides were reported from the army, 76 suicides and one fratricide were reported from the air forces and seven suicides were reported from the navy.

Nevertheless, India has also hired the services of counselors, and stationed psychiatrists close to its troops especially in the occupied Kashmir in order to combat stress that has driven many soldiers to kill themselves or fellow soldiers. Director General Medical Sciences Lt. Gen. N.K. Parmar indicated, “Sixty psychiatrists have been trained and are working in close coordination with the troops…if there are any signs of stress, this will immediately be brought to the commanding officer’s notice.”

Nonetheless, various security agencies of India, working in the Indian-held Kashmir have now not only engaged counselors and psychologists to combat stress among troops but have also found cure in meditation, music, exercises and yoga—all used as techniques against stress and mental disorder.

No doubt, in any conflict zone, the cases of mental depression and stress are common phenomena, but in case of the controlled Kashmir, the trend has increased. It is because of this fact that that Indian armed forces have been so demoralised by fighting with the freedom fighters that either they commit suicide or kill their own colleagues and seniors. They completely lack ‘will to fight’ or ‘moral force.’

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations.

?Demoralised? Indian forces in Kashmir
 
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TOI Feed. Dated 28th Feb 2010

KASHMIR’S STONE AGE



The guns have fallen silent in Kashmir; stones have become the weapon of choice for angry young men without jobs or hope


Sameer Arshad in New Delhi & M Saleem Pandit in Srinagar | TNN


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One chilly day in January, Inayat Khan, 16, left his house in Srinagar’s Dalgate locality for a tutorial class. Hours later, he was dead. Khan’s killing, in alleged CRPF firing, triggered angry street protests. For weeks, protesters pelted the police with stones. Two more youths — 17-year-old Waqim Farooq and 16-year-old Zahid Farooq — were killed when the police retaliated.

The violent protests have followed a distinct pattern over the last few years, even as militant violence in the Valley has ebbed to a 20-year low. This is how it happens: an incident sparks stone-pelting followed by police action which leads to injury and sometimes death. Often, the stone-pelting degenerates into a full-blown riot; a police clampdown brings calm but only until the next cycle of action and reaction.

The police maintain that the separatists “orchestrate the stone-throwing protests at a few places to keep the pot boiling’’ because the back of the militant movement is effectively broken. The police claim is backed by casualty figures: civilian deaths plummeted to 74 in 2009, compared to 707 in 2004. That’s when the violence started to dip, following the start of the India-Pakistan peace process.

Jammu & Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah says intelligence agencies have recorded conversations from militant control centres seeking updates on stonepelting. “This could just be out of curiosity. We’ll not be irresponsible to only point fingers at people across the border,’’ he told STOI from Jammu. Omar believes a combination of factors is responsible for the stone-pelting and it would be naïve to say it’s only driven by vested interests. “It’s important to underline that only a few places in the Valley are troubled, while Gulmarg and other places are buzzing with tourists. I can count the troublespots on my fingertips — old town Baramulla, Sopore and a few places in downtown Srinagar.’’ Incidentally, these are separatist-dominated areas where the National Conference has been traditionally weak.

But activists say the problem is not quite that simple. They want the anger to be “contextualized”. The protests, they say, are
a manifestation of the government’s failure to end the security forces’ impunity for abuse of civilians. “These boys have grown up fearing the uniform and now express their hate by stoning,’’ says Meenakshi Ganguly, senior South Asia researcher for Human Rights Watch. “They’ve grown up witnessing violence and are the product of widespread abuse and oppression,’’ she says. “Accountability would ensure that vested interests would no longer be able to incite violence.’’

The word on the street is an unequivocal ‘yes’. Riyaz Ahmed Khan, a 16-year-old from Rajouri Kadal neighbourhood, often joins the stone-pelters. He admits the constant presence of securitymen is an irritant. Riyaz Bhat, 16, says he has no ambition but to “fight for my motherland (Kashmir)”. Bhat lives in a congested lower middle class locality and his father, a coppersmith, can barely make ends meet. The story of yet another 16-year-old, Firoz Ahmed Khan of Maisuma in old Srinagar, is no different. This is often described as the ‘ground zero’ of the stone-throwing protests. Khan lives with his family in a small house shared with three other families. His father, Zahoor Khan, sells second-hand clothes on a Srinagar pavement. Rather than lofty aspirations for the “motherland”, the teenager admits he pelts stones at the police to vent his frustration. “We’re allowed to put up our stall only after paying hafta to the cops,’’ he says. “Even after that, they take away part of our earnings.’’ His mother, Mymoona, worries about her son’s safety. “I try to stop him. But he’s innocent and gets carried away,’’ she says. “My son was locked up several times but he refuses to give up.’’

In an interaction with this paper last year, Omar admitted the security forces’ mindset needed to be altered. “The cops (who were) comfortable with the lathi have retired over the last 20 years. Now, we have police personnel trained in a counter-insurgency mindset. We need to switch back to a law and order mindset,’’ he said. “You can’t deal with stone-pelters with live ammunition.’’

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Analysts say the relative calm in the Valley hasn’t translated into a tangible political resolution. Nor has there been any progress on the revocation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, an election promise made by both the PDP and NC. This fuels the anger. Add to this the feeling among many Kashmiri youths that there’s no future for them. “From here, it’s a small step to the depression that has become so common,’’ notes Briton Justine Hardy, who runs a mental health clinic in Srinagar (see accompanying essay). She says the state continues to produce many graduates and quality education is available. “Yet there are no jobs for the vast majority, which leads to boredom; in a generation conditioned by violence, this can make the young fodder for radicalization.’’

New Delhi’s largesse in terms of addressing economic isolation has meant little, thanks to pandemic corruption. J&K is ranked the second-most corrupt state in India. Even though it gets more money than most other states, little actually gets to the end-user.

Experts also underline the need to bridge the gap between the government and its people. “The government needs to strengthen its base at the grassroots level and ensure the developmental programmes reach the common people,’’ says columnist Javid Iqbal.

The death of an 11-day-old baby, after stone-pelters clashed with his parents in Baramulla, has led to a backlash against stone-pelting, with even the hawkish Syed Ali Shah Geelani condemning it. The separatist leader, who has often described the stone-pelters as “resistance forces”, said, “We will take a stronger line against the youth; no civilized society would allow it.’’ The influential local daily Rising Kashmir questioned the separatists’ silence and called for outright condemnation of the stonepelting. “(The) community elders (should) admonish the youth who are part of such frenzied mobs who show no respect to civilian lives and treat them as if they’re combatants,’’ the newspaper editorialized. It said the stonepelters had even attacked ambulances.

A local resident, Inayat Ahmed, says most people want to get on with their lives. “Offering a better future is the only way to ensure that youngsters aren’t radicalized.’’

Omar admits there is much to be done. “The government is trying to address issues (such as employment). (But) it’s all linked to the security environment. It becomes a chicken-and-egg story: Do I first get investments into the state or hope to get the situation better?’’
 
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TOI Feed 28th Feb, 2010.

Children of a violent past see no future



Justine Hardy



“We will stop throwing stones when there are no more stones to throw.”
This was how a young man put it to me last week at a psychiatric OPD clinic in Srinagar. He lives in Rainawari. He had joined in the stone-pelting after the recent death of Wamiq Farooq, a boy from his neighbourhood, killed by a teargas canister.

I asked him if he could imagine a situation where there would be no reason to throw stones. “There will always be a reason,” he said.

This young man is 22. He has no memory of Kashmir before the violence. He has been conditioned by a frightened society, and speaks on behalf of a whole section of young Kashmiris, who believe that they have no choices, and so have been pushed to express themselves this way.

“I think it is an act of courage, don’t you?” another young man said to me a little later. “We are throwing stones, even though we know the risks to our lives. Whether we are throwing stones or picking up the gun, the security forces don’t see the difference. They will shoot anyway.”

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I asked whether he felt that the young men pelting stones over the last few days were truly aware of the risks. At the time an ‘unofficial’ curfew was still in place in the aftermath of Wamiq Farooq’s death. His was the fifth civilian death in a month, and more were to come. People were not able to move around easily, the streets were empty. The young man said they were aware of the risks.

That is how he sees it.

As an outsider who spends extended periods of time in Kashmir I see it from another point of view. People are usually driven to collective acts of violence for one of two psychological reasons. The first is anger, the second is the sense that there is nothing to lose. In the case of Kashmir, the first is self-explanatory. The second takes us into the pathology of the minds of many young Kashmiris: you are young; you are educated; the inherent optimism of youth has been damped down at each step in your life; recent apparent economic improvements are being threatened by renewed violence; the possibility of a career is almost non-existent; finding the means to provide for a family in the future seems impossible. In short, almost all of the norms that allow young people to transition into the adult world are unavailable.

One of the most damaging feelings is that there is no future. Without a shape to the future, without hope, the human condition usually follows one of two courses: it descends into despair, or it is consumed with a level of rage that drives it to take uncalculated and devastating risks.

The young men that I speak to are a mix of these two. They are coming to the Government Hospital of Psychiatric Diseases because they are in despair, manifesting as various forms of depression. Or they are trapped in a cycle of rage, anger, and frustration that can cause psychosis or a full mental breakdown in a fragile mind.

The nature of the young and still forming mind is driven by the need to express itself, and to discover its strengths and limitations. In a violent society this becomes almost impossible. The physical energy of youth is limited by both the cultural mores of a society that is trying to protect itself from violence, and by the harsh parameters imposed on it by curfews, hartals and bandhs. The need to explore what lies ahead seems closed off by the sense that there is no kind of future to be had in Kashmir. The physical anger seeks an outlet or, as another young man said, “it will explode inside me, it will really kill me”. And so, without rational thought, without planning or consideration of the fallout, young men pick up stones and hurl them with the full force of their rage and frustration at whatever it is they see standing between them and their hope of a future.

Justine Hardy founded an NGO that aims to heal the psychological scars of violence on people in the Valley
 
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Yes we Muslims throw stones at the oppressor even if the oppressor has modern weaponry:




 
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Rising Kashmir, Daily Newspaper, Srinagar Jammu and Kashmir - Baby death at B’la

Sagar says 4 youth booked for murder
PDP seeks details on motive, background of accused

Abid Bashir
Jammu, March 1:
The law and parliamentary affairs minister Ali Mohammad Sagar Monday informed Legislative Assembly that four youth allegedly involved in the death of 11-year-old baby at Chakra in Baramulla district on February 22 have been arrested and booked under murder charges.


“Government had announced that culprits involved in the death of 11-day-old baby will be arrested. I am glad to announce that four persons involved in the incident have been arrested and booked under section 302 RPC,” Sagar said.

Stating that the arrested persons hail from different areas of Baramulla, he identified them as Tanveer Ahmad, Bilal Ahmad, Akhtar Hussain and Muhammad Ramzan.

“Tanveer had dragged infant’s mother out of ambulance, which had caused baby’s death,” Sagar said.

He said 15 witnesses identified the culprits before their arrest.

The minister said police have also seized two sumo vehicles in which the accused were traveling on February 22, when the incident took place.

Sagar’s statement did not satisfy the opposition PDP. “We are not satisfied by the government statement. We want to know what was the motive of these youth? Why did they stop the vehicle? We also want to know the background of these youth,” said senior PDP leader and MLA Bandipore, Nizamudin Bhat.

Countering Bhat, the Law and parliamentary affairs minister said people of entire Baramulla district know the background of the arrested youth. “Police has presented a challan against the accused under Section 302 RPC,” he said.

However, the PDP legislators including party President Mahbooba Mufti demanded that background of the arrested youth be made public.

Speaker intervened and said, “The Minister has given his statement and there is no scope for debate.”

The 11-day old Irfan died on February 22 when the protestors stopped a vehicle near Chakla area in Baramulla district and pelted stones on it. Irfan’s parents argued with the youth and a scuffle took place. During the scuffle, Irfan fell down from the lap of his mother and was injured. The infant later succumbed to injuries in the hospital.
 
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انّا للہ و انّا الیہ راجعون
 
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Mindless violence does not lead anywhere, shame on people who pelt stone at others for no reason.
 
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50 stone throwers arrested!!!

I'm sure they'll reconsider their actions after spending sometime with the INA.;)
 
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Believe me guys Tensions in Kashmir is lowest and i am sure it will return to normalcy.
We will win hearts of Kashmir Muslims
 
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Tuesdy, 02 March 2010
Rabi-ul-Awwal 15, 1431

Unprovoked Indian Firing Injures two Kashmiri Children​
ISLAMABAD: Two children were wounded in “unprovoked firing” by Indian forces across the de facto border dividing the disputed Kashmir region, Pakistani officials said on Tuesday.

An Indian army spokesman said soldiers had retaliated after Pakistani troops opened fire.

Pakistan said the shooting, in the Battal sector of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, known as Azad Kashmir, took place on Monday night, just days after the nuclear-armed neighbours held their first official talks in more than year.

“An innocent boy and a girl were seriously injured due to unprovoked firing by Indian troops across the Line of Control,” a military official said, referring to the line dividing the Pakistani and Indian portions of the Himalayan region.

“Pakistani troops responded effectively,” he said without giving details.

Indian army spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Biplab Nath said Pakistani troops also fired several rocket-propelled grenades.

“We retaliated after 30 minutes, aiming only on Pakistani military posts,” Nath said. Both sides routinely blame the other for provoking fire in such incidents.

There has been a spate of clashes in the past few months along the Line of Control and on the border to the south but they are not expected to spark a broader conflict.

Pakistan and India have fought two of their three wars over Muslim-majority Kashmir, which is divided between the South Asian neighbours who both claim it in full.

India accuses Pakistan of backing separatist militants fighting its forces in its part of Kashmir. Pakistan says it only offers Kashmiri separatists political backing.

Top diplomats from the two countries met in New Delhi last week in their first officials talks since the Mumbai attack.

They agreed to “keep in touch” but India declined to resume a broad series of talks on outstanding disputes known as the composite dialogue.

DAWN.COM | Pakistan | Unprovoked Indian firing injures two Kashmiri children
 
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By Syed Shoaib Hasan
BBC News, Islamabad

Pro-Pakistan Kashmiri militants
India accuses Pakistan of fomenting militancy in Kashmir

Pakistan has long been accused of supporting militant groups operating in Kashmir.

As a fledgling peace process between India and Pakistan developed in the years since the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US, it was widely believed that Islamabad's support for militancy had declined.

This has changed once again. Since 2009 militant activity has been on the increase in the Kashmir region.

After the deadly Mumbai (Bombay) attacks of 2008 India called off peace talks. Dialogue resumed in February 2010 but the issue of militancy allegedly supported by Pakistan remains high on India's agenda.

Pakistan's government denies any knowledge of Kashmir militant groups increasing their activities.

First rebellions

Initially militant groups in Kashmir appeared to be operating on their own - but there is evidence to suggest that they are once again under the protection of Pakistan's intelligence establishment.

Training camps are once again being set up on the Pakistani-controlled side of Kashmir.


WHO ARE THE MILITANTS?
Hizbul Mujahideen
Lashkar-e-Taiba
Harkatul Mujahideen
Jaish-e-Mohammad

Banned Pakistani groups 'expand'

Recruitment is also up in Pakistan's Punjab province, which has provided most of the shaheeds or "martyrs" for the militants.

In fact, so emboldened have the militants become, that one militant alliance, the United Jihad Council (UJC), held a public meeting for militants in Muzaffarabad in mid-January 2010.

The meeting was chaired by, among others, former ISI chief Lt Gen Hamid Gul.

It called for a reinvigorated jihad (holy war) until Kashmir was free of "Indian occupation".

This call has a long history across the disputed territory of Kashmir.

What started as essentially an indigenous popular uprising against Indian rule has undergone many changes.

The insurgency began in the 1980s as a peaceful rebellion but soon became an armed uprising. The first armed rebel group was the indigenous Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) but Islamic militant groups proliferated rapidly.

These groups were part of the legacy of the Soviet Afghan war which had recently ended and spawned "holy warriors", fired with religious zeal, who sought to carry jihad across the world.

Until the cataclysmic events of 11 September 2001, these groups effectively ran the insurgency.

Based in Pakistani-administered Kashmir, they found financing and recruited for their activities within Pakistan.

Indian police officials stand behind barbed wire blocking a road during a gunbattle in Srinagar - January 2010
Kashmir is at the heart of decades of hostility between India and Pakistan

In this regard, they are said to have been aided and guided by Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

But this changed after 11 September when the international crackdown on "jihad" finally caught up with the Kashmir militants.

In 2002, Pakistan's then President Pervez Musharraf banned the most violent of the militant groups.

He also ordered a reduction in Pakistan's open support for Kashmir militancy.

This included restructuring the ISI's Kashmir wing and limiting the movement of militants across the border with India.

Even the Indian authorities agreed that infiltration by militants had become minimal - and had almost completely stopped by 2005.

This policy remained in force until 2006-2007, when President Musharraf's career began to unravel.

Attacks in India

Since then, for reasons still not clear, Pakistan's intelligence apparatus has once again allowed militants to restart the Kashmir campaign of militancy.

The essential structure of the Islamic militant groups have remained the same.

While new groups have emerged from time to time, militancy in Kashmir largely centred around three main organisations. These are the Hizbul Mujahideen (HuM), Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Harkatul Mujahideen (HM).

With the late addition of the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JEM), it is these four groups which continue to dominate Kashmir's militant landscape.

Not much is known about collaboration between the various militant groups, but most say they are members of the United Jihad Council (UJC).

The JEM and the LeT have achieved particular notoriety amongst the Indians.

Both are accused of carrying out audacious attacks on the Indian military in Kashmir. They are also accused of involvement in numerous other attacks on Indian territory.

The most famous of these are the attacks on the Indian parliament in Delhi in 2001 and those across Mumbai in November 2008.

The prevailing political sympathies among Kashmir militants is pro-Pakistani - with a heavy emphasis on religion.

However, this may not be entirely true for the separatist political movement represented by the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) - as many of its constituent groups have kept their options open.

The APHC is split between a faction which supports negotiations with the Indian government and a faction which is opposed to such dialogue.

Such ideological differences can also result in friction between the factions of the separatist movement.

Eternal mistrust

Many ask why Pakistan appears to be so intent on reviving the Kashmir "jihad"?

The answer, according to analysts, lies in the eternal mistrust that has plagued the relationship between the neighbours.

Pakistan has cried itself hoarse in recent years about India's involvement in Afghanistan.

Pakistani authorities have repeatedly accused India of using its increasing influence with the US to foment insurgencies along the country's western border.

In particular, it points to India's alleged support of rebels in Balochistan province.

But these words went largely unheeded during the current Afghan war.

Now, the argument goes, elements in Pakistan feel the time is ripe to use Kashmiri jihadis as an additional bargaining chip.

Hawks argue the only way to get a favourable deal with India is to encourage militancy in Kashmir.

That such attacks could in theory lead to a nuclear confrontation between the two sides seems largely overlooked.


BBC News - Why Pakistan is 'boosting Kashmir militants'


Pakistani logic never ceases to amaze me. If a tiny country like Sri Lanka did not bend to terrorists, then how can one expect a country the size of India, a nuclear power, to give into the militants demands?

When will Pakistan learn that violence only begets violence? What will Pakistan do if say the militants shoot up/bomb the CWG in October and kill thousands? One fine day, regardless of the state of the armed forces, India will be forced to take military action that would likely result in a nuclear exchange and probably cripple both countries forever. What then? Pakistan still won't have Kashmir and will be responsible for the deaths of tens of millions.

I really don't understand this idiotic, suicidal mindset, I mean if a country is belligerent enough to cross the LoC, as Pakistan did in '99, despite the nuclear overhang, then how can any Pakistani in his or her right mind point fingers at India and our so called 'hegemonic designs'? What about Pakistan's suicidal tendencies? are there no limits to self righteousness??!

I for one believe that if the insurgency picks up again and innocent civilians are killed then India should reciprocate with some terrorism of its own, to hell with the economy, what good is an economy if the state does nothing to protect its citizens?
 
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