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maybe little bit off topic but still relevant

Painting Activities at PT.PAL with Brp Davao del Sur in the background
TIRTO-antarafoto-melukis-pt-pal-111016-ds-3_ratio-16x9.JPG


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Pelukis melukis aktifitas pembuatan kapal perang di dok Semarang, Divisi Kapal Niaga, PT PAL Indonesia (Persero), Surabaya, Jawa Timur. Kegiatan melukis bersama di PT PAL (Persero) yang diikuti oleh 70 pelukis dari berbagai daerah di Indonesia tersebut bertujuan untuk mengabadikan kegiatan pembuatan kapal perang serta suasananya sekaligus upaya untuk memperkenalkan salah satu industri perkapalan di Indonesia. ANTARA FOTO/Didik Suhartono

source:tirto(dot)id/melukis-pt-pal-bTbx
 
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Obama and Indonesia: Strong Progress But an Uncertain Future

The U.S. has done its part to deepen relations; the ball is now in Indonesia’s court.

By Nithin Coca - October 09, 2016


Few countries were as euphoric about the election of Barack Obama to the presidency of the United States in 2008 as those living in his one-time childhood home, Indonesia. Quickly christened Anak Menteng, referring to the leafy Jakarta neighborhood that was his home, expectations were high that his leadership would herald a new era of relations between the two countries.

Early on, Indonesia was high on the agenda, with the signing of the Comprehensive Partnership and the opening of the first high-tech @America Cultural Center in Jakarta. Then, things changed.

Since his last visit in 2011, Obama has seemingly ignored the country, not returning despite multiple trips to nearby Malaysia and Myanmar, to the disappointment of many Indonesians. Despite this, Obama’s presidency has seen relations between the two countries shift mostly for the better, with the lack of headlines this decade actually a sign of strength.

Hope and (Real) Change

Obama’s inauguration was as close to a 180 degree turnaround as was possible both politically, but also socially. America’s popularity in Indonesia went from near bottom — the legacy of eight years of George W. Bush, and the grouping of Indonesia into the battleground states of the “War on Terror” — to unseen highs, with Obama’s personal connection with Indonesia playing a key role.

“From the Indonesian perspective, the shift from a kind of Christian-crusading, cowboy image, of America under George W Bush, to an America that elected an African-American man whose father was a Muslim and an immigrant was dramatic, and one with which they could better identify,” said Ann Marie Murphy, director, Center for Emerging Powers and Transnational Trends at Seton Hall University.

Bush’s main international legacy, the War in Iraq, also was off-putting to many in Muslim-majority Indonesia. But the other factor many forget was the still-fresh wound over what had happened in Timor-Leste. Many western countries were upset at the inability of the government to hold the military accountable for the human rights crimes that occurred in the aftermath of the independence referendum there, while Indonesia was bitter at the West helping to wrench part of what it considered “sovereign territory” away. In 2008, the United States still had sanctions in place against the Indonesian military, and there was limited cooperation on security issues.

Obama was a chance for a reset, and he had a willing partner to work with. It was noteworthy that the initial olive branch came not from Obama, but his Indonesian counterpart, the globally-minded President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who, within a month of Obama entering the White House, reached about what would eventually turn into the Comprehensive Partnership.

The peak came in 2010, when Obama returned to his one-time childhood home and made headlines by speaking a few lines in the little Bahasa Indonesia he remembered. That same year the United States dropped sanctions connected to the Timor-Leste violence, allowing for greater military cooperation, and the Partnership came into effect.

The Comprehensive Partnership was, like many of Obama’s initiatives in those days, broad and ambitious. It covered several wide-ranging areas, from democracy, civil rights, education, and security, to, importantly, trade and investment. Under this framework, both economic and cultural exchange between the two countries has grown markedly, and the deal was broad, focusing on long term cooperation between what was then, and still is, two of the world’s three largest secular democracies.

The Partnership is still in force today, despite Obama not having returned to Indonesia since 2011, and fewer headline-grabbing news stories regarding the two countries. Things have still progressed, albeit quietly, in a very different world.

“This is something you see in a lot of relationships,” said Gregory Poling, Director of the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative and a fellow with the Southeast Asia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “In the first Obama [term], you got a lot of these big wins. The rest of it is the hard work, but it doesn’t mean that the relationship didn’t continue to evolve.”

Second Term Blues

This reflects the Obama presidency more broadly: ambition and action the first two years, with a unified Democratic Congress and residual hope due to the dramatic shift away from the policies of his predecessor. But 2011 brought with it a new, Republican-controlled Congress, creating domestic turmoil. Then came the Arab Spring, shifting Obama’s attention away from Asia, and, in particular, Indonesia.

Sometimes a lack of attention can be a good thing. America’s focus since 2011 has been on countries such as Libya, Syria, or nearby Myanmar and its delicate democratic transition. It was easy to ignore Indonesia when the U.S. plate was so full, especially when so much progress with Jakarta had been made in such a short time.

“Indonesia is not an ally, it doesn’t have major problems – which is a good – and it is a solid relationship at the time when there are so many problems elsewhere,” said Murphy.

It is a testament to how much the country has changed since the 1997-98 financial crisis. While not without its challenges, Indonesia is, all things considered, a stable democracy with relatively competent leadership, and has far less conflict than in the previous decade. The growing relationship with the United States is a testament to the country’s progress, and it is only when taking a wide-lens perspective that the change becomes evident.

“The relationship is undoubtedly better – on every metric,” said Poling, mentioning security, trade, investment, and, importantly, soft power, including growing numbers of Indonesians studying in the United States, as important markers of progress.

What’s Next?

None of this means that things can’t improve more. But the United States, under Obama, has done its part. According to Murphy, the ball is now in Indonesia’s court.

“[There is] much more potential to expand – there has to be changes in regulatory and investment environment in Indonesia – no [American] president can really make much of a dent there.”

That means Indonesia’s Obama – the young, outsider president elected to replace Yudhoyono, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Therein lies the problem. Jokowi’s administration has seen a marked shift towards domestic issues and nationalist-oriented policies, a big contrast from Yudhoyono.

“[Obama] was pushing an open door… This has certainly swung farther the other way with Jokowi, who doesn’t seem as interested in international relations,” said Poling.

This has not yet negatively impacted the U.S.-Indonesia relationship, though it may have slowed investment. But it means the status quo may continue until there is a change in Indonesia, or in America, which faces its own stark choice in the coming weeks on who will replace Obama.

If there is one thing to be disappointed by in Obama’s presidency, it is that while the perception of America changed dramatically in Indonesia, the converse is not true. As much as one could have hoped that Obama’s family connection to Indonesia would bring attention to the large, diverse, and democratic archipelagic nation in the United States, it didn’t.

The few stories that did break – such as a false tale that Obama attended a “radical Islamic” madrassah, few of which existed in 1960’s moderate, tolerant Indonesia — misinformed more than they brought Indonesia to light among Americans.

“Indonesia is the largest, most important country Americans know nothing about,” said Murphy, “and I don’t think that’s seen a huge change.”

Some things are easier to change than others. As Obama leaves office, it will be up to Jokowi – who has three years left in his first term – and whoever enters the White House in January, to build on the immense progress of the past eight years.

http://thediplomat.com/2016/10/obama-and-indonesia-strong-progress-but-an-uncertain-future/

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Indonesia seeks stronger anti-terror law against Daesh

Law enforcers say around 500 Indonesian ‘Daesh sympathizers’ traveled to Syria, where dozens died while others returned.

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By Ainur Rohmah - October 11 2016


Law enforcers have reiterated their call for Indonesia’s anti-terror laws to be strengthened, warning of the threat posed by nationals who joined Daesh in Syria.

The chief of the National Counter Terrorism Agency said Tuesday that around 500 Indonesians had traveled to Syria, and expressed concern that upon returning they could cause “trouble” over the next six years.

"Indonesia could be like Syria without a proper terrorism law," Suhardi Alius was quoted as saying by metrotvnews.com.

The government and parliament of Indonesia have been debating proposed amendments to the country’s anti-terror laws, which have been criticized for deemed weaknesses in detaining and prosecuting suspects.

The changes -- which are currently awaiting parliamentary approval -- are expected to strengthen the Special Forces counter-terrorism squad's authority in the process of arrest, detention and de-radicalization.

They were proposed following Jan. 14 attacks in Jakarta that left eight people dead -- four of them Daesh-affiliated assailants.

The deputy chief of the national police's Intelligence and Security Agency revealed Tuesday that police data showed that around 1,242 Indonesian citizens have become “Daesh sympathizers”.

Of them, 384 are reportedly still in Syria, while 54 died there and 47 have returned. Indonesian authorities captured another 75 nationals accused of planning to travel to the war-torn country.

Insp. Gen. Lutfi Lubihanto also called for amendments to anti-terror legislation, stressing that the spread of radicalism “has evolved through social media and targeting young people”.

"Efforts to enforce the law against them [Daesh sympathizers] is still constrained by weak regulation so that prevention cannot be done optimally," he was quoted as saying by detik.com.

"There were 1,242 ISIS sympathizers recorded,” he added, using an alternative acronym for the terror group. “We classify them into core groups and sympathizers."

Indonesia has been on alert against extremist activities over the past year, further heightening security measures after the January attacks in the capital.

While the country has been under pressure to toughen anti-terrorism legislation and supervision of “radicalized” inmates, it has also drawn criticism from rights groups for not sufficiently protecting the rights of suspects.

In a statement released in March, human rights watchdog International Commission of Jurists raised concerns about amendments to Indonesia's anti-terror laws, saying they would "authorize unnecessarily prolonged detention of suspects, putting them at risk of torture, ill-treatment, enforced disappearance, and arbitrary detention".

http://aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/indonesia-seeks-stronger-anti-terror-law-against-daesh/662781

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Indonesia to deploy 850 peacekeeping troops to Lebanon

October 11 2016

Indonesia is set to deploy 850 peacekeeping soldiers to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in December, a minister has said.

"Indonesia's participation in the UNIFIL is part of efforts to support peace and stability in the Middle East, particularly in Lebanon," Foreign Minister Retno LP Marsudi said in a statement on Monday.

In show of support, the minister visited the pre-deployment training of the Mekanis Battalion task force military Konga XXIII-K UNFIL at the Indonesian Military (TNI) Peacekeeper's Mission Force Center in Sentul, West Java, on Monday.

The training is a routine prerequisite prior to their deployment, Retno said, as the troops prepare for departure to Lebanon in December. The team of 850 personnel consisted of 18 women, she noted.

"Participation of women peacekeepers at the front line provides an added value in Indonesia's contribution to world peace, as it projects the values of Indonesian women's empowerment," Retno said.

In her remarks to the troops, she stressed the importance of maintaining respectable behavior, to avoid acts of sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as upholding UN and Indonesian values.

Indonesia is the biggest contributor to UNIFIL with a total of 1,296 personnel among the 40 participating countries, she added.

Indonesia is committed to deploying 4,000 peacekeepers by 2019 with the region currently 10th as the largest contributors to the peacekeeping forces among the 124 contributing countries. (bbn)

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/...eploy-850-peacekeeping-troops-to-lebanon.html
 
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Brazil seeking exports sales for ALAC anti-armour weapon
Victor Barreira, Brasília - IHS Jane's Defence Weekly
11 October 2016


Brazil's privately run GESPI Defense Systems is in negotiations with several foreign countries to sell its 84 mm ALAC (Arma Leve Anti-Carro) man-portable shoulder-launched medium-range light anti-armour weapon system it developed in co-operation with the Brazilian Army's Technological Center (CTEx), a company spokesperson toldIHS Jane's.

GESPI Defense Systems is in advanced negotiations with Mexico, which has requested 1,200 of the one-shot anti-armour weapon, and with Iraq, which is considering 2,000. Azerbaijan requested an initial tranche of 50 and is considering in-country manufacturing of additional units. Preliminary discussions are being held with states such as with Indonesia and Portugal for possible sales.


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another disposable anti-tank weapon? we just bought NLAW and javelin
i wonder why TNI doesn't seem to interested in reloadable-man-portable-recoilless-rifle?
carl gustav 84mm or RPG-7 will give boost to firepower in squad level..and they are relatively cheap..
 
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INSIGHT: How do we engage a hegemonic China?
Evan A. Laksmana

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A show of air power – Pilots of the Air Force’s Sukhoi SU-30MK2 aircraft walk on a runway after they attended a rehearsal of the 2016 Angkasa Yudha airborne training module at Hang Nadim Airport in Batam, Riau Islands, on Oct. 3.(Antara/MN Kanwa)


Despite the hype surrounding Indonesia’s campaign for a non-permanent seat at the UN Security Council, dealing with China, a country that is no longer rising and is instead behaving like a regional hegemon, remains the country’s toughest foreign policy test.

Gone are the days when buzzwords like “peaceful rise” and “charm offensive” dominate China’s engagement with Southeast Asia. Even phrases like “win-win cooperation” ring hollow, as we have recently seen with how Beijing’s media mouthpieces bullied Singapore over the region’s legitimate concerns in the South China Sea.

It is also becoming harder to ignore China’s deliberate wedge-driving that fractured ASEAN unity and consequently undermined its centrality. Further more, while some US actions can be counterproductive in the South China Sea (e.g. freedom of navigation operations), China’s flouting of UNCLOS processes, including the July 12 arbitral tribunal ruling, has damaging long-term repercussions for the region’s fledgling regional architecture.

More importantly, China’s encroachment on Indonesia’s sovereign rights around the Natunas can no longer be swept under the rug as “isolated incidents”. As long as Beijing continues to claim “historic fishing rights” in parts of our waters — as its official maps continue to present — Indonesia’s maritime space remains insecure.

And yet, even with its maritime interests compromised as the region undergoes strategic flux, Indonesia seems unable or unwilling to step up to the plate.

On the South China Sea, for example, observers believe that Indonesia has indeed taken a position: to seek strategic autonomy while maintaining an “honest broker non-claimant” role. The biggest flaw with this “hedging” strategy? It is basically a cop-out — it is devoid of leadership and does nothing to change Beijing’s calculus or the shifting facts on the ground, so to speak.

In the meantime, Indonesia’s strategic capital is withering away.

Lest we forget, in international politics, perception is more important than reality, and President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s Indonesia has been perceived to be shrinking from its leadership role, caring only about a narrow domestic development agenda and even willing to sacrifice ASEAN at the altar of better relations with China.

One way to overturn these perceptions is to craft and publicly execute a China policy based on three principles: coherence, balance and independence.

A coherent position requires Jakarta to get its foreign policy-making house in order even as it invites new stakeholders, such as the ministries of defense and fisheries, the Navy and the coast guard (for the Natunas and the South China Sea).

An ideal solution would be to create an executive National Security Council (NSC). This isn’t the “council of principals” (consisting of the military and police chiefs with the ministers of defense and foreign affairs, for example) envisioned by the now-defunct national security bill. Instead, an executive NSC should be under the President’s office and act as a centralized information center and policy advice hub the President can call on.

In short, dealing with Beijing requires a collective effort coordinated by a single hub. China is too important a foreign policy test to be left to the sole purview of diplomats.

A balanced great power management, meanwhile, entails that we don’t fully side with one power at the expense of another, while ensuring that we protect our national interests — a policy of pragmatic equidistance, in short.

This means that Jakarta should continue deepening its comprehensive strategic partnership with Beijing, for example, but on equal terms and not at the expense of other strategic partnerships. This also requires a realization that, economically, the narrative that Indonesia needs China more than the other way around is flawed.

In a recent 2016 study, Indonesia-China Economic Relations in the Twenty-First Century: Opportunities and Challenges, Yuki Fukuoka and Kiki Verico show that China has actually benefited more from the expanding trade relations with Indonesia. This is primarily because China enjoys comparative advantage in a broader range of trading products (77 percent, most notably in manufactured products) than Indonesia.

Consequently, as the study argues, Indonesia’s biggest export to China has mostly been from the natural resource sector (mining exports reached US$5.82 billion in 2010, 41.4 percent of total exports). So the fear that China would play the “economic coercion” card if Indonesia stands up forcefully — for our sovereign rights in the Natunas, for UNCLOS and for our fellow ASEAN members in the South China Sea — seems unwarranted.

Regionally, a balanced China policy requires Indonesia to take its leadership role more seriously beyond last-minute pushes during ASEAN meetings. If Jakarta believes multilateralism to be the best course of action, then invest in it and take the lead, but if our interests dictate that multilateralism is too cumbersome, then we need a more geopolitically nimble strategy — one that does not rely on the good graces of Washington and Beijing, but instead focuses on other regional partners like India, Australia, or Japan.

Finally, an independent China policy means that our national interests — not the personal interests of some members of the political elite — dictate when and how we should craft an assertive, proactive and balanced foreign policy.

Often the “independent” part of the bebas aktif doctrine is interpreted as being free from external intervention, but as we have seen recently such “interventions” may come through “back doors” in the domestic political arena. Put differently, domestic politics has taken over geopolitics when it comes to Indonesia’s China policy.

Of course, independence also depends on shedding bureaucratic group-thinks and abandoning rhetorical positions that give us short-term flexibility but long-term stagnation (e.g. the “non-claimant” position). But overall, combining the improvement of domestic maritime governance and foreign policymaking with flexible diplomatic positions should put us in the best position to be independent in crafting our China policy.
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The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2016/10/12/insight-how-do-we-engage-a-hegemonic-china.html
 
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No ill intention here, just sharing...

We sometimes get upset whenever we heard the "world Class Navy" jargon uttered by Indonesian military officials. But here we found something really absurd.

I mean, come on....
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No ill intention here, just sharing...

We sometimes get upset whenever we heard the "world Class Navy" jargon uttered by Indonesian military officials. But here we found something really absurd.

I mean, come on....
14670621_1296867153670884_422414493945557910_n.jpg
7932173c73cb32eb563cf575085b89023afe15fcd558ea21e6cecfee5f9023b9.jpg

canned MRE is first introduced during american civil war
so, basically they are lags 200 years behind
well, better late than never :laugh:
 
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English interpretation follows below.

Saya harap TNI, POLRI, dan lembaga pemerintah lain nggak getol pake bhs inggris. Kalo banyak ngurusin orang asing bolehlah pake bhs inggris seperti "Tourist Police" atau "Border Check Point".

NKRI tidak hanya sebatas letak dan perbatasan geografis. Rendang, batik, reog, Bahasa Indonesia, dll adalah bagian dari NKRI yang harus kita pertahankan. Saya apresiasi Badan Search and Rescue Nasional berubah nama menjadi Badan Nasional Pencarian dan Penyelamatan.

Diluar itu, saya bangga dengan Skadron 51. Looking forward for more drones for Skadron 51.

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I was just commenting on translating foreign terms into Indonesian language for government use particularly the police and armed forces.
 
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Coordinated Patrol and India-Indonesia Bilateral Maritime Exercise Commence at Belawan, Indonesia

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In a demonstration of India's commitment to its ties with Indonesia and to the maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region, Indian Naval Ship Karmuk, an indigenously built missile corvette, based under the Andaman and Nicobar Command, alongwith a Dornier Maritime Patrol Aircraft, is participating in the 28th India-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol and Second Bilateral Maritime Exercise, scheduled from 10-27 Oct 16 in the Andaman Sea.

Defence relations between India and Indonesia have been growing steadily with regular joint activities and interactions between the Armed Forces of the two countries. The two navies have been carrying out Coordinated Patrols (CORPAT) on respective sides of the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) twice a year since 2002, with the aim of keeping this vital part of the Indian Ocean Region safe and secure for commercial shipping, International trade and legitimate marine activities. The CORPAT has strengthened understanding and interoperability between the two navies and promoted net maritime security in the region.

The bilateral cooperation has increased significantly with the scheduling of the Second Bilateral Maritime Exercise alongwith the 28th edition of the CORPAT. The Opening Ceremony at Belawan, Indonesia from 10-13 Oct 16 is being attended by Commodore Girish Kumar Garg, the Naval Component Commander of the Tri Service Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC) based at Port Blair. The Bilateral Maritime Exercise and the CORPAT would see participation by one warship and one Maritime Patrol Aircraft from each Navy.

These interactions would also provide opportunities for extensive operational and training engagements, and contribute substantively to the maintenance of good order at sea. The Exercise seeks to strengthen the existing bonds of friendship between India and Indonesia, and underscore India's partnership and solidarity with friendly countries of the region. DKS/GY

Danlantamal I buka Patroli Terkoordinasi RI – India "Indindo"ke 28

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Dalam rangka meningkatkan hubungan pertahanan antara India dan Indonesia khususnya dalam bidang Operasi Militer, TNI Angkatan Laut dengan Angkatan Laut India Menggelar Patroli Terkoordinasi (Patkor) Indindo ke 28 yang secara resmi dibuka oleh Komandan Lantamal I Brigjen TNI Mar Widodo Dwi Purwanto didampingi Senior Officer Angkatan Laut India Naval Component Commander, Komando Andaman dan Nicobar, Commodore Girish Kumar Garg di Gedung Yos Sudarso Mako Lantamal I Belawan, Selasa (11/10).
Patkor Indindo ke 28 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Tahun 2002 ini dilaksanakan di sepanjang garis batas maritim Internasional khususunya di wilayah Samudera Hindia dan Selat Malaka untuk menjaga jalur pelayaran internasional agar tetap aman bagi pelayaran komersil dan perdagangan Internasional. Begitu juga dengan latihan-latihan yang nantinya akan dilaksanakan telah diperkuat kerjasama dan inter operabilitad antara kedua Angkatan Laut terutama untuk memformalisasi tindakan untuk menuntut kapal yang terlibat dalam kegiatan ilegal, pencarian dan penyelamatan serta pengendalian pencemaran secara terkoordinasi.
Patroli Terkoordinasi (Patkor) Indonesia-India (Indindo) telah berhasil mengurangi kejahatan di laut perbatasan RI—India. Hal ini disampaikan dalam konferensi pers oleh Komandan Kapal Perang India INS Karmuk, Kumar Garg.
Kegiatan Patroli Terkoordinasi ke - 28 dan Latihan Angkatan bersenjata kedua Negara ini dijadwalkan akan diselenggarakan pada 10-26 Oktober 2016, Upacara Pembukaan dilaksanakan pada 10-13 Oktober di Mako Lantamal I dan Upacara penutupan dijadwalkan akan diadakan di Port Blair India pada tanggal 27 Oktober 2016. Dengan melibatkan 1unsur KRI Wiratno-379, 1Pesawat Udara TNI Angkatan Laut Cassa P-852 serta 1Unsur Kapal perang India INS Karmuk P-64 dan 1 Pesawat Udara Angkatan Laut India IN 228 Dornier.

Hadir dalam Upacara pembukaan Patkor Indindo ke 28 tersebut Wadan Lantamal I Kolonel Laut (P) Nursyawal Embun, Athan India Captain J.S.Dhanoa, Dansatgas Indonesia Kolonel Laut(P) Muhammad Risahdi, Para Asisten Danlantamal I, Komandan KRI Wiratno, Co INS Karmuk dan delegasi dari kedua Negara. (Dispen Lantamal I)

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English interpretation follows below.

Saya harap TNI, POLRI, dan lembaga pemerintah lain nggak getol pake bhs inggris. Kalo banyak ngurusin orang asing bolehlah pake bhs inggris seperti "Tourist Police" atau "Border Check Point".

NKRI tidak hanya sebatas letak dan perbatasan geografis. Rendang, batik, reog, Bahasa Indonesia, dll adalah bagian dari NKRI yang harus kita pertahankan. Saya apresiasi Badan Search and Rescue Nasional berubah nama menjadi Badan Nasional Pencarian dan Penyelamatan.

Diluar itu, saya bangga dengan Skadron 51. Looking forward for more drones for Skadron 51.

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I was just commenting on translating foreign terms into Indonesian language for government use particularly the police and armed forces.

Couldn't agree more.

Not just for organization name and slogan but for public speaking as well. Often government officials including TNI and Polri -usually the higher ranks- are going Good Pagi Selamat Morning style when they speak, mixing english words with Indonesian in their speaking despite the words have (their) equivalent in BI. Make their language sounds neither Bahasa Indonesia nor English.

It seems petty but it shows how much we appreciate our own language. As official of the country, they should set the example.
 
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another disposable anti-tank weapon? we just bought NLAW and javelin
i wonder why TNI doesn't seem to interested in reloadable-man-portable-recoilless-rifle?
carl gustav 84mm or RPG-7 will give boost to firepower in squad level..and they are relatively cheap..
I think recoilless rifle is expensive and have less penertration compared to lastest RPG munition
And RPG have different ammo like anti tank, anti personnel and thermobaric
And nlaw and javelin are guided
We have RPG 7 in marine, and army used c90 from spain
 
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